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BX  5A55    .B6   1842  v.l 
Bramhall,   John,  1594-1663. 
The  works  of  the  Most 
Reverend  Father  in  God, 


v.l 


Digitized  by 

the  Internet  Archive 

in  2015 

https://archive.org/details/worksofmostrever01bram 


1 


THE  WORKS 

OF 

ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL. 


THE 

WORKS 

OF  THE 

MOST  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD, 

JOHN    BRAMHALL,  D.D. 

SOMETIME  LORD  ARCHBISHOP  OF  ARMAGH, 
PRIMATE  AND   METROPOLITAN   OF  ALL  IRELAND. 


WITH 

A  LIFE  OF  THE  AUTHOR, 

AND    A    COLLECTION    OF    HIS  LETTERS. 


VOL.  I. 


OXFORD : 

JOHN  HENRY  PARKER. 

MDCCCXLH. 


OXFORD  : 
PRINTED  BY  I.  SHRIMPTON. 


The  Works  of  Archbisliop  Bramhall  were  collected,  and 
published  at  DubUn  in  a  large  folio  volumej  in  1674-7,  a  few 
years  after  the  author's  death.  In  republishing  them,  the 
order,  in  which  they  were  then  arranged,  will  be  strictly 
followed.  They  were  di^dded  in  that  arrangement,  piincipally 
according  to  the  subjects  treated,  into  fom-  Parts.  Of  the 
first  of  these,  containing  the  Discourses  against  the  Roman- 
ists, the  present  volume  comprises  the  first  two  Discourses, 
^dz.,  the  "  Answer  to  La  Milletiere,"  and  the  "  Just  Vin- 
dication of  the  Church  of  England  from  the  Unjust  Asper- 
sion of  Criminal  Schism."  The  paging  of  the  same  edition 
is  retained  in  the  present  upon  the  inner  margin  of  the  page. 

Of  the  two  Discoui'ses  now  published,  the  text  of  the  first 
has  been  corrected  by  that  of  the  earlier  editions  of  the  work 
in  1653  and  1654.  Neither  of  these,  unfortunateh^,  was 
printed  under  the  author's  own  superintendence ;  the  former 
having  been  taken  from  a  copy  of  his  MS.  procured  surrepti- 
tiously, and  the  latter  being  merely  a  reprint  by  the  same 
parties,  with  one  and  one  only  correction  by  the  author 
himself  ^.  They  are,  however,  the  only  editions,  to  which  any 
weight  can  be  attached ;  since  no  steps  were  taken  by  Bram- 
hall himself,  beyond  a  general  acknowledgment  and  this  one 
correction,  towards  publishing  an  accurate  copy  of  his  tract ; 
nor  did  the  Dublin  editor  make  use  of  any  new  materials 
(if  any  were  mthin  his  reach),  but  contented  himself  Avith 
reprinting  the  former  of  the  eariy  editions,  uncorrected. 
A  similar  course  has  been  followed  with  the  second  treatise 

«  See  pp.  xxvi.,  45.  1.  32,  276.  note  u. 


PREFACE. 


in  the  volume.  Of  this,  as  of  the  Answer,  there  are  two 
separate  editions,  the  original  one  of  1654  and  another  pub- 
lished in  1661 ;  the  former  printed  in  London  while  the 
author  was  in  Holland,  and  confessedly  full  of  errors ;  the 
latter,  a  mere  reprint  of  this,  corrected  according  to  its 
table  of  eiTata,  by  the  same  publisher.  The  two  however 
(so  far  as  the  Editor  is  aware)  are  the  only  separate  editions 
of  the  work,  certainly  the  only  editions  to  which  any  authority 
belongs;  the  folio  text  being  merely  a  (very  careless)  reprint 
of  the  first  of  them,  uncorrected,  unless  in  obvious  typogi'a- 
phical  mistakes.  In  the  present  volume,  the  edition  of  1654 
has  been  followed,  with  the  correction  of  course  of  its  ac- 
knowledged errors. 

The  references'",  in  both  treatises,  have  been  verified  and 
corrected  to  the  extent  of  the  Editor's  abihty;  and  additional 
references  given  wherever  they  seemed  to  be  required.  In  a 
few  cases  unfortunately,  but  those  it  is  hoped  of  no  material 
consequence,  he  has  failed  in  his  search,  either  for  the  book 
quoted,  or  for  the  quotation  itself.  Such  failure  is  specified  in 
each  case«;  and  in  the  notes,  and  tlu'oughout,  whatever  has 
been  added  is  marked  by  brackets,  unless  in  a  few  trifling 
and  ob\'ious  instances  (e.  g.  the  fuller  writing  of  an  abbre- 

Of  the  bonks,  which  are  frequently  Clarendon,  4to.  Oxf  1816. 

quoted,  and  of  nliich  there  are  various  Jer.  Taylor,  ed.  Heber. 

editions,  the  following  have  been  used,  Field,  Of  the  Church,  Lond.  1628. 

unless  it  is  in  any  case  otherwise  Collier,  Ch.  Hist.,  fol.  Lond.  1708, 
specified.  17  \i. 


Concil.,  ed.  Labb.  et  Cossart.,  Paris.      'lapse  of  a  right  of  patronage  to  a  supe- 


"  This  has  been  overlooked  in  one 
case,  p.  142,  note  a.  And  a  more  serious 
error  has  inadvertently  been  committed 
in  another  note  (p.  180,  note  b),  in  the 
explanation  given  of  the  term  "  devo- 
lution."    The  word  really  means  the 


Platina,  Colon.  Agripp.  1626. 
S.  Clara,  Lugdun.  1635. 
Bellarm.,  Controv.,  Ingoldst.  1571. 


S.  Chrys.,  ed.  Savil. 
S.  Cyprian,  eJ.  Fell. 
TertuUian,  Paris.  16.34. 
Beda,  Op.,  Colon.  1612. 
Biblioth.  Patrum,  Colon.  1618. 


1671. 


rior,  through  neglect  to  present  on  the 
part  of  an  inferior,  patron'  (Du  Maillane, 
Dictionii.  du  Droit  Canonique)  ;  and 
is  di.stingnislied  in  French  law-lan- 
guage from  the  tenn  '  devolut,'  which 
signifies  a  similar  lapse  through  inca- 
pacity in  tlie  presentee  of  an  inferior 
patron. 


Matth.  Paris.,  ed.  Wats.,  Lond.  1610. 


Gerson.,  Op.,  Paris.  1521. 

Antiq.  Brit.  Ecclcs.,  Hanov.  1650. 

Foxe,  Acts  and  Monum.,  Lond.  1684. 


PREFACE. 


viated  name),  where  it  appeared  useless  to  disfigui-e  the  page 
in  order  to  point  them  out. 

The  quotations  in  the  text  of  the  treatises  themselves, 
where  they  are  verbally  exact  or  nearly  so,  are  marked  with 
double  commas ;  where  such  exactness  does  not  exist,  with 
single  commas. 

The  orthography  (\vith  the  exception  of  a  few  words'',  where 
it  seemed  worth  while  to  preserve  a  pecuUar  or  characteristic 
mode  of  spelling)  has  been  throiighout  modernised  (excepting 
of  course  in  the  Letters,  mentioned  below);  as  there  appeared 
to  be  Httle  in  it  in  general  either  to  mark  the  style  of  the 
author  or  to  illustrate  the  history  of  the  language. 

The  running  titles,  placed  in  the  outer  margin  of  the  page, 
have  been  filled  up  where  they  appeared  deficient  (the 
additions  being  of  course  marked  as  such) ;  so  as  to  make 
them,  as  far  as  possible,  a  complete  abstract  of  the  text.  It 
has  seemed  worth  while,  also,  to  follow  the  example  of  a  late 
editor  of  the  Answer  to  La  Milletiere  in  placing  the  titles  in 
question,  with  such  additions  from  the  text  as  were  needfid 
to  adapt  them  for  the  pm'pose,  at  the  head  of  each  treatise, 
as  a  table  of  contents. 

Prefixed  to  the  treatises  themselves  will  be  found,  1,  a  Life 
of  the  Author;  2,  a  Sermon  preached  at  his  funeral  by 
Jeremy  Taylor;  3,  a  Collection  of  his  Letters,  with  a  few 
other  original  documents  relating  to  him ;  and  4,  a  transla- 
tion of  that  part  of  La  Milletiere's  work  (viz.,  the  Dedicatory 
Epistle  at  the  commencement  of  it),  to  which  the  Answer 
is  a  reply. 

1 .  Of  the  Lives  of  BramhaU  already  existing,  two  only  are 
sufficiently  short,  to  render  them  admissible  into  a  volume 
like  the  present;  viz.  those  of  Mr.  Harris  in  his  edition  of 
Sir  James  Ware,  and  of  Mr.  Morant  in  the  Biographia 
Britannica.    The  latter  has  been  preferred^  as  being,  on 


A  Viz.  The  words  extrinsecal,  intrinse- 
cal,  aocessnry,  loth,  stedfast,  which  are 
ahiiost  invariably  spelt  by  Branihal] 
as  here  marked.  lie  uses  also  the  words 
iutcressed,  cHoil,  apostate  (as  a  verb), 


apph'reble,  sub.stract.  In  two  other  eases 
of  a  similar  kind  his  mode  of  spelling 
has  not  been  retained,  viz.,  connivence 
for  eonniv«acc,  and  ini'.vn:ioe,  rncsna- 
gery,  &:c.,  for  m«nage,  m(rnagery,  &c. 


PREFACE. 


tlie  one  hand,  a  more  concise  abstract  of  the  verbose 
and  tedious  Life  prefixed  by  Dr.  Vesey  to  the  folio  edition, 
from  which  both  are  derived,  and,  on  the  other,  as  com- 
prising a  larger  range  of  information  di'awn  fi'om  other 
sources.  It  has  been  taken  from  the  second  edition  of  the 
work,  with  only  so  much  however  of  the  additional  notes 
of  that  edition  as  seemed  to  be  worth  reprinting^.  It  is 
necessary  to  add, — since  the  contrary  is  the  case  in  one  in- 
stance?,— that  it  is  upon  the  whole  a  very  fair  and  adequate 
representation  of  the  original,  fi'om  which  it  is  abridged. 
In  republishing  it,  several  eiTors  have  been  corrected,  and 
considerable  additions  made;  especially  in  the  long  foot 
notes  (Avhich,  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  have  been  here 
thrown  into  an  appendLxi^),  and  most  especially  in  the  ac- 
count of  Bramhall's  Works.  For  some  further  and  valuable 
information  (wliich  will  be  found  in  note  n.  p.  cxiii.)  the 
Editor  begs  to  exjiress  his  thanks  to  Dr.  Todd,  of  Dubhn, 
who  also,  with  very  great  kindness,  rensed  the  greater  part 
of  the  Life  itself. 

2.  It  has  been  thought  worth  while  to  reprint  hkewise  the 
Sermon  preached  at  Bramhall's  funeral  by  Jeremy  Taylor, 
as  (besides  its  own  merits)  containing  a  sketch  of  the  Primate's 
life  and  character,  entirely  independent  of  that  di-awn  by 
Dr.  Yescy.  The  Oration,  pronounced  upon  the  same  occasion 
by  Dr.  Loftus,  would  probably  have  been  preferred,  had  the 
Editor  come  into  earlier  possession  of  it,  as  being  a  ti'act  of 
great  rarit}',  and  more  exclusiA  cly  employed  upon  its  subject, 
whilst  its  information  and  line  of  thought  are,  equally  with 
Bishop  Taylor's,  independent  of  Dr.  Vesey.  The  Sermon 
however  was  in  type  before  the  Oration  Avas  procm'cd.  It  is 
exactly  reprinted  from  the  text  of  Bishop  Heber,  Avith  the 
addition  of  several,  although  far  from  all,  of  the  references 
that  are  wanting  in  his  edition. 

3.  The  Letters  of  Dr.  Bramhall  here  collected  are  sixteen 
in  number,  two  of  Avhich  are  now  for  the  first  time  printed. 

'  •  See  p.  iii.  e  Sec  p.  xx.  text  to  note  s. 

See  pp.  xxxvi — xxxviii.  pp.  xvi — xxxv. 


PREFACE. 


For  one  of  these,  No.  XI.,  the  Editor  is  indebted  to  the 
kindness  of  the  Provost  and  Fellows  of  Queen's  College, 
Oxford^  whose  Library  possesses  the  MS.  of  Bishop  Barlow 
containing  it;  for  the  other,  numbered  XVIII.,  he  returns 
his  thanks  to  Mr.  Upcott,  in  whose  extensive  collection  of 
letters  the  original  is  preserved*.  The  sources  whence  the 
remaining  letters  have  been  taken  will  be  found  stated  in 
the  notes  upon  each. 

Three  other  documents  are  added  to  the  Letters :  viz.,  the 
Will  of  Archbishop  BramhaU,  already  printed  in  the  preface 
to  the  Rawdon  Papers,  whence  it  has  been  copied ;  the  public 
and  solemn  recognition  of  his  services  by  the  Irish  Convoca- 
tion of  1661,  never  before  pubUshed,  for  which  the  Editor 
has  a  second  time  to  thank  Dr.  Todd ;  and  a  Latin  inscription 
to  his  memory  taken  from  the  foUo  edition  of  his  works. 

4.  The  translation  of  the  Epistle  Dedicatory  of  La  Mille- 
tiere's  Victoire  de  la  Verite  originally  appeared  with  Bram- 
hall's  Answer  in  1653 ;  it  was  reprinted  with  considerable 
alterations  in  the  new  edition  of  the  Answer  in  1654,  and 
again  from  that  of  1653  in  the  foho  edition  of  Bramhall's 
Works.  That  in  the  present  volume  has  been  corrected  by 
the  original  French;  and,  although  still  far  from  elegant, 
will  be  found,  it  is  hoped,  at  all  events, — what  it  was  not 
before,  accurate  and  intelhgible.  Marginal  titles  have  also 
been  added :  and  the  error  ^  corrected,  -(vhicli  has  hitherto 
prevailed  in  the  spelling  of  the  author's  name.  It  must  be 
confessed,  however,  that  the  error  in  question  appears  to 
have  originated  with  Bramhall  himself,  and  not  with  the 
self-appointed  editors  of  his  Answer ;  since  it  occurs  both  in 
the  Just  Vindication,  and  wherever  in  his  other  works  he 
has  occasion  to  mention  the  name.  The  present  Editor  has 
ventured  to  correct  it  in  every  case.    For  the  convenience 

'  There  is  a  clause  in  this  letter  clearer."    Tlie  words,  between  whicli 

almost  illegible.    A  dillerent  interpre-  the  question  lies,  are  not  so  unlike  as 

tation  to  the  one  given  in  p.  cxvii.  has  they  may  at  first  sight  appear  to  be ;  nor 

been  kindly  supplied  by  Mr.  Upcott  does  the  context  disagree  with  either, 
as  the  more  probable  of  the  two,  viz.,  See  p.  cxli.  note  b. 

" '.('/»(/s  prove  clearer,"  for  "/enswprove 


PREFACE. 


of  the  printer,  the  Epistle  has  been  quoted  in  the  margin  of 
the  Answer  by  the  marginal,  i.  e.  the  folio,  paging. 

It  remains  to  say  a  few  words  of  the  works  themselves 
repubhshed. 

An  examination  of  the  authorities,  upon  which  the  argu- 
ments of  the  Just  Vindication  are  founded,  has  proved  most 
satisfactorily  the  soundness  of  the  author's  positions.  It  has 
at  the  same  time  brought  to  Hght  the  existence  of  a  few  un- 
important errors  in  minor  points.  In  making  this  acknow- 
ledgment, let  it  in  fairness  be  remembered, — first,  that  for 
most  of  these  errors  the  printer  is  probably  responsible  and 
not  the  author',  the  hand^vriting  of  the  latter  being  far  from 
easily  legible,  whilst  (as  has  been  seen)  he  was  unable  per- 
sonally to  superintend  the  printing  of  his  work;  and  secondly, 
that,  where  the  author  is  himself  responsible,  he  may  still 
reasonably  claim  indulgence  for  what  are  after  all  but  a  very 
few  errors,  in  a  work  written  under  the  hardships  and  imcer- 
tainties  of  poverty  and  exile from  recollections  and  notes 
of  past  reading,  with  but  scanty  present  opportunities  of 
access  to  books,  and  in  an  argument  based  upon  a  very  large 
and  minute  induction.  Nor  is  there  reason  to  do  more  than 
thus  advert  to  the  subject,  since  each  error  has  been  noticed 
as  it  occurs,  whilst  aU  taken  together  do  not  in  the  shghtest 
degree  tend  to  invahdate  even  the  minor  branches  of  the 
argument  of  the  work.  One  or  two  isolated  points  may, 
perhaps,  be  too  strongly  put;  but  the  masterly  and  com- 
prehensive reasoning,  the  terse  and  emphatic  statement, 
•the  well-marked  and  consistent  system,  which  are  the  gi'cat 
merits  of  Bramhall's  Avritings,  rest  untouched  upon  a  broad 
and  firm  foundation. 

There  is  another  and  an  vmpleasant  subject,  referring  more 
particularly  to  the  first  of  the  two  treatises,  which,  though 
it  may  seem  imddious  to  notice  it,  yet  must  not  be  passed 
over  in  silence.    It  is  impossible  to  read  a  sentence  of  Bram- 

'  e.  g.  "four"  for  ''forty,"  in  p.  181.     this  edition.) 
1.  20,  (see  p.  181,  note  g.)  ;  "320"  for        »  See  the  Just  Vindication,  c.  x.  p. 
"500"  in  p.  212.  1.  25,  (corrected  in     276  of  this  volume. 


PREFACE. 


hall's  writings  without  feeling  that  he  is  in  earnest.  He  is 
indeed  so  entirely  bent  upon  his  purpose,  as  to  be  neglectful 
of  every  thing  subordinate  and  supplemental  to  it.  His  lan- 
guage accordingly  is  ahvays  nen'ous  and  intelligible,  but  at 
the  same  time,  is  not  seldom  unpolished,  and  occasionally 
even  inacc\irate.  It  is  but  fair  to  Bramhall  to  prepare  his 
reader  for  occasional  homeHness  of  language :  and  though, 
one  whose  thoughts  are  so  vigorous,  might  well  be  excused, 
if  on  ordinary  topics  his  expressions  should  be  sometimes 
harsh ;  there  are  subjects  where  such  an  excuse  is  hardly 
sufficient.  But  the  fault  may  be  truly  said  to  be,  in  a 
degree,  non  hominis  sed  temporum. 

In  conclusion,  the  Editor  has  to  express  his  regret,  that 
an  accumulation  of  unforeseen  and  unavoidable  occupations 
has  so  long  delayed  the  completion  of  an  engagement,  under- 
taken originally  upon  a  very  hasty  calculation,  and  with  a 
very  insufficient  conception,  of  the  difficulties  of  the  task. 
He  is  sorry  to  be  compelled  to  acknowledge,  that  the  delay 
is  far  from  being  compensated  by  any  corresponding  im- 
provement in  the  volume  itself. 

March,  1842.  A.  W.  H. 


GENERAL  TABLE 


ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL'S  WORKS. 


Part  I. — Containing  the  Discourses  against  the  Romanists. 


Present 
edition. 


Dis- 
course. 


VOL.  L  -! 


VOL.  IL  J 


VOL.  IIL-^ 


\.  The  Answer  to  La  Milletiere,  with 
La  Milletiere's  Letter  prefixed 

2.  A  Just  Vindication  of  the  Church  of 

England  from  the  Unjust  Asper- 
sion of  Criminal  Schism 

3.  A  RepUcation  to  the  Bishop  of 

Chalcedon's  Survey  of  the  Vin- 
dication of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land from  Criminous  Schism 

4.  A  Reply  to  S.  W.'s  Refutation  of 

the  Bishop  of  Berry's  Just  Vin- 
dication of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land       .        .        .        ■  . 

5.  Schism  Guarded  and  Beaten  back 

upon  the  Right  Owners 

6.  The  Consecration  of  Protestant  Bi- 

shops Vindicated,  and  the  Fable  of 
the  Nag's- Head  Ordination  refuted 


First 
Printed. 


Hague,  1653. 


Lond.  1654. 


y    Lond.  1G5G. 


Hague,  1658. 


Hague,  1658. 


Part  H. — Against  the  English  Sbctarii 

A  Fair  Warning  to  take  Heed  of  the 

Scotch  Discipline 
The  Serpent-Salve,  or,  the  Observator's 

Grounds  discussed 
His  Vindication  of  Himself  and  the 

Episcopal  Clergy  from  the  Charge 

of  Popery,  against  Mr.  Baxter 


Hague,  1649. 
1643. 

Lond.  1672. 


GENERAL  TABLE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL's  WORKS. 


Part  III. — Against  Mr.  Hobbks. 
Present        Dis-  First 
edition.       course.  Printed, 
r  i.       A  Defence  of  True  Liberty  from  ante- 
cedent and  extrinsecal  Necessity  .    Lend.  1655. 
VOL.  IV. -X    ii.      Castigations  of  Mr.  Hobbes  his  Ani- 

madversions,  &c.         .        .        .    Lond.  165|. 
t  iii.     The  Catching  of  the  Leviathan    .        .    Lond.  1658. 


Part  IV. — On  Miscellaneous  Subjects. 

A  Treatise  concerning  the  Sabbath  and 

the  Lord's  Day  .        .        .In  foho  edit. 

A  Sermon  on  2  Sam.  x.  12,  before  the 
Marquis  of  Nevi'castle,  being  ready 
to  meet  the  Scotch  Army ;  Jan. 
28,  164f  York,  1643. 

A  Sermon  on  Ps.  cxxvi.  7,  April  23, 
1661,  being  the  day  of  his 
Majesty's  Coronation;  with  two 
Speeches  in  the  House  of  Peers     .    Dubl.  1661. 

A  Sermon  on  Prov.  xxviii.  13,  before 
the  Honourable  House  of  Com- 
mons, at  their  solemn  receiving  the 
Sacrament,  in  St.  Patrick's,  Dublin, 
Jan.  16,  1661     .  .    Dubl.  1661. 

Of  Persons  dying  without  Baptism       .    In  folio  edit. 

An  Answer  to  two  Papers,  of  Protest- 
ants' Ordination,  &c.   .        .        .In  folio  edit, 
i.     An  Answer  to  S.  N.'s  Objections  against 

Protestants'  Ordination        .        .    In  foho  edit. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I. 


Page 

Life  of  Archbishop  Braiaihall    ......  i 

Sermon  preached  at  the  Funeral  of  Archbishop  Bi'amhall, 

by  Bishop  Taylor  xxxix 

Letters  &c.  of  Archbishop  Bramhall  .....  Ixxvii 
Dedicatory  Epistle  of  La  Milletiere's  Victoiy  of  Truth.        .  cxix 


Answer  to  the  Epistle  of  M.  de  La  Milletiere.  Part  i.  Dis- 
course i.   1 

Just  Vindication  of  the  Church  of  England  from  the  Unjust 

Aspersion  of  Criminal  Schism.    Part  i.  Discourse  ii.        .  83 


THE  LETTERS  &c.  OF  DR.  BRAMHALL,  PRINTED  IN  THE 
PRESENT  VOLUME. 


I.  From  Dr.  Bramliall  to  Laud  (then)  Bishop  of 
London.  ..... 

II.  From  the  Bishop  of  Derry  to  Lord  Deputy 
Wentworth  .... 

III.  From  the  same  to  Archbishop  Spottiswood 

IV.  From  the  same  to  Dr.  Coote,  Dean  of  Down 

V.  From  the  same  to  his  wife,  Mrs.  Bramhall 

VI.  From  the  same  to  the  Lord  Primate  (Ussher 

VII.  From  the  same  to  King  Charles  II. 

VIII.  From  the  same  to  his  Son,  under  the  nam 
of  Mr.  John  Pierson 

IX.  From  the  same  to  the  same 

X.  From  the  same  to  the  Archbishop  of  Armagh 
(Ussher)  .... 

XI.  From  the  same  to  Dr.  Bernard 

XII.  From  the  same  to  Mrs.  Bramhall  . 

XIII.  The  Petition  of  the  Clergy  of  Ireland  to 
Charles  II.  . 

XIV.  From  the  Lord  Primate  to  Sir  Edwar 
Nicholas  .... 

XV.  From  the  same  to  King  Charles  II. 

XVI.  The  last  Will  and  Testament  of  Archbishop 
Bramhall  .... 

XVII.  Public  and  Solemn  Recognition  of  Arch 
bishop  Bramhall's  Services  by  the  Irish  Convo 
cation  of  1661 

XVIII.  From  tlie  Bishop  of  Derry  to  Sir  Richard 
Browne  ..... 

XIX.  "tironvrtuduevfia,  in  memory  of  Archbishop 
Bramhall. 


Dubl.  Castle,  Aug.  10.  16.3.3 

Fawne,  .  .  .  May  30.  163o 
Glasslough,  .  Aug.  13.  1637 
(Ireland.)  .  .  Jan.  27.  1639 
March  12.  164'^ 
.  April  26.  1641 


(Dublin.) 
(Ireland) 
Hague,  . 


(Abroad.)  .  .  Feb. 
Antwerpe,  .  .  May 


1654 


(Abroad.)  . 
(The  Hague, 
London,  .  . 

Dublin,  .  . 


July  20.  1654 
.  about  1658) 
July  7.  1660 

Dec.  5.  1660 


Dublin,  .  .  .  July  10.  1661 
(Dublin,  1661) 

Jan.  .5.  166| 

July  3.  1661 
(Abroad.)  .  .  June  .30.  1646 


THE  LIFE 

OF 

THE  MOST  REVEKEND  FATHER  IN  GOD 

JOHN 

LORD  ARCHBISHOP  OF  ARMAGH,  AND  PRIMATE  OF  ALL  IRELAND. 

[TAKEN  FROM  THE  SECOND  EDITIOnJoF  THE  BIOGRAPIIIA  BRITANNICA.] 


1 


LIFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL. 


Bramhall  (John),  Archbisliop  of  Armagh  in  the  seven- 
teenth centux-y,  was  born  at  Pontefract  in  Yorkshire,  about 
the  year  1593%  being  descended  from  "  an  ancient  and  genteel 
family ''[A]."  He  received  his  first  education  in  the  place  of  his 
birth ;  and  when  he  was  qualified  for  the  University,  was  sent 
to  Sidney  College  in  Cambridge,  where  he  was  admitted  Fe- 
bruary the  21st,  1608^  and  put  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Hulet<i[B]. 

[The  principal  authorities  for  Abp.  Bramhall's  Life  are,  1.  the  Life  prefixed  to 
liis  works  by  Bp.Vesey  (see  note  b  below) ;  2.  the  Funeral  Sermon  by  Jer.  Taylor,  re- 
printed in  the  present  volume  ;  3.  the  short  article  in  Sir  James  Ware's  Comment, 
de  Proesul.  Hiberniae  ;  the  additions  in  Harris's  edition  of  Ware  being  taken  almost 
entirely  from  Bp.  Vesey.  There  is  also  a  Funeral  Oration  in  Latin,  published  at 
Dublin  in  1663  by  Dr.  L)udley  Loftus,  and  containing  a  sketch  of  the  Bishop's  life, 
but  which  the  present  Editor  has  been  unable  to  see.  Vesey  and  Taylor  liave  sup- 
plied the  materials  for  most  of  the  later  memoirs  of  Bramhall,  that  for  instance 
in  the  Biographic  Universelle  being  taken  entirely  from  the  former,  and  those  in 
Barksdale's  Remembrancer,  Lloyd's  Loyal  Martyrs,  &c.  entirely  from  the  latter. 
The  article  in  the  Biographia  Britannica,  here  reprinted,  is  for  the  most  part  an 
abridgment,  and  in  the  very  words  of  the  original,  of  Dr.  Vesey' s  Life,  but  witli 
the  infonnation  supplied  by  Sir  James  V/are  and  from  other  sources — Bp.  Taylor 
excepted,  of  whose  sermon  the  writer  does  not  seem  to  have  been  aware,—  inter- 
woven in  the  proper  places.  Some  further  additions  have  been  made  in  the  pre- 
sent reprint,  principally  from  the  Rawdon  Papers  (Letters,  &c.  to  and  from  Abp 
Bramhall,  preserved  in  the  family  of  the  Marquis  of  Hastings,  whose  ancestors 
were  connected  with  the  Archbishop  by  marriage,  and  printed  in  1819  by  the 
Rev.  Edw.  Berwick,  his  Lordship's  Chaplain).  For  the  references  to  Dr.  Todd's 
Life  of  Milton,  to  the  Life  of  Dean  Barwick,  and  to  Grainger's  Biograph.  History, 
the  Editor  is  indebted  to  the  Life  of  Bramhall  in  Chalmers.] 

^  [Dr.  Bramhall  was  'approaching  born  so  early  as  1593,  would  have  been 
to'  70  years  of  age  in  January  1G0|,  of  course,  in  the  last  named  year,  not 
when  he  made  his  will  (see  it  among  less  but  more  tlian  the  required  age. 
his  Letters,  &c.  in  the  present  volume,  See  Mant  as  above  quoted.] 
No.  XV.);  which  would  agree  with  the  •>  [Athanasius  Hibernicus,  or]  The 
year  assigned  for  his  birth  in  the  text :  Life  of  John  Lord  Archbishop  of  Ard- 
yet  on  the  other  hand  itwould  appear  to  magh,  prefixed  to  his  Works,  edit.  1677, 
follow  from  an  expression  used  by  Abp.  fol.,  ^y  John  [Vesey],  Biiihop  of  Lyme- 
Laud(asquotedbyMant,Ch.  of  Ireland,  rick,  p.  2.  It  is  not  paged, 
ch.  iv.  §  4.  pp.  471,  472)  that  the  date  '  From  Dr.  Sherman's  Tabulas  Sid- 
there  given  was  rather  too  early.  For  a  neianse. 

rule  had  been  laid  down  by  Laud  in  1633  <i  Sir  James  Ware's  Works,  edit, 

(mentioned  byhim  in  a  letter  to  Strafford  1739,  under  the  Life  of  our  Primate, 

dated  Oct.  14.  in  that  year,  in  the  Straff  [This  Mr.  Hulet  is  probably  tl.e  same 

Papers),  tliat  no  one  should  thenceforth  with  the  Mr.  Howlett  mentioned  by 

be  consecrated  a  Bishop,  who  should  be  Abp.  Laud  in  a  letter  to  Bp.  Bramhall, 

at  the  time  less  than  forty  years  of  age ;  dated  Aug.  11.  1638  (Rawd.  Papers, 

of  which  rule  he  apologizes  for  his  own  No.  xix),  as  being  then  designed  to 

violation  in  the  case  of  Bramhall  (whom  marry  a  kinswoman  of  the  Archbishop, 

he  had  recommended)  May  14,  1634  Mr.  Hulet  "  was  then  in  Ireland,  where 

(Letter  to  Straftbrd  of  that  date,  in  he  was  well  provided  for  by  his  pupil, 

StrafF.  Papers) :  whereas  Bramhall,  if  according  to  the  account  given  by  Dr. 

b  2 


iv 


LIFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHAT.L. 


He  took  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts  in  the  year  1612,  and 
that  of  Master  in  1G16^  After  taking  the  hitter,  he  quitted 
the  University,  and  entering  into  Holy  Orders,  had  a  living 
given  him  in  the  city  of  York''.  He  was,  likewise,  presented 
to  the  rectory  of  Elvington,  or  Eterington,  in  Yorkshire,  by 
Mr.  Wandesford,  afterwards  Master  of  the  Rolls,  and  some- 
time Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland.  About  the  same  time  he  mar- 
ried a  clergyman's  widow,  of  the  [Halleys]  family,  an  agreeable 
woman,  and  of  a  good  fortune,  with  whom  he  had  a  valuable 
"library,  left  by  her  former  husband;  by  which  he  was  so 
wedded  to  his  studies,  that  all  the  temptations  of  a  new- 
married  life  could  not  divorce  him  from  them,  or  give  any 
intermission  to  his  duty  of  constant  preaching."  This  he 
performed  with  so  much  assiduity,  prudence,  and  gravity, 
that  "  he  became  as  eminent  in  the  Church,  as  before  in  the 
University,  and  greatly  beloved  by  all  degrees  of  men''."  In 
the  year  1623,  he  had  two  public  disputations  at  North- 
Allerton,  with  a  secular  priest  and  a  Jesuit  [C],  which  gained 
him  great  reputation,  and  so  recommended  him  in  particular 
to  the  Archbishop  of  York's'  esteem,  that  he  made  him  his 
chaplain,  and  took  him  into  his  confidence.  During  the  life 
of  the  Archbishop,  he  was  made  prebendary  of  York  [D],  and 
after  of  Ripon  ;  at  which  last  place  he  went  and  resided  after 
the  Archbishop's  death  (which  happened  in  1628  [March, 
162|]),  "and  conducted  most  of  the  concernments  of  that 
church  in  the  quality  of  Sub-Dean."  Here  ['he  shewed  his 
exceeding  great  love  to  his  flock,  in  staying  among  them  in 
the  time  of  a  most  contagious  and  destructive  pestilence; 
visiting  them  in  their  houses,  baptizing  their  children,  and 
doing  all  other  offices  of  his  ministry  ><.'  Here  too]  he  preached 
constantly  for  several  years,  and  became  so  eminent,  not  only 
for  his  abilities  in  the  pulpit,  but  also  for  his  knowledge  in 
the  laws,  that  he  was  frequently  chosen  arbitrator  between 
contending  parties';  and  by  that,  and  his  good  behaviour 

Lloyd  in  his  book  of  Worthies"  (Rawd.  (Rawd.  Papers,  pp.  12,  &c.).  It  is  mis- 
Papers,  ]).  .■")].  note).  See  also  Jer.  spelt  by  the  writer  in  the  Biographia 
Taylor's  J'un.  Serm.]  I5ritannica,  who  misunderstood  Dr.  Ve- 

From  the  Grace-book  of  Sidney-  sey's  expression.] 
College.  t  Life,  pp.  2,  3. 

f  Life,  &c.  as  above.  i  Toby  INIatthews. 

e  [That  this  was  the  real  name  of  the  [Life,  &<•.  p.  I.] 

family  into  which  Dr.  Bramhall  mar-         '  [The  talents  for  business,  for  which 

vied,  appears  from  the  will  of  his  widow  Bramhall  was   conspicuous,  seem  to 


LIFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMUALL. 


V 


in  all  other  respects,  he  obtauied  so  much  honour  and  in- 
terest, that  there  was  scarcely  any  public  transaction  over 
which  he  had  not  a  considerable  influence ;  "  even  in  the 
elections  for  members  of  Parliament,  such  as  he  named  at 
Ripon,  and  other  corporations,  carrying  the  vote  and  favour 
of  the  people,"  He  was  also  appointed  one  of  his  Majesty's 
High  Commissioners;  in  which  office  he  was  "very  curious 
in  the  disquisition  of  all  causes,"  and  by  some  was  accoimted 
severe :  but,  however  rough  his  speech  might  sometimes  be, 
his  dealings  were  generally  smooth  and  gentle  "\  In  the  year 
1623  he  took  the  degree  of  Bachelor,  and  in  1630  that  of 
Doctor,  in  Divinity  "[E.]  Soon  after,  he  was  invited  to  Ireland 
by  the  Lord  Viscount  Wentworth,  Deputy  of  that  kingdom, 
and  Sir  Christopher  Wandesford,  Master  of  the  Rolls :  and 
he  accepted  of  their  invitation  ;  though  he  had  a  prospect  of 
being  promoted  in  his  native  country  [,  "being  in  as  good 
esteem  with  Archbishop  Neil,  then  lately,  in  the  beginning 
of  1632,  removed  from  Winton  to  York,  as  he  had  been  with 
all  his  predecessors,  Matthews,  Mountain,  and  Harsnett""], 
and  was  offered  ["besides  by  some  noblemen" i' ]  to  be  made 
one  of  the  King's  Chaplains  in  Ordinary  i.    Having  therefore 


have  been  constantly  called  into  requi- 
sition by  his  friends.  During  his  resi- 
dence in  Ireland  as  Bp.  of  Derry,  not 
to  mention  his  public  employment  in 
every  Church  commission  and  visita- 
tion, &c.,  we  find  him  also  privately  and 
repeatedly  employed  by  the  Lord  De- 
puty Wentworth  (Ld.  Stratford)  in  his 
own  family  affairs  and  those  of  his 
brother-in-law  and  sister  ( Rawd.  Papers, 
Nos.  V.  vi.  vii.  x.  xi.  xvi.  xxxiii.) :  when 
in  exile,  again,  during  the  Rebellion,  it 
was  to  his  care  that  the  (then)  Marquis 
of  Ormcnd  entrusted  the  management 
of  his  property  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Marchioness,  then  also  abroad  (Rawd. 
Papers,  No.  xxxviii,  letter  from  the  Mar- 
chioness to  Bramhall,- — Bramhall's  let- 
ters in  this  vol.,  No.  VII.)  :  and,  what 
would  be  curious  enough,  if  it  were  not 
painful  to  see  a  Bishop  reduced  to  so 
low  an  employment,  it  was  he,  during 
the  same  period,  who  was  selected  by 
Charles  II.  (as  we  shall  see  below), 
while  the  Dutch  and  English  were  at 
war  in  ]C.5;3,  to  act  as  his  prize-master 
at  Flu.shing.] 

Life,  &c.  pp.  4,  5. 
"  From  the  Grace-book  of  Sidney 


College,  as  above. 

°  [Life,  &c.  p.  7.] 

"  [Life,  &c.  ibid.] 
[The  account  given  by  Bp.  Vesey 
(Life,  &c.  pp.  G,  7.)  of  the  motives  of 
Dr.  Bramhall  in  accepting  Lord  Went- 
worth's  invitation,  is  so  creditable  to 
him,  that  it  woidd  be  injustice  to  his 
memory  to  omit  it.  The  prospects  of 
preferment  above-mentioned  are  there 
spoken  of  as  pressed  upon  Bramhall  by 
his  friends,  while  he  himself,  acknow- 
ledging "  the  great  force  of  what  they 
said,"  declared,  that  "  they  mhrhi  thence 
see  that  he  '  consulted  not  with  flesh 
and  blood and  solemnly  protested  in 
the  presence  of  God,  that  nothing  but  an 
unmingled  zeal  to  serve  God  and  the 
King  in  recovering  the  rights  of  an  op- 
pressed Church,  which  he  xmderstood 
the  Lord  Deputy  had  laid  to  heart, 
could  bias  him  against  the  inclinations 
he  had  to  gratify  so  many  dear  and 
noble  friends ;  upon  which  declaration 
tliey  all  desisted  from  any  further  at- 
tempt, as  giving  him  up  to  th.e  Will  of 
God,  which  they  discerned  overruled 
him  in  this  matter."] 


VI 


i>iFE  or  arciIbishop  buamhall. 


resigned  all  his  Church  preferments  in  England"^,  he  went 
over  into  Ireland  in  the  year  1633  ^ ;  and,  a  little  while  after, 
obtained  the  Archdeaconry  of  Meath,  the  best  in  that  king- 
dom. "  The  first  public  service  he  was  employed  in,  was  a 
regal  visitation,  in  which  he  was  either  one  of  the  King's 
Commissioners  with  Baron  Hilton,  Judge  of  the  Prerogative, 
or  such  a  co-adjutor  that  all  was  governed  by  his  directions." 
In  this  visitation  [,  of  which  he  gives  an  account  to  Archbishop 
Laud  in  a  letter  dated'  Dublin,  August  10th,  1633,]  he  found 
'  the  revenues  of  the  Church  miserably  wasted,  the  discipline 
scandalously  despised,  and  the  ministers  but  meanly  pro- 
vided.' The  Bishoprics,  in  particular,  "  were  wretchedly 
dilapidated  by  fee-farms,  and  long  leases  at  small  rents"  [F]. 
But  he  applied,  in  process  of  time,  proper  remedies  to  these 
several  evils.  He  likewise  endeavoured  to  destroy  "some 
opinions  of  general  credit,  that  he  judged  very  prejudicial  to  a 
good  life [G],  which  yet  were  reverenced  almost  like  articles  of 
Faith"."  In  the  year  1634,  he  was  promoted  to  the  Bishopric 
of  Londonderry,  and  consecrated  the  sixteenth  [it  should  be 
twenti/s'ixtli]  of  May,  in  the  chapel  of  the  Castle  of  Dublin^. 
While  he  enjoyed  this  See,  he  very  much  improved  it,  not 
only  in  advancing  the  rents,  but  also  in  recovering  lands'^ 
detained  from  his  predecessors ;  by  which  means  he  doubled 
the  yearh'  profits  of  that  Bishopric  J".   But  the  greatest  service 


'  [This  is  not  strictly  correct.  The 
letter  of  Laud  dated  May  1 4,  IBS*, 
which  w.Ts  quoted  in  note  a,  speaks  of 
Engli  h  preferment  still  at  (hat  time 
retained  by  Bramhall  ;  and  which,  upon 
his  promotion  to  tlie  See  of  Derry, 
Laud  considered  him  bound  to  sur- 
render: and  it  appears  from  Brov.ae 
Willis  (Sui'vey  of  the  Cathedr.  of  York, 
&c.  p.  145.),"  tliat  tlie  preferment  al- 
luded to  was  his  prebenual  stall  at 
York,  which  he  did  not  vacate  until 
Aug.  6.  16.34.] 

s  [He  "  was  admitted  Treasurer  of 
Christ  Chm-ch  Dublin,  Sept.  3,  103.3, 
by  virtue  of  the  King's  patent  dated  tlie 
SOth  of  the  preceding  month"  (Harris 
in  his  edit,  of  Ware,  Art.  on  Bramh. 
among  the  Bps.  of  Derry).] 

'  [Letters,  No.  I.  A  similar  ac- 
count in  1C37,  upon  Bramhall's  visit 
to  London,  is  mentioned  by  Dr.  Vese)'. 
See  also  the  two  letters  of  Land  to 


Bramhall  in  1638  ;  Rav/don  Papers, 
Nos.  xviii.  xix.] 

"  Life,  &c.  pp.  7,  8,9. 

^  Sir  James  Ware,  ubi  supra.  [Ac- 
cording to  Harris  (as  quoted  above, 
note  s),  Bramhall  hold  the  prebend  of 
Dunlavan  in  the  Cathedral  of  St. 
Patrick's,  Dublin,  in  commendam 
while  Bp.  of  Derry;  but  this  appears 
from  the  visitation  books  of  that  Cathe- 
dral to  be  an  error,  Colbonie,  Bp.  of 
Kildare  (E'pus  Dai:,  not  E'pus  Der.) 
having  held  that  prebend  from  1618 
until  after  1648  (Mason's  St.  Patrick's, 
Notes,  p.  Irixxi.).] 

^  As  Termin  [see  Letters,  No.  II.], 
Colahy,  &e.  [and  Desart  Martin, '  whicli 
he  retrieved  to  its  proper  use  as  mensal 
lands,  and  made  a  park  there  for  the 
Bishops  of  the  diocese.'  Life,  &c.  p. 
11.] 

>  Life,  &c.  as  above,  pp.  10,  11. 


LIFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL,  VU 

he  did  the  Church  of  Ireland,  was,  by  getting,  with  the  Lord 
Deputy's  assistance,  several  Acts  passed,  in  the  Parliament 
which  met  in  that  kingdom,  July  14,  1634  [H].  In  pursuance 
of  these  Acts,  he  abolished  the  fee-farms  that  Avere  charged  on 
church  lands,  and  obtained  compositions  for  the  rent,  instead 
of  the  small  reserved  rents.  He,  likewise,  was  very  instru- 
mental in  getting  such  impropriations  as  remained  in  the 
Crown,  vested  by  King  Charles  I.  on  the  several  incumbents, 
after  the  expiration  of  the  leases.  Some  he  recovered  by  law, 
and  persuaded  many  persons  possessed  of  tithes  to  restore 
them,  or  sufficiently  to  endow  the  vicarages,  or  to  grant  a 
proper  salary  at  least  to  the  curates.  Moreover,  he  himself 
purchased  abundance  of  impropriations,  either  with  his  own 
money,  or  by  large  remittances  from  England^;  by  money 
given  by  his  Majesty  to  pious  uses ;  by  borrowing  large  sums, 
and  securing  them  out  of  the  issues  of  the  impropriations  he 
bought ;  by  voluntary  contributions ;  and  by  a  share  of  the 
goods  of  persons  dying  intestate.  "  By  these,  and  other 
means,  he  regained  to  the  Church,  in  the  space  of  four  years, 
thirty  or  forty  thousand  pounds  a-year^"  In  the  Convocation 
that  met  at  the  same  time,  he  prevailed  upon  the  Church  of 
Ireland  to  be  united  in  the  same  Faith  with  the  Church  of 
England  [I],  by  embracing  the  XXXIX  Articles  of  Religion 
agreed  upon  in  the  Convocation  holden  at  London  in  the 
year  1562.  He  would  fain  also  have  got  the  English  Canons 
established  in  Ireland :  but,  notwithstanding  his  utmost  en- 
deavours, he  could  obtain  no  more  [through  a  jealous  care- 
fulness on  the  part  of  many  among  his  fellow  Bishops,  and 
especially  of  the  Primate,  Usher,  for  the  liberties  of  the 
Church  of  L-eland'',]  than  that  such  of  our  canons  "as  were  fit 
to  be  transplanted  among  the  Irish  should  be  removed  thither, 
and  others  new  framed,  and  added  to  them."  Accordingly,  a 
book  of  canons  was  compiled,  chiefly  by  our  Bishop,  and 
having  passed  in  Convocation,  received  the  royal  confirma- 
tion For  all  these  services,  he  met,  from  several  quarters, 
with  a  great  deal  of  detraction  and  envy ;  and,  according  to 

z  ['Al)p.  Laud  designed  £40,000  for  his  Funeral  Sermon.] 
this  purpose  out  of  his  own  purse.'  Life,  [Life,  &c.  as  above,  p.  19.] 

fie.  as  a!)o>  e,  p.  1.").]  [See  a  full  account  of  this  second 

^  I1)id.  pp.  11',  15,  1(5.  [£.30,000  is  part  of  the  Bishop's  labours  in  Mant's 

the  sum  mentioned  by  Jer.  Taylor  in  Ch.  of  Ireland,  ch.  vii.  §  5.  pp.  495,  Sec] 


via 


LIFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL, 


the  fashion  of  those  times,  was  charged  with  Arminianism 
and  Popery :  but  "  he  was  not  of  a  spirit  to  be  terrified  fi'om 
what  he  thought  his  duty  with  noise  and  ill  words'^."  "  Having 
thus,  for  a  considerable  time,  laboured  for  the  good  of  others, 
he  thought  it  time  to  make  some  provision  for  his  own  family. 
In  order  to  it,  he  took  a  journey  to  England  in  1637,"  and 
was  received  with  much  respect  by  persons  of  the  highest 
quality,  particularly  in  his  native  county  [,  and  by  his  former 
flocks  at  Ripon  and  at  York].  But  when  he  came  to  London, 
he  was  surprised  with  the  news  of  an  information  exhibited 
against  him  in  the  Star  Chamber  [K],  of  which  however  he  soon 
cleared  himself  After  having  received  much  honour  from 
King  Charles  I.  and  many  civilities  from  Archbishop  Laud, 
and  other  great  persons,  he  returned  to  Ireland^;  and  "with 
six  thousand  pounds  f,  for  which  he  sold  his  estate  in  England 
(but  brought  over  at  several  times),  he  purchased  another  of 
good  value,  and  began  a  plantation  at  Omagh,  in  the  county 
of  Tyrone."  But  the  distractions  in  that  kingdom  hindered 
him  from  bringing  it  to  perfection  s;  for  he  was  not  without 
his  share  in  the  troubles  that  brought  Ireland  to  the  brink  of 
destruction.  On  the  fourth  of  March  1640-41,  articles  of 
high  treason  against  him,  and  several  of  the  Prime  Ministers 
of  State'',  were  exhibited  by  the  House  of  Commons  to  the 
House  of  Lords  in  Ireland ;  wherein  the}'  were  charged 
with  having  "  conspired  together  to  subvert  the  fundamental 
laws  and  government  of  that  kingdom,"  and  to  "  introduce  an 
arbitrary  and  tyrannical  government to  have  '  pronounced 
many  false,  unjust,  and  erroneous  judgments,  against  law, 
which  had  occasioned  divers  seditions  and  rebellions ;'  and  to 
have  "  laboured  to  subvert  the  rights  of  Parliament,  and  the 


Life,  &c.  as  above,  pp.  17,  18,  19, 
20.  "  Never  fear  wheti  tlic  cause  is  just, 
was  one  of  his  usual  sayings."  Ibid, 
p.  20. 

^  [In  February,  1C3|.  See  the  letter 
of  Abp.  Laud  to  Branihall,  February 
17.  1631.  (Rawd.  Papers,  No.  xviii). 
He  was  in  London  in  November,  1637, 
having  left  Ireland  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  previous  September  (from  letters 
in  Rawd.  Papers,  pp.  41,  42).] 

'  [Exaggerated  into  30,000  by  PjTn 
in  opening  the  charges  against  tlie  Earl 
of  Strafford.    Nalson,  vol.  ii.  p.  43.] 


2  Life,  &c.  as  above,  pp.  21,22. 

■>  Viz.  Sir  Ricli.  Bolton,  Knt.,  Lord 
Chancellor  of  Ireland  ;  Sir  Gerard 
Lowther,  Knt.,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Common  Pleas;  and  Sir  George  Rad- 
cliffe,  Knt.  [This  impeachment  was 
laid  in  Ireland  at  tlie  same  time  that 
the  Earl  of  Strafford  was  impeached  in 
England ;  in  order,  probably,  as  indeed 
was  said  (Nalson,  vol.  ii.  p.  8.)  in  the 
case  of  Sir  G.  Radcliffe,  that  the  Earl 
might  be  deprived  of  the  assistance  of 
his  friends  and  confidents.] 


LIFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL. 


IX 


ancient  course  of  Parliamentary  proceedings'."  The  Bishop 
was  then  at  Londonderry,  when  he  received  intelhgence  of  this 
accusation,  on  the  sixth  of  March.  "  All  his  friends  wrote  to 
him  to  decline  the  trial,  but  he  thought  it  dishonourable  to 
fly."  On  the  contrary,  he  repaired  to  Dublin,  and  'shewed 
himself  the  next  day  in  the  Parliament  house,  where  his  ene- 
mies stood  staring  upon  him  for  awhile,  and  then  made  him 
a  close  prisoner But  though  all  persons  were  encouraged 
to  contribute  to  his  ruin they  found  little  to  object,  but  his 
endeavours  to  retrieve  the  ancient  patrimony  of  the  Church. 
Notwithstanding  they  examined  all  his  actions  with  severity, 
they  could  not  fix  the  least  tincture  of  private  advantage  on 
him ;  none  of  his  relations,  family,  or  friends,  being  one  far- 
thing the  richer  for  any  thing  he  had  recovered  to  the  Church.' 
Not  being  able,  therefore,  to  make  any  thing  good  on  that 
head,  they  accused  him  of  having  attempted  "  to  subvert  the 
fundamental  laws."  In  this  distress  he  wrote  to  the  Primate 
Usher,  then  in  England,  for  his  advice  and  comfort  [L]  ;  who 
mediated  so  effectually  in  his  behalf  with  the  King,  that  his 
Majesty  sent  a  letter  over  to  Ireland  to  stop  proceedings 
against  Bishop  Bramhall :  but  this  letter  was  very  slowly 
obeyed.  However,  the  Bishop  was  'at  length  restored  to 
liberty,  but  without  any  public  acquittal,  the  charge  lying 
still  dormant  against  him,  to  be  awakened  when  his  enemies 
pleased"".'  Shortly  after  his  return  to  Londonderry,  Sir 
Phelim  O'Neil  contrived  his  ruin  in  the  following  manner: 
"  he  directed  a  letter  to  him,  wherein  he  desired,  '  that,  ac- 
cording to  their  articles,  such  a  gate  of  the  city  should  be 
delivered  to  him,'  expecting  that  the  Scots  in  the  place 
would,  upon  the  discovery,  become  his  executioners."  But 
the  person  who  was  to  manage  the  matter,  ran  away  with  the 
letter.  "  Though  this  design  took  no  place,  the  Bishop  found 
no  safety  there.  The  city  daily  filling  with  discontented 
persons,  out  of  Scotland,  he  began  to  grow  afraid  they 
would  deliver  him  up.  One  night  they  turned  a  cannon 
against  his  house  to  affront  him;  upon  which,  being  per- 
suaded by  his  friends  to  look  on  that  as  a  warning,  he  took 

■  See  the  Articles  at  length,  printed  '  ['  There  were  above  2C0  petitions 

in  IC'l  l,  4to.  [and  in  Rushworth  and  put  in  against  him."    Bp.  Taylor,  Fun. 

Nalson.]  Senn.] 

k  [See  Letters,  No.  V.]  "  Life,  &•(•,  as  above,  pp.  24,  25,  26. 


X 


LIFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL,. 


their  advice,  and  privately  embarked  for  England."  He  went 
into  Yorkshire "  where,  by  his  example,  his  frequent  ex- 
hortations from  the  pulpit,  his  incessant  labours  with  the 
gentr3',  and  his  prudent  advices  to  the  Marquis  of  Newcastle, 
he  put  great  life  into  the  King's  affairs."  Moreover,  he  sent" 
a  considerable  present  of  plate  to  his  Majesty  at  Nottingham, 
and  composed  some  things  in  favour  of  the  Royal  cause,  of 
which  we  shall  give  an  account  below?.  "  Thus  he  continued 
active  all  the  time  of  his  being  in  England that  is,  till  the 
unfortunate  battle  of  Marston  Moor  [July  2, 1644]  :  but,  after 
that,  the  King's  affairs  being  entirely  grown  desperate,  the 
Bishop  embarked  with  [the  Marquis  of  Newcastle  and]  several 
[other]  persons  of  distinction,  and  landed  at  Hamburgh,  July 
8,  1644 •i[M].  Thence  he  went  to  Brussels,  "where  he  con- 
tinued for  the  most  part  till  the  year  1648,  with  Sir  Henry 
(le  Vic,  the  King's  Resident,  preaching  constantly  every 
Sunday,  and  frequently  administering  the  Sacrament  [and 
confirining  such  as  desired  it].  The  English  merchants  of 
Antwerp,  ten  leagues  thence,  used  to  be  monthly  of  his 
audience  and  communion,  and  were  his  best  benefactors." 
In  the  year  1648,  he  returned  into  Ireland;  and  after  having 
xuidergone  several  dangers  and  difficulties  [N],  narrowly 
escaped  thence  in  a  little  bark"^  [O].  On  his  arrival  in  fo- 
reign parts.  Providence  supplied  him  with  a  considerable  sum 
of  money,  of  which  he  gi'eatly  stood  in  necd^;  for  having 
had  seven  hundred  pounds  long  due  to  him,  for  salmon 
caught  in  the  river  Bann'  and  sent  abroad,  which  debt  he 
looked  upon  as  lost,  he  was  now  so  fortunate  as  to  recover 


n  [He  preached  at  Yovk,  Jan.  28, 
UHf.  before  the  M.  of  Newcastle.  See 
his  Sermon,  Works,  P;.rt  iv.  Discour.-e 
il.] 

°  [He  refused  at  the  same  tune  a  sum 
of  £500  offered  him  by  t'.ie  of  New- 
castle out  of  the  public  stock.  Life,  &c. 
p.  27.] 

P  Ibid.  pp.  26,  27.  See  below,  note 
[U].  It  was  then  he  wrote  "  Serpgnt 
Salve."  [But  the  writer  in  the  Biogr. 
Britann.  is  wrong  in  saying  that  he 
wrote  "Fair  Warning"  at  'this  time. 
;jt  v/as  not  v.riften  until  1G19.] 

"  Histoiical  KccoUcciinns.  <\;c.  by  I. 
llushworth,  vol.  v.  edit.  1721,  p.  G'i7. 
[Bramliall  was  at  Brussel?,  June  20, 


164 -3  (Works,  p.  9S  !.  fol.  edit.)  ;  and  at 

Paris  in  tlie  autumn  of  that  year  (where 
];e  met  with  Hobbcs  ;  see  below  note 
U).] 

'  [He  was  at  Rotterdam  agaiif  Oct.  1, 
16  IS.  (Note  of  the  M.  of  Newcastle  to 
him  of  that  date,  in  Rawd.  Papers,  p. 
93.).] 

s  Life,  Sec.  pp.  27,  28. 

'  Where  tliere  is  a  fine  Salmon  fishery 
belonging  to  the  Bisliop  of  London- 
derry [See  Letters,  Nos.  II.  and  IX.]. 
The  Bishop  had  also  some  relief  from 
tlie  Lord  Scudamore ;  see  View  of  th.e 
Churclics  of  Door,  &c.  Loud.  1727, 
■Ito.  by  Mr.  Gibson,  p.  110. 


LIFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMIIAl.L.  XI 

it;  which  proved  a  seasonable  relief  both  to  him  and  to 
many  royalists  that  partook  of  his  generosity".  During  this 
second  time  of  his  being  abroad,  '  he  had  many  disputes 
about  religion  with  the  learned  of  all  nations,  sometimes 
occasionally,  and  at  other  times  by  appointment  and  formal 
challenge  ;'  and  wrote  several  things  in  defence  of  the  Church 
of  England  ''.  He,  likewise,  purposed  to  draw  a  parallel  be- 
tween the  liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  public 
forms  of  the  Protestant  Churches ;  and  "  for  that  end  de- 
signed a  journey  into  Spain ;"  "  but  he  met  with  an  unex- 
pected diversion  in  his  first  day's  journey  into  that  king- 
dom">'[P].  At  the  same  time,  there  was  a  great  friendship 
and  correspondence  between  him  and  the  Marquis  of  Mon- 
trose'-, whose  cause  he  often  recommended  to  the  favour  and 
justice  of  foreign  princes.  Upon  the  restoration  of  the  Church 
and  monarchy,  Bishop  Bramhall  returned  to  England-'';  and 
was,  from  the  first,  designed  for  some  higher  promotion. 


"  [Dr.  Bramliall  was  reduced  for  a 
short  time,  as  has  been  hinted  already, 
to  act  as  prize-master,  and  even  to  sell 
the  prizes  in  person,  for  Charles  II., 
during  the  war  between  the  English 
Commonwealth  and  the  Dutch ;  for 
wliich  purpose  he  resided  at  Flushing 
in  the  latter  part  of  1(3.03  (Letters  of  in- 
telligence from  Holland,  in  Sept.,  Oct., 
and  Nov.,  in   Thurloe's  State 

Papers,  vol.  i.  pp.  4(i4,  514,  585,  586). 
He  complains  himself  of  tlie  hardships 
and  indignities  to  which  he  and  his 
brother  exiles  were  ex])0sed,  in  his 
"Just  Vindication,  &c."  ch.  x.  (  Works, 
p.  130.  fol.  edit.),  published  in  1654. 
It  appears  (from  his  Letters ;  see  also 
Thurloe's  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  601. 
vol.  V.  p.  645)  that  he  resided  princi- 
pally, during  this  second  banishment, 
in  Holland,  but  in  a  very  unsettled 
condition;  now  at  the  Hague,  now  at 
Antwerp,  now  at  Aken  (Aix  la  Cha- 
pelle),  and  again  at  Bruges,  at  Utrecht, 
(Rawd.  Papers,  p.  103)  or  at  Brussels 
(Life  of  Dean  Barwick,  p.  424.  Eng. 
edit),  as  circumstances  compelled.  He 
was  at  Paris  Dec.  30,  1651  (Contempor. 
J ourn.  quoted  by  Bray,  Mem.  of  Evelyn, 
vol.  V.  p.  275.  8vo.  edit.),  at  the  court 
of  Charles  II.  (then  still  acknowledged 
by  the  French  governiuenf ),  at  which 
time  and  place  he  probably  wrote  his 
Answer  to  La  Milletierc  (see  below, 
note  U).] 


"  [The  whole  of  his  discourses  against 
the  Roman  Catholics  and  against 
Hobbes,  together  with  the  two  against 
Baxter  and  upon  the  Sabbath  Day, 
were  written  within  this  period,  i.  e.  be- 
tween 1649  and  1660.]  See  below, 
note  [U]  ;  and  Life,  pp.  29,  &c.  [and 
Bramhall's  own  account  of  his  la- 
bours for  the  English  Church  at  this 
time  in  his  "  Vindication  of  Episcop. 
Clergy,"  c.  v..  Works,  p.  524.  fol.  edit.] 
Life,  &c.  p.  33.  and  ["Serpent  Salve," 
c.  xii.]  Works,  p.  511.  [fbl.  edit.  See 
also  Letters,  No.  VIII.,  and  the  addi- 
tional remarks  at  the  end  of  note  U.] 

2  Life,  &c. p.  29.  [The  Bishop's  eldest 
daughter  (as  will  be  seen  below,  p.  xiii.) 
v/as  married  subsequently  to  Sir  James 
Graham,  whose  father  the  Earl  of  Mon- 
teilii  was  nearly  related  to  the  great 
Mavquis.] 

"  In  October,  1660  (Public  Intelli- 
gence, 4to.).  [  Bramhall  was  in  London 
more  than  two  months  before  the  time 
here  assigned,  and  in  all  probability  came 
over  from  Holland  immediately  upon 
the  Restoration.  lie  writes  to  his  wife 
from  London,  July  7,  1660,  having  then 
already  passed  more  than  a  fortnight 
there  (Letters,  No.  XII.) ;  and  Evelyn 
speaks  of  "  saluting  his  old  friend,  the 
Abp.  of  Armagh,  Ibnnerly  of  London- 
derry," in  London,  .luly  28,  of  the  ;ame 
year"  (Diary  under  ihpt  date).] 


xu  LIFE  OF  ARCHBISilOP  BRAMHALL. 

Most  people  imagined  it  would  be  the  Archbishopric  of 
York ;  but  at  last  he  was  appointed  Archbishop  of  Armagh, 
Primate  and  Metropolitan  of  all  Ireland'' [Q],  to  which  he 
was  translated  the  18th  of  January  1660-61'^.  Not  long 
after,  '  he  consecrated,  in  one  day.  Dr.  Margetson,  Archbishop 
of  Dublin  ;  Dr.  Pullen,  of  Tuam  ;'  and  the  following  "  ten 
Bishops ;  Dr.  Boyle,  Bishop  of  Cork ;  Dr.  Parker,  of  Elfin ; 
Dr.  Jeremy  Taylor,  of  Down ;  Syng,  of  Lymerick ;  Price,  of 
Leighlin  ;  Baker,  of  Waterford ;  Wild,  of  Derry ;  Lessl}',  of 
Dromore;  Worth,  of  Killalow;  and  Hall,  of  Killala."  The 
ceremony  "  was  performed  in  the  cathedral  church  of  St. 
Patrick,  Dublin,  [the  sermon  being  preached  by  the  Bishop 
of  Down,  and]  the  Lords  Justices  and  Council  attending"^." 
In  this  same  year  he  visited  his  diocese,  where  he  found  great 
disorder ;  some  having  committed  horrible  outrages,  and 
many  imbibed  very  strong  prejudices,  "  both  against  his 
person,  and  the  doctrine  and  discipline  of  the  Church:  but 
by  lenity  and  reproof,  by  argument  and  persuasion,  by  long- 
suffering  [and  doctrine],  he  gained  upon  them  even  beyond 
his  own  expectation.  He  used  to  say,  men  must  have  some 
time  to  return  to  their  wits,  that  had  been  so  long  out  of 
them  :"  therefore,  'by  his  prudence  and  moderation  he  greatly 
softened  the  spirit  of  opposition,  and  effectually  obtained  the 
point  he  aimed  at'''  [R].  '  As  he  was,  by  his  place.  President 
of  the  Convocation  which  met  the  8th  of  Ma}'  1661,  so  he 
was  also,  for  his  merit,  chosen  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Lords,'  in  the  Parliament  which  met  at  the  same  time  - [S]. 
And  so  great  a  value  had  both  Houses  for  him,  that  '  they  ap- 
pointed committees  to  examine  what  was  upon  record  in 
their  books  concerning  him  and  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  and 
ordered  the  charges  against  them  to  be  torn  out,  which  was 
accordingly  done^.'    In  this  Parliament  "many  advantages 


"  Life,  &c.  p.  34. 

"  Sir  James  Ware's  Works,  as  above. 
Ware's  Works,  in  the  Lives  of  those 
respective  Prelates ;  and  Life,  as  above, 
p.  35.  [and  Jer.  Taylor's  Consecration 
Sermon,  Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  301,  &c. 
See  also  the  circumstantial  account  of 
the  ceremony  in  Mason's  St.  Patrick's 
(pp.  192— 194).] 

f  Life,  &c.  as  above,  pp.  35,  3(5. 

'  [See  the  Letter  of  Lord  Orrery 


quoted  b}'  Mant  (Ch.  of  Ireland,  ch.  ix. 
§  2.  p.  631)  from  Orrery's  State  Papers 
(vol.  i.  p.  34) ;  and  another  Letter  of 
Lord  Orrei-y  to  Bramhall  himself  in  the 
Rawd.  Papers  (No.  Iviii.).] 

^  ['  The  Convocation  also  acknow- 
ledged his  services  in  an  instrument, 
des'gned  to  be  made  public,  but  un- 
happily mislaid  or  lost.'  Life,  &c.  p. 
37.  See  also  Jer.  Taylor's  Funeral 
Sermon.] 


LtFE  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL. 


Xlll 


were  procured,  and  more  designed,  for  the  Church,  in  which 
Archbishop  Bramhall  was  very  industrious.  Several  of  the 
Bishops  obtained  their  augmentations  through  his  inter- 
cession; as  Ukewise  the  inferior  clergy  the  forfeited  impro- 
priate tithes ;  and  the  whole  Church  all  the  advantageous 
clauses  in  the  acts  of  settlement  and  explanation"  [,  '  although 
she  did  not  reap  the  benefit  of  them  to  the  full  extent  that 
was  intended'^].'  "There  were  two  bills,  for  the  passing  of 
which  he  took  great  pains,  but  was  defeated  in  both:"  one 
was,  "for  making  the  tithing-table  of  Ulster  the  rule  for 
the  whole  kingdom:"  the  other,  "for  enabling  the  Bishops 
to  make  leases  for  sixty  years'."  About  this  time  he  had  a 
violent  sickness,  being  the  second  fit  of  a  palsy'',  which  was 
very  near  putting  an  end  to  his  life ;  but  he  recovered. 
'  Before  his  death,  he  was  intent  upon  a  royal  visitation,  in 
order  to  the  correction  of  some  disordei's  he  had  observed, 
and  the  better  settlement  of  ministers  upon  their  cures,"  by 
a  more  convenient  distribution  or  union  of  parishes,  and  the 
building  of  churches':  but  he  could  not  put  this,  and  some 
other  designs  he  had  formed,  in  execution.  A  little  before 
his  death  he  visited  his  diocese,  and  having  provided  for 
the  repair  of  his  cathedral,  and  other  affairs  suitable  to  his 
pastoral  office,  he  returned  to  Dublin  about  the  middle  of 
May  1663.  The  latter  end  of  the  month  following,  he  was 
seized  with  the  third  fit  of  the  palsy  [T],  which  quickly  put 
an  end  to  his  life'".  By  his  wife  mentioned  above,  he  had 
four  children,  a  son  and  three  daughters.  The  son,  Sir  Thomas 
Bramhall,  Bart,  married  the  daughter  of  Sir  Paul  Davys, 
Knt.  Clerk  of  the  Council,  and  died  without  issue.  Of  the 
daughters ;  the  eldest  [Isabella]  was  married  [not  long  before 
her  father's  death]  to  Sir  James  Graham,  son  to  the  Earl  of 
Monteith ;  the  second  [Jane]  to  Alderman  [Toxteath]  of  Drog- 
heda,  and  the  third  [Anne]  to  Standish  [Hartstong],  Esq., 


'i  [Harris  in  his  edition  of  Ware,  from 
Vesey's  Life.] 

'  Life,  &c.  as  above,  pp.  37,  38.  [See 
the  letter  and  petition  upon  the  suhject, 
Letters,  No.  XIII.] 

k  [Apparently  in  January  1()6|,  at 
which  time  he  made  his  will  (,Ier.  Tay- 
lor's Fun.  Serm.,  and  the  will  itself 
among  Bramhall's  Letters,  &c.  No. 


XV).  He  is  spoken  of  as  "  old  and  in- 
firm," and  "  unable  to  last  long,"  in  a 
letter  of  Dean  Barwick  to  Ld.  Claren- 
don, 14th  September,  1659.  Life  of 
Barwick,  p.  439.  Eng.  Edit.] 
'  Life,  Src.  p.  39. 

[June  25,  in  the  70th  year  of  his 
age  (Ware,  as  before  quoted).] 


XIV 


LIFE  OF  ARC'KBISIIOP  BRAMHALL. 


[subsequently  to  the  Archbishop's  decease"] .  Among  other  bene- 
factions, the  Archbishop  left  a  legacy  of  five  hundred  pounds 
for  the  repair  of  the  Cathedral  of  Armagh,  and  St.  Peter's  at 
Drogheda".  We  shall  give  an  account  of  his  works  in  the 
note  [U].  With  regard  to  his  person  and  character;  he  was 
"  of  a  middle  stature  and  active,  but  his  mien  and  presence 
not  altogether  so  great  as  his  endowments  of  mind.  His 
complexion  was  highly  sanguine,  pretty  deeply  tinctured 
with  choler,  which  in  his  declining  years  became  predomi- 
nant, and  would  sometimes  overflow,  not  without  some 
tartness  of  expression,  but  it  proceeded  no  farther?."  As  "he 
was  a  great  lover  of  plain-dealing  and  plain-speaking  "J,"  "so 
his  conversation  was  free  and  familiar,  patient  of  any  thing  in 
discourse  but  obstinacy;  his  speech  ready  and  intelligible, 
smooth  and  strong,  free  from  affectation  of  phrase  or  fancy, 
saying,  it  was  a  boyish  sport  to  hunt  for  words,  and  argued  a 
penury  of  matter,  which  would  always  find  expi-ession  for 
itself  His  understanding  was  very  good,  and  greatly  im- 
proved by  labour  and  study."  "  As  a  scholar,  his  excellency 
lay  in  the  rational  and  argumentative  part  of  learning."  He 
was,  also,  well  acquainted  "  with  ecclesiastical  and  other 
histories;  and  in  the  pulpit  an  excellent  persuasive  oratoi\" 
He  was  a  firm  friend  to  the  Church  of  England',  "  bold  in  the 
defence  of  it,  and  patient  in  suffering  for  it;  yet  he  was  very 
far  from  any  thing  like  bigotry.  He  had  a  great  allowance 
and  charity  for  men  of  different  persuasions,  looking  upon 
those  Churches  as  in  a  tottering  condition  that  stood  upon 
nice  opinions."  Accordingly,  he  made  a  "  distinction  be- 
tween articles  necessary  for  peace  and  order,  and  those  that 


n  Life,  &c.  p.  39.  [and  the  Abp.'s 
will,  as  before  referred  to.  The  names 
of  the  husbands  of  the  Abp.'s  3'ounger 
daughters  are  spelt  inaccurately  by  the 
writer  in  the  Biogr.  Britann.  They  are 
here  coiTected  from  Dr.  Vesey's  Life. 
Mr.  Hartstong  "  was  one  of  the  Barons 
of  the  Exchequer;"  and  the  Sir  James 
Graham,  who  married  the  eldest  daugh- 
ter, was  "  the  third  and  youngest  son  of 
William,  Earl  of  Monteith  and  Airth," 
and  by  his  daughter  Helen,  the  only 
issue  of  his  marriage  witli  Miss  Bram- 
hall,  became  the  maternal  ancestor  of 
the  Earls  of  Moira  and  the  ALirquisses 


of  Hastings,  Sir  Arthur  Rawdon,  tlie 
grand-father  of  the  first  Earl  of  Moira 
(and  the  nephew  and  only  representative 
of  the  last  Earl  of  Conway),  having  mar- 
ried Miss  Helen  Graham  (Preface  to 
Rawdon  Papers. — Collins'  Peerage  by 
Sir  Egert.  Brydges,  vol.  vi.  p.  684,  and 
note).] 

o  Life,  &c.  pp.  39,  42,  43.   [See  also 
the  Abp.'s  will,  as  above  referred  to.] 
Life,  &c.  as  above,  p.  43. 
"  Ibid.  p.  2L 

'  ["  Tenacious  of  the  Catholic  Tradi- 
tion," are  Bp.  Vesey's  words.] 


I.U-E  OF  ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL. 


XV 


are  necessary  to  salvation ;"  and  he  "  often  declared,  That 
the  Church  was  not  to  be  healed  but  by  general  proposi- 
tions'*." 

'  Life,  &c.  p.  43.     [Compare  his     Works,  p.  937,  fol.  edit.] 
Discourse  on  Sabbatli  and  Lord's  Day, 


APPENDIX, 


[A]  Being  descended  from  an  ancient  and  genteel  family. '\  Namely, 
"from  the  Bramhalls,  of  Bramhall-Hall  in  Cheshire'',  related  by 
intermarriage  to  the  Keresfords,  of  Keresford  in  Yorkshire,  a  house 
that  has  flourished  in  a  direct  line  from  the  time  of  King  Henry 
IP." 

[B]  And  put  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Hulet.']  The  Right  Reverend 
author  of  his  life,  Bishop  Vesey,  informs  us,  That  "  he  became  there 
master  of  the  arts  and  sciences  before  he  had  the  degree ;  all  his 
acts  and  exercises  being  still  performed  with  that  easiness  and 
smoothness  which  argues  clean  strength  and  sufficiency''." 

[C]  He  had  two  public  disputations  at  North-Allerton,  with  a 
secular  Priest  and  a  Jesuit.']  These  two  Papists"^  had  sent  a  public 
defiance  to  all  the  Protestant  clergy  in  that  country  (at  a  time 
when  the  match  between  Prince  Charles  and  the  Infanta  of  Spain 
was  in  agitation,  and  they  expected  from  thence  great  advantages 
and  countenance  to  their  own  religion),  and  when  none  durst  accept 
the  challenge,  our  author  undertook  the  combat.  "  Though  he  was 
then  but  about  thirty  years  of  age,  and  a  stripling  in  the  school  of 
controversy,"  yet  he  managed  the  dispute  so  well,  "that  his  an- 
tagonists, and  their  whole  party,  had  reason  to  repent  of  the  inso- 
lence of  their  adventure.  One  of  the  subjects  of  the  disputation 
was  the  article  of  Transubstantiation,  from  whence  they  easily 
sliding  into  that  other  of  the  Half-Communion,  he  shamefully 
baflSed  their  doctrine  of  concomitancy,  and  drove  the  disputant  up 
to  so  narrow  a  corner,  that  he  affirmed  that  eating  was  drinking  and 
drinking  was  eating  in  a  material  or  bodily  sense.  Mr.  Bramhall 
looked  on  this  as  so  elegant  a  solecism,  that  he  needed  no  greater 
trophy,  if  he  could  get  under  his  hand,  what  he  had  declared  with 
his  tongue  ;  which  being  desired,  was  by  the  other,  in  his  heat,  and 
shame  to  seem  to  retreat,  as  readily  granted.  But  upon  cooler 
thoughts,  finding  perhaps,  after  the  heat  of  the  contest  was  over, 
that  he  could  not  quench  his  thirst  with  a  piece  of  bread,  he  re- 

a  [A  brother  of  the  Bishop  is  men-  Life,  &c.  as  above,  p.  2. 

tioned  incidentally  by  Laud  in  a  letter  Life,  &c.  as  above,  p.  2. 

to  Dr.  Bramhall  (dated  in  February  Hungate,  a  Jesuit,  and  Hougliton, 

1637,  Rawd,  Papers,  p.  .53),  in  con-  a  secular  Priest.  See  Archbishop  Bram- 

nection  with  the  gentry  of  Cheshire.]  hall's  Works,  p.  624  [fol.  edit.]. 


APPENDIX. 


XVU 


fleeted  so  sadly  on  the  dishonour  he  had  suffered,  that,  not  being 
able  to  digest  it,  in  ten  days  he  died."  Archbishop  Matthews, 
hearing  of  this  disputation,  "  sent  for  Mr.  Bramhall,  and  at  first 
rebuked  him  for  his  hardiness  in  undertaking  a  disputation  so 
publicly  without  allowance  ;  but  soon  forgave  him^." 

[D]  During  the  life  of  the  Archbishop  he  was  made  Prebendary 
of  York.']  So  we  are  assured  by  the  Right  Reverend  author  of  his 
Life''.  But  according  to  Browne  Willis,  Esq.s,  he  was  not  made 
prebendary  of  York  till  the  13th  of  June,  1633,  five  years  after  the 
death  of  Archbishop  Matthews  ;  so  that  one  of  these  two  authors 
must  be  mistaken.  The  prebend  he  had,  was  that  of  Hustwaith, 
in  the  Church  of  York. 

[E]  He  took  the  degree  of  Doctor  in  Divinity.']  The  thesis  he  dis- 
puted upon,  on  that  occasion,  was  this  :  Pontifex  Romanus  est  causa, 
vel  procreans  vel  conservans,  omnium  vel  saltern  prcccipuarum  con- 
troversiarum  in  orhe  Christiano,  i.  e.  '  The  Pope  is  the  author,  or 
maintainer,  of  all,  or  at  least  of  the  chief,  controversies  in  the 
Christian  world.'  And  in  all  his  exercises,  then,  "  he  made  it  ap- 
pear that  he  had  not  lost  his  time  in  the  country,  nor  evaporated 
all  in  pulpit  discourses,  but  that  he  had  furnished  himself  with  very 
substantial  learning*^."  [His  own  account  is  more  accurate.  It  is 
as  follows : — "  When  I  disputed  in  Cambridge  for  the  degree  of 
Doctor,  my  thesis  was  taken  out  of  Nilus',  that  the  Papacy  (as  it 
was  challenged  and  usurped  in  many  places,  and  as  it  had  been 
sometime  usurped  in  our  native  country)  was  either  the  procreant 
or  conservant  cause,  or  both  the  procreant  and  conservant  cause. 

He  had  preached  upon  a  similar  subject,  viz.  "  the  Pope's 
unlawful  usurpation  of  jurisdiction  over  the  Britannic  Churches,"  at 
an  earlier  period,  before  a  Synod  of  the  Province  of  York,  apparently 
that  of  1620'.  It  is  curious  to  observe  how  early  and  how  con- 
tinually his  attention  was  turned  to  the  subject  of  his  subsequent 
treatises  against  the  Romanists.] 

[F]  The  Bishoprics  were  dilapidated  by  fee-farms,  and  long  leases 


'  Life,  &c.  as  above,  p.  3.  [See  also 
the  "  Viiidic.  of  Episcop.  Clergy,"  c. 
V.  Works,  p.  624.  fol.  edit.] 

'  Life,  &c.  as  above,  p.  4. 

8  Survey  of  the  Cathedrals  of  York, 
&c.  edit.  1727,  4to.  vol.  i.  p.  145. 

•>  Life,  &c.  as  above,  p.  5. 

'  [Bramhall  must  mean  that  he  took 
the  hint  of  this  subject  from  Nilus 
(Abp.  of  Thessalonica,  De  Primatu 
Papae),  as  neitlier  the  words  nor  the 
exact  sentiment  occur  in  that  author.] 


["  Vindication  of  the  Episcopal 
Clerg)',  &c."  c.  V.  Works,  p.  623.  fol. 
edit.] 

'["Vindication,  &c.,  as  quoted  in 
last  note.  Bramhall,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, did  not  take  Orders  until 
after  1616,  and  the  sermon  liere  al- 
luded to  was  preached  before  1623,  the 
date  of  his  disputation  at  North-Aller- 
ton  ;  consequently  in  the  year  above 
given,  there  having  been  no  other 
northern  Synod  within  the  interval.] 


BRAMHALL. 


c 


APPENDIX. 


at  small  rents.']  These  had  been  "  granted,  partly  by  the  Popish 
Bishops,  who  resolved  to  carry  as  much  with  them  as  they  could," 
and  "  partly  by  their  Protestant  successors,  who  might  fear  another 
turn,  and  were,  having  their  example,  disposed  enough  to  make  use 
of  the  same  arts.  By  such  means  on  the  one  side  and  the  other, 
many  Bishoprics  were  made"  extremely  small:  some  reduced  to 
one  hundred  pounds  per  annum  ;  some  to  fifty,  as  Waterford,  Kil- 
fenoragh,  &c. ;  some  to  five  marks,  as  Kilmacduagh,  and  particu- 
larly Cloyne,  the  Bishop  whereof  was  called  Episcopus  quinque 
marcarum,  the  five-marks-Bishop.  Aghadoe  was  only  one  pound 
one  shilling  and  eight  pence  ;  and  Ardfert  but  sixty  pounds.  Lyme- 
rick  had  above  five  parts  in  six  made  away  by  fee-farms,  or  en- 
croached on  by  undertakers.  The  like  was  done  in  Cashel,  Emly, 
Waterford,  Lismore,  and  Killaloe.  In  some  dioceses,  as  in  Ferns 
and  Leighlin,  there  was  scarcely  a  living  left  that  was  not  farmed 
out  to  the  patron,  or  to  some  for  his  use,  at  two,  three,  foui",  or  five 
pounds  per  annum,  for  a  long  time,  three  lives,  or  a  hundred 
years™. 

[G]  He  likeivise  endeavoured  to  destroy  some  opinions  of  general 
credit,  that  he  judged  very  prejudicial  to  a  good  life.]  **  He  was 
very  desirous  to  abate  of  their  value,  and  to  reduce  them  to  what 
they  ought  only  to  pass  for,  school  opinions,  that  so  men  might  have 
the  liberty  of  their  private  reasons  \_sah-d  Fide  and  salvd  caritate]. 
He  could  not  endure  to  see  some  men  enslave  their  judgment  to 
a  person  or  a  part}',  that  cry  up  nothing  more  than  Christian  liberty. 
He  thought  that  liberty  was  much  confined  by  being  chained  to  any 
man's  chair,  as  if  all  he  uttered  were"  oracles,  "  and  to  be  made  the 
standard  and  test  of  orthodoxy  :  that  the  Christian  faith  and  liberty 
are  then  most  in  danger,  when  so  many  things  are  crowded  into 
confessions,  that  what  should  be  practical,  becomes  purely  a  science, 
of  a  rule  of  life  an  useless  speculation,  of  a  thing  easy  to  be  under- 
stood, a  thing  hai'd  to  be  remembered :  that  it  was  the  interest  of 
the  Protestant  Church  to  widen  her  bottom,  and  make  her  Articles  as 
charitable  and  comprehensive  as  she  could,  that  those  nicer  accu- 
racies, that  divide  the  greatest  wits  in  the  world,  might  not  be  made 
the  characteristics  of  reformation,  and  give  occasion  to  one  party  to 
excommunicate  and  censure  another.  Thus  he  saw  the  Church  of 
England  constituted ;  both  Calvinists  and  Arminians  ....  sub- 
scribing the  same  propositions,  and  '  walking  to  the  house  of  God  as 
friends".'  " 

■n  Life,  &c.  as  above,  pp.  7,  8.  25.  [and     words  between  brackets  are  Dr.  A'e- 
Letters,  Nos.  I.  and  VI.]  sey's.] 
n  Life,  &c.  as  above,  p.  9.  [The 


APPENDIX. 


[H]  Several  acts  passed  in  the  Parliament,  which  met  in  that  king' 
dom,  July  the  Mth,  1634.]  The  first  was,  "A  statute  for  the  main- 
tenance and  execution  of  pious  uses,"  obliging  all  'Archbishops  and 
Bisliops  to  perform  every  such  trust  according  to  the  true  intent 
of  the  deeds  in  that  behalf  made,  or  to  be  made".'  The  next  was, 
"A  statute  for  confirmation  of  leases  made  by  the  Lord  Primate,  and 
other  Bishops  in  Ulster,"  of  such  endowments  as  had  been  made 
by  King  James  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Armagh,  the  Bishoprics  of 
Derry,  Clogher,  Raphoe  and  Killmore,  giving  them  power,  any  time 
within  five  years,  to  make  leases  for  sixty  years  of  such  lands?. 
By  this  statute,  the  Church  was  enabled,  on  the  surrender  of  titles 
to  fee-farms,  and  some  improvement  of  rent,  to  make  leases,  as 
above,  for  sixty  years  ;  "  by  which  means  she  was  in  many  places 
bettered  at  present,  and  had  a  hopeful  prospect  of  recovering  her 
full  right  at  last."  But  the  best  defence  of  the  Irish  Church,  was 
the  statute  entitled,  "An  Act  for  the  preservation  of  the  inheritance, 
rights,  and  profits,  of  lands  belonging  to  the  Church  and  persons 
ecclesiastical <i."  "  This  limited  them  to  time  and  rent,  prescribed 
w^iat  they  might  set,  and  for  what,  and  how  long,  and  is  the  security 
of  succession." — Care  also  was  taken  of  the  inferior  clergy,  in 
another  Act,  which  enableth  "restitution  of  impropriations  and 
tithes,  and  other  rights  ecclesiastical,  to  the  clergy,  with  a  restraint 
of  aliening  the  same,  and  direction  for  the  presentations  to 
churches'"." 

[I]  In  the  Convocation  that  met  at  the  same  time,  he  prevailed  upon 
the  Church  of  Ireland  to  he  united  in  the  same  Faith  with  the  Church 
of  England.']  Tlie  Faith  of  both  was  the  same  in  the  main,  only 
with  this  difference,  that  the  Irish  Articles  were  more  rigid  and 
Calvinistical.  Of  this  no  better  reason  can  be  given,  than  that  the 
first  reformers  in  Ireland,  on  account  of  the  great  number  of  Papists 
in  that  kingdom,  endeavoured  to  guard  against  them  as  much  as 
possible.  "  Therefore,  like  burnt  children,  which  so  much  dread 
the  fire  that  they  think  they  can  never  be  far  enough  from  their 
fear,  they  became  very  dogmatical  in  some  propositions  (most  oppo- 
site, as  they  conceived,  to  the  Church  of  Rome),  left  undetermined 
by  the  Church  of  England."  Now  Bishop  Bramhall  "laboured,  in 
the  Convocation,  to  have  the  correspondence  more  entire  and  accu- 

°  Sir  Richard  Bolton's  Statutes  of  rents  of  the  See  of  Ardmagh  in  par- 
Ireland,  Sess.  3.  c.  ].  fol.  50.  ticular  were  improved  £735  4s.  4d. 
Ibid.  c.  5.  fol.  56.  yearly,  more  than  usual.    [Letter  of 
P  Sess.  4.  0.  3.  fol.  78.  Abp.  Uslier  to  Bramhall,  dated  Fe- 
'  Ibid.  c.  2.  fol.  75.    In  pursuance,  bruary  25.  1035,  in  Bramhall's]  Life, 
and  by  the  benefit,  of  these  Acts,  the  &c.  as  above,  p.  1 3. 

c  .2 


XX 


APPENDIX. 


rate;  and  discoursed,  with  great  moderation  and  sobriety,  of  the 
convenience  of  having  the  articles  of  peace  and  communion  in  every 
national  Church  worded  in  that  latitude,  that  dissenting  persons,  in 
those  things  that  concerned  not  the  Christian  Faith,  might  subscribe, 
and  the  Church  not  lose  the  benefit  of  their  labours  for  an  opinion 
which  it  may  be  they  could  not  help ;  that  it  were  to  be  wished 
such  articles  might  be  contrived  for  the  whole  Christian  world,  but 
especially  that  the  Protestant  Churches  under  the  King's  dominion 
might  'all  speak  the  same  language;'  and,  particularly,  that  those 
of  England  and  Ireland,  being  reformed  by  the  same  principle  and 
rule  of  Scripture  [expounded  by  universal  tradition.  Councils, 
Fathers,  and  other  ways  of  conveyance^],  might  confess  their  Faith 
in  the  same  form."  Persuaded  by  these  arguments,  the  Convocation 
drew  u})  a  canon  which  is  as  follows  :  "  For  the  manifestation  of 
our  agreement  with  the  Church  of  England  in  the  confession  of  the 
same  Christian  Faith,  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Sacraments,  we  do  re- 
ceive and  approve  the  book  of  Articles  of  religion  agreed  upon  by 
the  Archbishops  and  Bishops  and  the  whole  clergy  in  the  Convoca- 
tion holden  at  London  in  the  year  1562,  &c.  And,  therefore,  if 
any  hereafter  shall  affirm,  that  any  of  those  articles  are  in  any  part 
superstitious  or  erroneous,  or  such  as  he  may  not  with  a  good  con- 
science subscribe  unto,  let  him  be  excommunicated,  and  not  absolved 
before  he  make  public  revocation  of  his  error'." 

[K]  An  information  exJtibited  against  him  in  the  Star  Chamber.^ 
"  The  charge  was,  '  That  he  was  present  at  Ripon  when  one 
Mr.  Palmer  had  made  some  reflecting  discourse  upon  his  Majesty, 
and  that  his  Lordship  had  taken  no  notice  of  it,  either  to  reprove 
him  or  inform  against  him.'  The  words  ....  deserved  no  very 
capital  punishment,  if  they  had  been  true,  being  no  more  than, 
'  That  he  feared  a  Scottish  mist  was  come  over  their  town  ;'  because 
the  King  liad  altered  his  lodgings  from  Ripon,  where  he  had  de- 
signed them,  to  one  Sir  Richard  Graham's  house,  not  far  from  that 
place:  but  the  Bishop  ....  easily  cleared  the  whole  company"." 
[It  seems  that  this  was  not  the  only  charge  made  upon  this  occa- 
sion against  Dr.  Bramhall.  Another,  equally  groundless  and  equally 
unsuccessful,  '  of  having  uttered  some  yeomanly  language  upon  the 
serving  and  executing  a  commission  out  of  the  Court  of  the  Star 

'  [The  words  between  brackets  are  tion ;  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Casliel.' 

Dr.  Vesey's,  the  sentence  now  standmg  — See  also  the  Constitutions  and  Canons 

as  he  wrote  it.]  of  the  Synod  at  Dublin,  A.  D.  1634, 

'  Life,  &c.  pp.  17,  18.  ['from  the  in-  Can.  1,  in  Wilkins,  Concil.,  torn.  iv. 

formation  of  Thos.  Price,  then  Arch-  p.  498.  and  the  additional  remarks  at 

deacon  of  Kilmore,  and  consequently  a  the  end  of  note  U.] 
member  of  the  lower  house  of  Convoca-        "  Life,  &e.  p.  22. 


APPENDIX. 


xxi 


Chamber,'  was  brought  against  him  by  one  Mr.  Bacon  at  the 
same  time^.] 

[L]  In  this  distress  he  wrote  to  the  Primate  Usher,  then  in  England, 
for  his  adcice  and  comfort.']  This  letter^  is  dated  April  26,  1641. 
Archbishop  Usher,  in  his  answer,  has  these  words :  "  I  assure  you 
my  care  never  slackened  in  solliciting  your  cause  at  Court,  with  as 
great  vigilancy  as  if  it  did  touch  mine  own  proper  person.  I  never 
intermitted  any  occasion  of  mediating  with  his  Majestic  in  your 
behalf,  wlio  still  pittyed  your  case,  acknowledged  the  faithfulness 
of  your  services  both  to  the  Church  and  to  him,  avowed  that  you 
were  no  more  guilty  of  treason  than  himself,  and  assured  me  that  he 
would  do  for  you  all  that  lay  in  his  power,  &c."  [Abp.  Usher  con- 
tinues,— "  My  Lord  Strafford  the  night  before  his  suffering  (which 
was  most  Christian  and  magnanimous  ad  stnporem  usque),  sent  me 
to  the  King,  giving  me  in  charge  among  other  particulars  to  put 
him  in  mind  of  you,  and  of  the  other  two  Lords  that  are  under  the 
same  pressure,  Stcy."  It  deserves  to  be  mentioned  to  the  credit 
both  of  Bp,  Bramhall  and  of  Abp.  Usher,  that,  although  the  former 
was  a  man  of  active  zeal  and  hasty  temper,  and  devoted  heart  and 
soul  to  the  restoration  of  the  Irish  Church  in  a  way,  which  Abp. 
Usher  opposed,  and  upon  principles,  with  which  he  did  not  sympa- 
thise,— in  times  too  of  strong  excitement  and  violent  party-feeling,— 
yet  there  ever  existed  between  them  a  most  friendly  and  even  af- 
fectionate intercourse  :  as  the  above  letters  among  others^  testify, 
and  as  Bramhall  (after  Usher's  death)  expressly  declares*.] 

[M]  And  landed  at  Hamburgh,  July  8,  16-44.]  Shortly  after,  at. 
the  treaty  of  Uxbridge,  the  Parliaments  of  England  and  Scotland 
made  this  one  of  their  preliminary  demands,  that  Bishop  Bramhall 
(together  with  Archbishop  Laud,  &c.)  should  be  excepted  out  of  the 
general  pardon^.  This  Avas  accordingly  done,  in  an  ordinance  of 
indemnity  passed  by  the  Rump-Parliament  in  1652.  [He  had 
been  included  likewise  in  the  "  First  Qualification"  of  those,  against 
whom  the  Parliament  demanded  liberty  to  take  proceedings,  in  the 


»  [Commendatory  Letter  fioiii  the 
Ld.  Deputy  Wentworth  to  the  Ld. 
Keeper  Coventry  in  behalf  of  Dr.  Bram- 
hall, then  going  to  London,  September 
11,  1637.    Rawdon  Papers,  No.  xv.] 

»  [Letters,  No.  VL] 
Life,  as  above,  p.  2.5.    [See  the 
letter  entire  in  the  Rawdon  Papers, 
No.  xxxiv.] 

I  [See  also  Letters,  No.  X.,  and 
Usher's  letters  in  the  Ravvd.  Papers, 
Nos.  xxiii,  and  xxxiii,  especially  the 


former.] 

^  ["  I  praise  God  that  we"  (the  Lord 
Primate  and  his  Sviffragans)  "were  like 
the  Candles  in  the  Levitical  Temple, 
looking  one  towards  another,  and  all 
towards  the  stem.  We  had  no  conten- 
tion among  us,  but  who  should  hate 
contention  most,  and  pursue  the  peace 
of  the  Church  with  swiftest  paces." 
(Discourse  on  the  Sabbatli,  &c.  in 
Bramhall's  Works,  p.  9;3K  foh  edit.).] 
Dugdale's  View,  &c.  p.  711. 


xxu 


APPENDIX. 


Articles  of  Peace  proposed  to  King  Charles  I.  (then  at  Newcastle 
in  the  hands  of  the  Scots)  in  1646^] 

[N]  And  after  having  undergone  several  dangers  and  difficidties.~\ 
All  the  while  he  was  there,  "  he  had  his  life  continually  in  his  hand  ; 
being  in  perils  by  Irish,  in  perils  by  his  own  countrymen,  and  in 
perils  by  false  brethren.  At  Lymerick,  the  Earl  of  Roscommon  had 
such  a  fall  coming  down  a  pair  of  stairs,  that  he  lived  only  so  long 
to  declare  his  Faith  (at  Bishop  Bramhall's  instance)  as  it  is  pro- 
fessed in  the  Church  of  England  :  which  gave  such  offence  to  the 
Romanists  there,  who  would  have  reported  he  died  a  Papist,  if  he 
had  not  spoken  at  all,  that  they  threatened  the  Bishop's  death,  if 
he  did  not  suddenly  depart  the  town.  At  Portumnagh,  indeed,  he 
and  such  as  went  with  him  enjoyed  afterwards  more  freedom  under 
the  Marquis  of  Clanrickard's  pritection,  and  an  allowance  of  the 
Church  service  :  but,  at  the  revolt  of  Cork,  he  had  a  very  narrow- 
deliverance,  which  Cromwell  was  so  troubled  at,  that  he  declared  he 
would  have  given  a  good  sum  of  money  for  X\\a.t  Irish  Canterbury^." 

[O]  Narrowly  escaped  thence  in  a  little  har'k.']  This  escape  of  his 
is  accounted  very  wonderful :  for  "  the  little  bark  he  was  in  was 
closely  hunted  by  two  of  the  Parliament  frigates,  many  of  which 
were  on  that  coast ;  and  when  they  were  come  so  near,  that  all 
hopes  of  being  saved  were  taken  away,  ....  on  a  sudden  the  wind 
slackened  into  a  perfect  calm,  and  as  it  were  flew  into  the  sails  of 
the  little  vessel,  and  carried  her  away  in  view''." 

[P]  But  he  met  with  an  unexpected  diversion  in  his  first  day's 
journey  into  that  kingdom.']  "  For  he  no  sooner  came  into  the  house 
where  he  intended  to  refresh  himself,  but  he  was  known  and  called 
by  his  name  by  the  hostess.  And  his  Lordship  admiring  at  his 
being  discovered,  she  soon  revealed  the  secret,  and  shewed  him  his 
own  picture,  and  assured  him  there  were  several  of  them  upon  the 
road  ;  tliat,  being  known  by  them,  he  might  be  seized  and  carried  to 
the  Inquisition  ;  and  that  her  husband,  among  others,  had  power  to 
that  purpose,  which  he  would  certainly  make  use  of  if  he  found 
him.  The  Bishop  saw  evidently  he  was  a  condemned  man,  being 
already  hanged  in  effigie,  and  therefore  made  use  of  the  advertise- 
ment, and  escaped  out  of  the  power  of  that  Court^." 

"  [Thurloe's  State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  p.  193.  4to.  edit.)  introduces  this  storj-, 
80.]  mere  I)'  to  remark  on  the  word  '  pic- 


f  Life,  as  above,  p.  33.  [See  also  the  Miisgrave,  in  his  MS.  Adversaria  (in 
additional  remarks  at  the  end  of  note  the  British  Museum),  observes  that  it 
U. — "  Granger  (Biograph.  Hitt.  vol  v.     was  neither  a  painting  nor  an  eugrav- 


<>  Life,  as  above,  pp.  27,  28. 
«  Life,  as  above,  p.  28. 


turc,'  that  it  \ 
which  he  nc 


'  doubtless  his  print, 
saw.'     Sir  William 


APPENDIX. 


XXIU 


[Q]  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  Primate  and  Metropolitan  of  all 
Ireland.']  The  author  of  his  life  observess,  that  "no  man  could  be 
more  acceptable  to  the  clergy  there,  because  none  so  fit  to  repair 
the  breaches  of  the  Church,  by  knowing  to  what  part  every  stone 
and  every  piece  of  timber  belonged,  as  this  skilful  architect,  who, 
by  assigning  the  proper  place  for  every  thing,  had  the  satisfaction  to 
see  the  building  rise  suddenly  out  of  its  ashes,  without  the  noise  of 
hammer'',  or  any  contradiction  ;  the  authority  of  his  person  and  of 
his  judgment  silenced  all  the  opposition  which  one  of  less  veneration 
might  possibly  have  met  with.  All  men's  expectations  were  fixed 
on  him  ;  and  many  of  the  prime  nobility  and  clergy  in  Eng- 
land" (particularly  the  Queen  of  Bohemia)'  "congratulated  the 
Church's  happiness  in  his  promotion."  [It  may  be  worth  while  to 
quote  a  few  words  from  two  of  the  letters  of  congratulation  here 
alluded  to  :  the  first,  that  of  the  Queen  of  Bohemia  (daughter  of 
James  I.)  "  who  in  a  letter  addressed  to  his  Grace  prayed  him  to  be 
confident  '  that  none  of  his  friends  could  be  more  glad,  or  wished 
him  more  happiness,  than  his  ever  most  affectionate  friend  Eliza- 
beth'' ;'  "  the  other,  that  of  Lord  Caulfield,  "afterwards  known  by  the 
honourable  epithet  of  the  good  Lord  CharlemontV  who  tells  him  (in 
a  letter  dated  Oct.  22,  1660™),  that  "  as  the  news  of  your  Lordship's 
safe  arrival  is  most  welcome  to  me,  so  is  it  likewise  occasion  of  great 
rejoicing  to  all  those  in  the  kingdom  who  truly  fear  God,  and  pray 
for  the  welfare  of  his  Church :  it  being  yet  fresh  in  the  memories  of 
us  all,  how  eminent  an  instrument  your  Lordship  hath  been  long 


ing,  hut  a  description  of  the  person  hy 
words,  wliich  was  usually  drawn  up  hy 
a  painter,  and  was  therefore  called  a 
picture.  But  the  expression  of  '  heing 
hanged  in  effigy,'  which,  as  Granger 
does  not  mention  it,  Sir  William  pro- 
bably never  saw,  seems  to  imply  some 
kind  of  engraving  or  caricature.'  " 
(Chalmers'  13iogr.  Diet.,  Art.  Bram- 
ball).] 

«  Page  34. 

[Bp.  Bramhall  "  was  neither  a 
boaster  of  revelations  nor  an  ohsen'er  of 
dreams  ;  and  yet  he  would  often  before 
the  Ilebellion  of  Ireland  speak  of  one, 
that  then  much  troubled  him,  which 
was,  that  being  in  a  very  fair  Cathedral 
Church  he  thought  it  suddenly  fell  upon 
him,  so  that  he  was  almost  buried  in 
the  rubbish,  but,  having  with  much 
difficulty  got  out,  and  looking  upon  it 
some  time,  he  saw  it  rise  up  without  any 
noise ;  of  every  part  whereof  he  lived 
to  see  the  verification  (Life,  &c.,  p. 


'  [Perhaps  nothing  marks  more 
sh-ongly  the  estimation  in  which  Bp. 
Bramhall  was  d(-t  rvr  .'iv  M,  than  the 
intimacy  whicli  itli  the 

great  and  goou  >  lass  of 

his  contemi'ov;,  :  friends 
are  to  I  im'  ,  ilie  two, 

whose  V:  '•  Lord 

Straftbi-  I,  .     ,  lier,  Sir 

George  UadtlilK  ,  -Mr.  W  .ii)rde,the 
Marquis  of  Orniond,  Lords  Orrery  and 
Southampton  "  (Advertisement  to  Raw- 
don  Papers);  to  whom  may  be  added 
the  Marquis  of  Newcastle,  the  Mar- 
quis of  Montrose,  Sir  'William  Bos- 
well,  and,  lastly,  one  not  the  least 
honourable  of  the  list,  Evelvn.] 

k  [Quoted  in  Rawd.  Papers,  p.  118, 
note;  and  by  Bp.  Vesej',  Life,  &c.  p. 
34.] 

'  [Mant,  Ch.  of  Ireland,  ch.  ix.  §  L 
p.  605.] 

[Rawd.  Papers,  No  liii.] 


xxiv 


APPENDIX. 


since  in  the  propagating  the  true  ancient  Protestant  religion  in  this 
kingdom."] 

[R]  And  effectually  obtained  the  point  he  aimed  at."]  We  have 
"  one  instance  of  his  prudence,  in  turning  the  edge  of  the  most 
popular  objection  of  that  time  against  conformity.  When  the  bene- 
fices were  called  over  at  the  visitation,  several  appeared,  and  exhi- 
bited only  such  titles  as  they  had  received  from  the  late  powers.  He 
told  them,  '  they  were  no  legal  titles,  but  in  regard  he  heard  well  of 
them,  he  was  willing  to  make  such  to  them  by  institution  and  in- 
duction;'" which  they  thankfully  accepted  of. — But  when  he  de- 
sired "  to  see  their  letters  of  orders,  some  had  no  other  but  their 
certificates  of  ordination  by  some  Presbyterian  classes,  which,  he 
told  them,  did  not  qualify  them  for  any  preferment  in  the  Church. 
Upon  this,  the  question  arose,  '  Are  we  not  Ministers  of  the  Gospel  V 
To  which  his  Grace  answered,  That  was  not  the  question  ;  at  least, 
he  desired  for  peace  sake,  that  might  not  be  the  question  for  that 
time.  '  I  dispute  not,'  said  he,  '  the  value  of  your  ordination,  nor 
those  acts  you  have  exercised  by  virtue  of  it ;  what  you  are,  or 
might  be,  here  when  there  was  no  law,  or  in  other  Churches  abroad. 
But  we  are  now  to  consider  ourselves  as  a  national  Church  limited 
by  law,  which  among  other  things  takes  chief  care  to  prescribe  about 
ordination ;  and  I  do  not  know  how  you  could  recover  the  means 
of  the  Church,  if  any  should  refuse  to  pay  you  your  tithes,  if  you 
are  not  ordained  as  the  law  of  this  Church  requireth  ;  and  I  am  de- 
sirous that  she  may  have  your  labours,  and  you  such  portions  of 
her  revenue  as  shall  be  allotted  you,  in  a  legal  and  assured  way.' 
By  this  means  he  gained  such  as  were  learned  and  sober"." 

[S]  Chosen  Speaker  of  the  house  of  Lords,  in  the  Parliament  which 
met  at  the  same  time.']  The  author  of  his  life  observes",  that  "  it  is 
not  easy  to  say  which  of  the  two  places  he  filled  best,  whether  the 
Statesman  or  Divine  shined  with  greater  brightness.  He  had  a 
judgment  so  clear,  and  a  speech  so  plain  and  persuasive,  that  he 
could  readily  unravel  any  intricacy  and  divide  all  the  parts  of  the 
controversy  into  their  proper  sides,  so  that  the  heavier  scale  would 
easily  shew  itself.  In  short,  he  so  moderated  and  stated  all  ques- 
tions that  arose,  that  few  assemblies  can  boast  of  so  great  an  interest 
being  disputed  with  so  little  noise  (though  there  wanted  not  some) 
in  those  kind  of  arguments  wherein  men  are  not  usually  the  most 
silent." 

[T]  The  latter  end  of  June  he  was  seized  with  the  third  Jit  of  the 

"  Life,  &c.  pp.  35,  3(5.   [See  tlie  ad-        "  Page  37. 
ditional  remarks  at  the  end  of  note  U.  ] 


APPENDIX. 


XXV 


palsy.']  "  He  had  then  a  trial  for  some  part  of  his  temporal  estate, 
at  Omagh,  with  Sir  Audley  MervynP,  depending  in  the  court  of 
claims ;  and  there,  at  the  time  of  hearing,  ....  the  third  fit  of  the 
palsy  so  smote  him,  that  he  sunk  in  the  court,  was  carried  out 
senseless,  and  continued  so  till  death  finished  his  worki.  Had  the 
cause  l-een  unjust,"  as  the  author  of  his  Life  [goes  on  to]  observe, 
"  or  adjudged  against  him,  some  censorious  spirits  would  not  have 
spared  to  have  made  left-hand  judgments  from  the  circumstances 
of  his  death :  but  his  right  so  appeared  on  the  argument,  that  he 
was  a  conqueror  in  his  death,  and  victory  and  honour  waited  upon 
him  to  the  grave^." 

[U]  We  shall  give  an  account  of  his  Works,  ^-c]  They  were  most 
of  them  published  [and,  excepting  three  out  of  the  four  sermons, 
the  whole  of  them  written]  at  different  times  [during  Dr.  Bramhall's 
exile  from  Ireland,  between  1643  and  16G0].  But  they  were  all 
reprinted  at  Dublin  [at  intervals  from  1674  to  1676,  and  published 
together  in  the  last  named  year,  and  again  with  only  a  trifling 
change  in  the  title-page]  in  the  year  1677,  in  one  volume  folio,  with 
this  title : — "  The  Works  of  the  most  Reverend  Father  in  God, 
John  Bramhall,  D.D.  late  Lord  Archbishop  of  Ardmagh,  Primate 
and  Metropolitan  of  all  Ireland.  Some  of  which  never  before 
printed.  Collected  into  one  volume.  To  which  is  added  (for  the 
vindication  of  some  of  his  writings).  An  exact  Copy  of  the  Records, 
touching  Archbishop  Parker's  Consecration,  taken  from  the  original, 
in  the  Registry  of  the  See  of  Canterbury.  As  also,  the  Copy  of  an 
old  ^lanuscript,  in  Corpus  Cliristi  College,  in  Cambridge,  of  the 
same  Subject;" — [with  a  life  of  the  author  prefixed  by  the 
editor  Bp.  Vesey,  and  a  dedication  to  Michael  (Boyle)  then  Arch- 
bishop of  Dublin.  Very  little  pains  or  care  however  were  be- 
stowed upon  either  the  text  or  the  references  by  Dr.  Vesey,  the 
collection  and  arrangement  of  Bp.  Bramhall's  Works  (with  the  in- 
formation contained  in  the  Life,)  constituting  the  only  merits  of  his 
edition.] 


P  [See  Letters,  No.  XII.  Sir  A. 
Mervyn  had  opened  the  proceedings 
against  Bramhall  when  he  was  im- 
peached in  Kill,  in  a  very  virulent 
speech,  Nalson,  vol.  ii.  jjp.  .5"(iO,  &c.] 

1  [Bishop  Mant  (Clmrch  of  Ire- 
land, ch.  ix.  §  2.  p.  (jll)  mentions, 
on  the  authority  of  Palliser's  Funeral 
Oration  for  Abp.  Margetson,  that  Bram- 
hall on  liis  death-bed  recommended 
that  prelate  to  the  Duke  of  Onnond 
(then  Lord  Lieutenant)  as  his  suc- 
cessor :  an  anecdote,  he  adds,  of  which 


Harris  (in  his  edition  of  Ware,  Art. 
upon  Abp.  Margetson)  has  questioned 
the  accuracy  on  the  ground  of  its  in- 
compatibility with  the  circumstances  of 
Dr.  Bramhall's  death;  unnecessarily, 
however,  as  the  Abp.  had  regarded  him- 
self as  upon  his  death- bed  since  his  se- 
cond attack  of  the  palsy  three  (it  should 
be  five  —  See  p.  xiii.  notes  k  and  ni) 
months  before.] 

'  Life,  &c.  p.  42.  [See  also  the  Abp.'s 
will,  among  his  Letters,  &c.  No.  XVI.] 


APPENDIX. 


This  volume  is  divided  into  four  Tomes  or  Parts. 
I.  Tome  I.  containelh  the  Discourses  against  the  Romanists; 
viz. 

1.  "An  Answer  to  M.  de  la  Militiere"  [Milletiere^],  "his  im- 
pertinent Dedication  of  his  imaginary  Triumph  (intitlcd  '  The  Victory 
of  Truth'),  or  his  Epistle  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain"  (King 
Charles  11. ),  "  wherein  he  inviteth  his  Majesty  to  forsake  the  Church 
of  England,  and  to  embrace  the  Roman  Catholic  Religion  :  with  the 
said  IMilitiere's"  [Milletiere's]  "Epistle  prefixed." 

This  was  first  published  at  the  Hague  in  [1653],  12mo.,  but  not 
by  the  author.  [It  was  acknowledged  by  him  in  his  "  Just  Vindi- 
cation," &c.'  (published  the  next  year,  1654),  "excepting  the  errors 
of  the  press,"  of  which  he  there  noticed  one  :  and  was  upon  this 
again  published,  but  evidently  not  by  Bramhall  himself  (The  Hague, 
]2mo.  1654),  as  "  corrected  according  to  his  Lordship's  own  direc- 
tions in  his  Vindication,"  &c.  viz.  with  that  one  error  and  that  only 
corrected,  together  with  a  few  alterations  in  the  (so  called)  translation, 
prefixed  to  it,  of  La  Milletiere's  Epistle.  Bayle",  Niceron'',  and  Bram- 
hally  himself,  speak  also  of  a  French  translation  of  the  Answer  (Geneva, 
1655,  8vo.),  entitled  "  Reponse  faite  par  le  Commandement  du  Roi 
de  la  Grande  Bretagne  a  TEpitre  Dedicatoire  du  Triomphe  Imagi- 
naire  de  iL  de  la  Milletiere,"  with  an  "Avis  au  Lecteur  "  by  the 
Genevese  editor  prefixed  :  and  the  original  has  been  again  lately 
i-epublished  in  12mo.  from  the  folio  edition  (corrected,  however,  as 
it  should  seem,  by  that  of  1654),  v/ith  one  or  two  notes  and  a 
memoir  of  the  Author  abridged  from  Dr.  Vesey's  Life,  by  the  Rev. 
G.  Ingram,  Lond.  1841.] 

The  occasion  of  it  was,  that  the  Romanists  endeavoured  to  per- 
suade King  Charles  II.,  during  his  exile,  to  hope  his  restoration  by 
embracing  their  religion  ;  and  for  that  purpose  emi^loyed  M.  de  la 
[Milletiere],  Counsellor  in  Ordinary  to  the  King  of  France,  to  write 
to  him  [the  Epistle  in  question^.  This  was  published  in  1651,  at 
Paris,  where  Charles's  court  then  was  ;  and  Dr.  Bramhall's  reply, 
written  (if  we  may  trust  tlie  Genevese  editor)  by  his  jMajesty's  ex- 
press command,  and  probably  enough  for  his  private  satisfaction  % 


^  [See  note b,  p.  1 0.  (marginal  paging) 
of  La  Milletiere's  Epistle.] 

'  [c.  X.  Works,  Part  i.  Discourse  ii. 
p.  ISC,  fol.  edit.] 

"  [Dictionn.,  Art.  Milletiere.] 

"  [Memoives,  8cc.  torn.  xli.  Art.  Mil- 
letiire.] 

5  ["  Viiidic.  of  Episcop.  Clergy,"  &r. 
c.  vi.,  Works,  Part  ii.  Discourse  iii. 


p.  627.  fol.  edit.] 

z  Life,  &c.  as  above,  pp.  29,  30.  [and 
Jer.  Taylor's  Fun.  Sonn.] 

[Bramhall's  trr.ct  was  not  designed 
for  publication,  but  was  written  for 
some  private  purpose  urispecilied  (".lust 
Vindication,"  &c.  c.  x.  as  cjuoted  in 
note  t.).] 


APPENDIX. 


xxvu 


was  apparently  composed''  at  the  same  place  at  the  close  of  the 
same  year''.] 

2.  "A  Just  Vindication  of  the  Church  of  England  from  the  unjust 
Aspersion  of  Criminal  Schism,  wherein  the  Nature  of  criminal 
Schism,  the  divers  Sorts  of  Schismatics,  the  Liberties  and  Privi- 
leges of  National  Churches,  the  Rights  of  Sovereign  Magistrates, 
the  Tyranny,  Extortion,  and  Schism,  of  the  Roman  Court,  with  the 
Grievances,  Complaints,  and  opposition  of  all  Princes  and  States  of 
the  Roman  Communion  of  Old,  and  at  this  very  Day,  are  manifested 
to  the  View  of  the  World." 

First  printed  at  London  [in  1654,  8vo.,  'from  a  written  copy, 
during  the  Author's  absence,'  he  being  then  in  Holland  ;  and  again, 
with  the  "  Replication,"  &c.  (Part  i.  Discourse  iii.)  bound  up 
under  the  same  title-page,  also  at  London]  in  1661,  8vo.,  [but  ap- 
parently, as  before,  without  the  author's  superintendence,  this 
second  being  merely  a  reprint  of  the  first  edition  with  the  errata 
corrected. 

The  immediate  occasion  of  this  treatise,  which  was  originally 
designed  to  form  an  appendix  to  the  Answer  to  La  IMilletiere'^, 
seems  to  have  been  the  publication  abroad  by  English  Roman 
Catholics  of  several  works^,  in  which  the  accusation  of  schism  was 
put  forward  prominently,  as  an  unanswerable  confutation  of  the 
pretensions  of  the  English  Church f.]  In  this  Discourse  [,  accordingly, 


*>  [See  the  Ansv/er  itself,  p.  23,  note  1. 
p.  78,  note  1.  of  tlie  present  edit. ;  and 
that  Bramliall  was  in  Paris  in  Dccein- 
hcr  1()51,  see  above,  p.  xi.  note  u.  His 
previous  residence  in  Holland  may  be 
traced  in  the  Dutch  words,  which  occa- 
sionally occur  in  this  tract.] 

''  [In  reply  to  Baxter's  objections  to 
the  "  Answer,"  Branihall  ohserves 
(Vindic.  of  Episcop.  Clergy,  c.  vi.  as 
quoted  in  note  y),  that  abroad  "  it  hath 
hcen  more  happy, —  to  confirm  many, 
to  convert  some  (and  particularly  the 
transcriber  of  the  copy  which  was  brought 
to  the  press),"  "to  irritate  no  man  but 
the  common  adversaries,  who  vented 
their  spleen  against  it  weekly  in  their 
pulpits,  as  thinking  that  the  easiest  way 
of  confutation  ;"  adding,  that  "  some"  of 
the  old  Episcopal  Divines,  (i.  e.  of  Eng- 
land) had  "approved  it  and  thanked 
him  for  it."] 

■1  [Answer  to  La  Millet.,  pp.  36.  fiO. 
of  the  present  edit,  and  the  Just  Vin- 
dication, &c.  as  quoted  in  note  t.] 

'  [The  Appendix  (De  Schismate)  to 
Dr.  Holden's  book   De  Resolutione 


Fidei,  Paris,  1652.  8vo — Mr.  Knott's 
"  Infidelity  Unmasked  Gant,  1652. 
■Ito.] 

'  [The  general  tone  of  the  controversy 
with  the  Romanists  seems  to  have 
turned  at  this  time  very  much  upon  the 
question  of  Schism.  Dr.  Hammond's 
treatise  "Of  Schism,"  and  another,  by 
Dr.  feme,  "  Of  the  Di\  isiou  between 
tlie  English  and  Ror.iish  Church  upon 
the  Rtformation,"  6cc.,  had  been  pub- 
lished in  London  in  Ki'jo,  and  Sir  Roger 
Twysden's  "  Historical  Vindication  of 
the  Church  of  England  in  point  of 
Schism"  followed  Bramball's  (but  to 
all  appearance  independently)  in  1().37 
(Lond.  4to.).  The  latter  is  partly  a 
reply  to  a  "Treatise  of  the  Schism  of 
England"  by  Philip  Scot  (Amsterd. 
1650),  but  is  partly  also  directed  against 
the  arguments  of  the  Romanists  gene- 
rall}'.  Sir  G.  Radcliffc  again  writes 
to  Branihall  from  Paris,  .Jul)  21,  1656 
(Rawd.  Papers,  p.  102),  that  he  had 
met  there  "  with  sundry  very  learned 
men,"  who  seemed  "to  agree"  with 
him  "in  points  of  Faith,  and  particu- 


xxviii 


APPENDIX. 


the  Author]  proves  [among  other  points],  That  the  separation  from 
the  Court  of  Rome  was  not  made  by  Protestants,  but  Roman 
Catholics  themselves?;  That  the  Britannic  Churches  were  ever 
exempted  from  all  foreign  jurisdiction  for  the  first  six  hundred 
years'^;  and  had  both  sufficient  authority  and  sufficient  grounds  to 
withdraw  their  obedience  from  Rome'.  [Although  such  however 
may  have  been  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  work,  yet  the  subject 
had  dwelt  in  the  author's  mind  long  previously,  and  appears  indeed 
to  have  been  his  favourite  topic''.] 

3.  "  A  Replication  to  the  Bishop  of  Chalcedon"  (Richard  Smith) 
"  his  '  Survey  of  the  Vindication  of  the  Church  of  England  from 
Criminous  Schism,'  clearing  the  English  laws  from  the  Aspersion  of 
Cruelty.  With  an  Appendix  in  Answer  to  the  exceptions  of  S.  W." 
[(William  Sergeant),  "or  a  Reply  to  S.  W.'s  'Refutation  of  the 
Bp.  of  Derry's  Just  Vindication  of  the  Church  of  England.'  "] 

Printed  at  first  [in  London,  1656,  8vo.,  the  "Survey,"  &c.  by 
R.  C.  (i.  e.  Richard  Chalcedon)  having  appeared  in  1654.  The 
unsold  copies  of  this  edition  were  bound  up,  under  a  common  title- 
page,]  with  [the  new  impression,  in  1661,  of]  the  "  Just  Vindi- 
cation," &c. 

4.  "  Schism  Guarded,  and  beaten  back  upon  the  right  Owners, 
Shewing, — that  our  great  Controversie  about  Papal  power,  is  not  a 
question  of  Faith,  but  of  Interest  and  Profit,  not  with  the  Church 
of  Rome  but  with  the  Court  of  Rome  ;  v.'herein  the  true  Contro- 
versie doth  consist ;  who  were  the  first  Innovators  ;  when,  and 
where,  these  Papal  Innovations  first  began  in  England  ;  with  the 
Opposition  that  was  made  against  them." 

This  [was  first'  printed  at  the  Hague,  1658,  Svo. ;  and  republished 
but  not  reprinted  in  the  following  year  in  London,  with  "  The  Con- 
secration and  Succession,"  &c.  (the  treatise  to  be  next  mentioned) 
bound  up  with  it,  and  an  additional  title-page  for  the  whole  volume, 
as  follows  ;  "  'Po/x^aia  AlaTOfios  'O^ela,  or,  The  Church  of  England 


larly  about  the  Pope's  jurisdiction,  and 
the  Bread  in  the  Sacrament,  which  two 
points"  he  had  "  tliouglit  most  irre- 
concilcable  ;"  hut  "  tlie  Schism"  was 
"that  only  whicli  is  now  the  lilock  be- 
tween us."  See  also  a  preceding  letter 
of  his  (Rawd.  Papers,  pp.  99,  100).] 

E  Ch.  iii. 

h  Ch.  V. 

i  Ch.  vi. 

See  above,  note  E.  [A  letter  of 
Bp.  Morley  to  the  author  upon  Ihe  pub- 
lication of  this  work  is  <|uoted  by  Dr. 
Yeisey,  in  which  that  Bishop  says  that 


he  "  never  saw  anything  written  of  that 
argument  so  clearly,  so  fully,  so  con- 
vincingly ;  and  therefore  "  he  adds,  "  I 
heartily  thank  your  Lordship  for  it,  not 
only  in  my  own  name,  but  of  the  whole 
Clergy  and  Cliurch  of  England,  which 
thereby  is  notably  vindicated  from  the 
greatest  prejudice  that  lay  upon  her,  or 
could  with  any  probability  be  objected 
to  her,"  &c.  (Life,  &c.  pp.  30,  31.).] 

'  [Adverlisement  to  Keader,  dated 
March  11,  1658  stilo  novo,  and  pre- 
fixed to  the  "  Castigations  of  Mr. 
Hobbes,"  Works,  p.  734.  fol.  edit.] 


APPENDIX. 


Defended,  in  two  treatises,  against  the  fabulous  and  slanderous  im- 
putations cast  upon  her  in  the  two  points  of  Succession  of  Bishops, 
and  Schisme,  wherein  the  Fable  of  the  Nag's  Head  Ordination  is 
detected,  and  the  accusation  of  Schism  retorted." 

It]  is  an  answer  to  a  book  entitled,  "  Schism  Dispatcht,  [or,  A  Re- 
joinder to  the  Replies  of  Dr.  Hammond  and  the  Lord  of  Derry" 
(i.  e.  to  Dr.  Hammond's  "  Disarmer's  Dexterities  Examined,"  Lond. 
1656,  and  to  Bramhall's  Reply  to  S.  W.  in  the  appendix  to  his 
"  Replication,"  &c.,  above  mentioned) ;]  by  S.  W.  i.  e.  Will.  Ser- 
geant [1657.  8vo.];  and  our  Author  proves  therein,  [among  other 
points,]  that  the  Pope  hath  no  legislative  nor  judiciary  power  in 
England  "\ 

5.  "  The  Consecration  and  Succession  of  Protestant  Bishops 
justified.  The  Bishop  of  Duresme  Vindicated.  And  that  infamous 
Fable,  of  the  Ordination  at  the  Nag's  Head,  clearly  confuted." 

This  [appears  to  have  been,  from  its  subject,  among  the  most 
popular  of  Dr.  Bramhall's  Works.  It  was  first  published  at  the 
Hague  in  1G58,  and  again,  as  above  mentioned,  with  "Schism 
Guarded,"  in  London,  in  1059.  A  third  edition  (Lond.  1664.  8vo.) 
is  mentioned  by  Nicolson",  separately  from  "Schism  Guarded;" 
and  a  fourth,  also  separate,  appeared  in  1716  (Lond.  8vo.). 

It]  is  an  answer  [partly]  to  a  calumny  of  two  Jesuits,  Father 

Talbot  and  Father  B  ,  against  our  Author.    And  the  Bishop 

of  Durham  here  vindicated,  is  Bishop  Morton,  who  was  charged  by 
the  same  Fathers  [upon  the  authority  of  a  certain  Nobleman,  viz. 
Lord  Audley°], — "in  1640,  when  some  Presbyterian  Lords  pre- 
sented to  the  Upper  House  a  book,  proving,  that  the  Protestant 
Bishops  had  no  Succession  or  Consecration,  and  therefore  were  no 
Bishops," — to  have  made  a  speech  against  that  book;  and  "en- 
deavoured to  prove  succession  from  the  last"  [Roman]  "  Catholic 
Bishops,  who,  by  imposition  of  hands,  ordained  the  first  Protestant 
Bishops  at  the  Nag's  Head  in  CheapsideP." — In  opposition  to  this. 
Bishop  Morton'i,  and  such  of  the  Spiritual  and  temporal  Lords  as 
were  in  the  House  in  1640  and  still  living  in  1658,  made  solemn 


Sect.  i.  ch.  6,  7. 
"  [Eng.  Hist.  Libr.  p.  138.  3rd  edit.] 
°  [Neither  Bramhall  nor  the  Fathers 
had  in  the  first  instance  named  tliis 
nobleman,  but  the  latter  (or  their  re- 
presentative) broke  through  their  scru- 
ples in  their  reply.  See  the  "  Nullity 
of  the  Prelatique  Clergy,  by  N.  N." 
ch.  ix.] 

[These  are  "  the  words  of  the  Fa- 
thers themselves,"  as  quoted  by  Bram- 


hall in  his  Reply,  ch.  ii.  Works,  p.  430. 
fol.  edit.] 

q  [Dean  Barwick,  then  cliaplain  to 
Bp.  Morton,  was  about  to  reply  to 
the  story ;  but  hearing  of  the  Bp.  of 
Derry' s  intention,  he  handed  over  the 
materials,  which  he  had  collected,  to 
him  (Life  of  Barwick,  by  his  brother, 
p.  174.  Eng.  Transl.).  See  the  work 
itself,  ch.  ii.  p.  432.  fol.  edit] 


XXX 


APPENDIX. 


protestations  (inserted  in  this  book),  "  That  no  such  book  was  ever 
presented,  nor  such  a  speech  made  by  Bishop  Morton."  [The 
charge  was  brought  by  the  Fathers  (or  by  one  of  them,  or  of  their 
party)  in  the  2nd  chapter  of  a  book,  entitled  "  A  Treatise  of  the 
nature  of  the  Catholique  Faith  and  of  Heresy  by  N.  N."  (Rouen, 
1057);  to  the  remainder  of  the  second  chapter  of  which  book  the 
greater  part  of  Bramhall's  Work  is  a  reply,  the  story  of  the  Nag's 
Head  Ordination  being  its  principal  argument "■.] 

11.  Tome  II.,  "Against  the  English  Sectaries;"  comprehends, 

1.  "A  Fair  Warning  to  take  heed  of  the  Scottish  Discipline,  as 
being  of  all  others  most  injurious  to  the  Civil  Magistrate,  most  op- 
pressive to  the  Subject,  most  pernicious  to  both." 

[First  published  in  1049%  4to.,  no  place;  but  spoken  of  in  a 
"Review"  of  it  by  one  Robert  Baylie',  as  "published  in  Holland"  :" 
and  republished  but  not  reprinted  in  1G61,  at  the  Hague,  with 
Baylie's  Review  and  a  "  Second  Fair  Warning  in  vindication  of  the 
First,"  by  Rich.  Watson",  bound  up  under  a  common  title-page. 
Another  edition,  without  either  name  or  place,  and  with  considerable 
omissions  and  errors,  appeared  also  in  1649>':  and  another,  (an 
exact  reprint  of  the  first  mentioned^)  was  published  between  1661 
and  1663,  and  either  in  England  or  in  Ireland^.] 

2.  "  The  Serpent  Salve  :  or,  A  Remedy  for  the  biting  of  an  Aspe  : 


f  [A  Rejoinder  to  BiauihaH's  work, 
entitled  "  The  Nullity  of  tlie  Prelatique 
Clergy  and  Church  of  England  further 
discovered,  in  answer  to  the  plain  pre- 
varication, S:c.,  of  D.  John  IJraniliall," 
&c.  \c.  appcirod  in  Ki-^O  (Aiilw.  8vo.) 
from  llio  1,1!.  of  the  same.  N.  X.  The 
Ka>;'s  Ik-ad  Ordination  was  not  a  new 
subject  to  Branihall  ;  he  had  treated  of 
it  incidentally  in  his  "  Protestants"  Or- 
dination Defended"  (unpublished  how- 
ever at  this  time),  Works,  Part  iv.  Dis- 
course vii.  pp.  1006,  1007.  fol.  edit. 
— of  which  see  below.] 

s  [That  this  was  its  first  publication, 
is  fixed  bv  the  quotation  in  the  book  it- 
self (Works,  p.  .j().3.  fol.  edit.)  of  a  '  So- 
lemn Acknowledgment,  lS:c.  '  made  by 
the  General  Assembly  of  Scotland,  Oct. 
t).  1648.] 

'  ["Review  of  Dr.  Bramble"  (sic), 
"  late  Bp.  of  Londenderry,  his  Fair 
Warning  against  the  Scotcs  DiscipHn, 
by  R.  B.  G."  (Robert  Baylie,  minister 
at  Glasgow,  at  the  time,  however,  with 
Charles  II.  at  the  Hague.)  Delph.  1619. 
4to.  The  name  is  mispelt  Bromwcll  in 
the  title-page  of  the  book  itself.] 


"  [Bp.  Branihall  had  returned  from 
Ireland  and  was  at  Rotterdam  in  Oct. 
16i8  :  see  above,  p.  x,  note  r.] 

X  [First  published  in  16-)1,  Hague, 
4to.  He  was  chaplain  to  Lord  Hop- 
ton.] 

y  [From  the  substitution  in  at  least 
one  instance  ("  reglement  "  for  "  re- 
gulation") of  a  foreign  for  an  English 
word,  this  edition  also  would  seem  to  have 
been  printed  abroad,  and  very  possibly 
without  the  author's  knowledge,  as  he 
does  not  appear  to  have  ever  disavowed 
or  concealed  his  authorship.] 

z  [The  title-page  and  a  table  of  con- 
tents (taken  from  the  headings  of  the 
chapters)  excepted.] 

"  [It  is  entitled  "  A  Fair  Warning  for 
England,  to  take  heed  of  the  Scottish 
Discipline,  S.C.  &c.  Also  the  Sinful- 
nesse  and  wickednesse  of  the  Covenant, 
to  intioiluce  that  Government  upon  the 
Church  of  England,  by  Dr.  .Tohn  Brum- 
hall"  (sic),  "Lord  Archbishop  of  Ar- 
magh and  Primate,  &c.,  now  reprinted 
for  the  good  and  benefit  of  all  his  Ma- 
jesty's Subjects."] 


APPENDIX. 


xxxi 


Wherein  the  Observator's  Grounds  are  discussed,  &c."  written 
Dialogue-wise,  and  in  vindication  of  King  Charles  I.,  [(in  reply  to 
a  tract  by  Henry  Parker,  entitled  "  Observations  upon  some  of  His 
Majesty's  late  Answers  and  Expresses,"  published  anonymously  in 
1642)]  ;  wherein  the  author  endeavours  to  prove  that  'power  is  not 
originally  inherent  in,  and  derived  from,  the  people,  &c.'  [It  was 
the  first  publication  of  Bp.  Bramhall,  and  was]  first  printed  in 
1643^,  [i.  e.  in  the  spring  of  164f ,  whilst  he  was  in  Yorkshire  with 
the  Marquis  of  Newcastle "=.] 

3.  "  Bishop  Bi-amhall's  Vindication  of  himself,  and  the  Episcopal 
Clergy,  from  the  Presbyterian  charge  of  Popery,  as  it  is  managed 
by  Mr.  Baxter,  in  his  treatise  of  the  Grotian  Religion."  [first  pub- 
lished under  this  title  by  Dr.  Samuel  Parker  in  1672  (Lond.  8vo.), 
nine  years  after  the  author's  death,  with  a  Preface,  which  excited  a 
great  deal  of  controversy  by  its  violence,  "  shewing  what  grounds 
there  are  of  Fears  and  Jealousies  of  Popery."  It  was  written  in 
the  latter  end  of  1659  or  beginning  of  1660,  after  the  author  had 
been  sixteen  years  in  exile*^,  in  answer  to  Baxter's  "  Treatise  of  the 
Grotian  Religion  against  Thos.  Pierce"  (1658.  Lond.),  wherein 
Bramhall  was  accused  by  name  of  a  design  to  bring  in  Popery  ;  and 
is  the  last,  a  few  sermons  excepted,  of  his  published  writings.] 

III.  Tome  III.  Against  Mr.  Hobbes. 

1.  "  A  Defence  of  True  Liberty,  from  antecedent  and  extrinsecal 
Necessity.  Being  an  answer  to  a  late  book  of  Mr.  Thomas  Hobbs 
of  Malmesbury,  intitled,  A  Treatise  of  Liberty  and  Necessity." 

[The  controversy  between  Bramhall  and  Hobbes,  which  gave  oc- 
casion to  this  and  the  following  works,  took  its  rise  from  a  conver- 
sation, that  passed  between  them  at  an  accidental  meeting,  in  1645, 
at  the  house  of  the  Marquis  of  Newcastle  in  Paris.  It  appears  from 
the  works  themselves,  that  the  Bishop  subsequently  committed  his 
thoughts  upon  the  subject  to  writing,  and  transmitted  his  "  discourse" 
through  the  Marquis  to  Hobbes.  This  called  forth  an  answer  from 
the  latter  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Marquis  (dated  Rouen,  Aug. 


^  [Title-page;  see  also  Vesey's  Life, 
&c.  p.  27.] 

'  [Abp.  Usher,  in  a  letter  to  Bram- 
hall dated  Oxford  lfi44,  speaks  of  hav- 
ing "  at  length  received  his  book  to- 
gether with  his  seiTnon"  (viz.  Serpent 
Salve,  and  the  sermon  before  the  M.  of 
Newcastle  of  Jan.  28.  164|.) ;  adding 
that  he  "cannot  sufficiently  commend" 
the  author's  "  dexterity  in  clearing 
those  points  which  have  not  been  so 
satisfactorily  liandled  by  those  who 
have  taken  pains  in  the  same  argu- 


ment before;"  and  that  he  had  "pro- 
fited more  thereby  than  by  any  of  the 
books  he  had  read  before  touching  that 
subject"  (Dr.  Vesey's  Life,  &c.  p.  27). 
Both  the  sermon  and  the  book  are  like- 
wise mentioned  and  discussed  by  Sir 
G.  Radclifte  in  a  letter  to  Bramhall, 
dated  Oxon  20.  March  1C43,  thanking 
him  for  the  present  of  them  (Rawd. 
Papers,  No.  xxxvii).] 

[See  his  own  words  in  ch.  v. — 
Works,  p.  524.  fol.  edit.] 


xxxii 


APPENDIX. 


20,  1645),  to  be  communicated  "only  to  my  Lord  Bishop;"  to 
•which  Bramhall  replied  in  a  second  paper,  not  however  until  the 
middle  of  the  following  year^  and  privately  as  before.  Here 
the  controversy  rested  for  more  than  eight  years,  having  been 
hitherto  carried  on  with  perfect  courtesy  on  both  sides.  In  1654, 
however,  a  friend  of  Hobbes  procured  without  his  knowledge  a 
copy  of  his  letter,  and  published  it  in  London  with  Hobbes'  name, 
but  with  the  erroneous  date  of  1652  for  1645  ;  upon  which  Bram- 
hall, finding  himself  thus  deceived,  rejoined  in  the  next  year  by  the 
publication  of  the  "  Defence,  &c."  (Lond.  1655.  8vo.)  consisting  of 
his  own  original  "discourse,"  of  Hobbes'  answer,  and  of  his  own  reply, 
printed  sentence  by  sentence,  with  a  dedication  to  the  ]\Iarquis  of 
Newcastle,  and  an  advertisement  to  the  reader  explaining  the  cir- 
cumstances under  which  it  was  published.] 

2.  "  Castigations  of  Mr.  Hobbes,  his  last  Animadversions,  in  the 
case  concerning  Liberty  and  universal  Necessity  [,  wherein  all  his 
exceptions  about  the  controversie  are  fully  satisfied]." 

3.  "  The  Catching  of  Leviathan,  or  the  Great  \Miale ;  Demon- 
strating, out  of  Mr.  Hobs  his  own  Works,  that  no  man  who  is 
thoroughly  a  Hobbist,  can  be  a  good  Christian,  or  a  good  Com- 
monwealth's man,  or  reconcile  himself  to  himself,  because  his  Prin- 
ciples are  not  only  destructive  to  all  Religion,  but  to  all  Societies  ; 
extinguishing  the  Relation  between  Prince  and  Subject,  Parent  and 
Child,  Master  and  Servant,  Husband  and  AVife :  and  abound  with 
palpable  contradictions." 

[These  two  works  were  printed  in  London,  the  first  in  1657,  the 
second,  as  an  appendix  to  it,  in  1658;  and  as  two  parts  of  one 
and  the  same  volume.  It  would  seem  that  Bramhall  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  "  slowness  of  this  edition"  (it  being  printed  in  Lon- 
don while  he  was  in  Holland)  to  add  to  a  part  of  the  impression  a 
common  title-page  for  the  whole  volume,  an  additional  "Advertise- 
ment to  the  Reader"  (dated  March  11,  1658,  new  style),  and  a 
table  of  errata ;  as  copies  exist  with  these  additions  (from  one  of 
M'hich  the  folio  edition  was  taken),  which  are  in  every  other  respect 
identical  with  those,  wherein  these  additions  are  wanting. 

The  occasion  of  the  first  of  the  two  was,  the  publication  by 
Hobbes  in  1656  of  a  reply  to  the  "  Defence,"  entitled  "  The  Ques- 
tions concerning  Liberty,  Necessity,  and  Chance,  clearly  stated  and 
debated  between  Dr.  Bramhall,  Bp.  of  Derry,  and  Thomas  Hobbes 
of  Malmesbury,"  in  which  the  whole  of  the  "  Defence"  had  been 
reprinted  with  Hobbes'  own  "Animadversions"  upon  it,  head  by 


<:  [See  the  Isl  page  of  the  Defence.] 


APPENDIX. 


XXXUl 


head:  an  example  of  "needless  repetition,"  which  Bramhall  had 
himself  set,  but  did  not  now  continue. 

The  second  has  no  further  connection  with  the  dispute,  than  as 
being  provoked  by  it ;  and  as  directed  against  another  treatise  of 
the  same  adversary.  Hobbes  in  this  instance  took  his  time  to  reply, 
his  answer  not  appearing  until  1682  (Lond.  8vo.),  nearly  twenty 
years  after  his  opponent's  death.] 

IV.  Tome  IV.  [Upon  Miscellaneous  Subjects,]  contains, 

1.  "  The  Controversies  about  the  Sabbath,  and  the  Lord's  Day; 
with  their  respective  obligations  ;  clearly,  succinctly,  and  impartially, 
stated,  discussed,  and  determined." 

[First  published  in  the  folio  edition*',  but  written  in  the  year  16585 
or  thereabouts,  in  consequence  of  the  controversy  whicharose  aboutthat 
time  in  England  between  Dr.  Bernard  on  the  one  side  and  Dr.  Heylin 
and  Dr.  Pierce  on  the  other  concerning  some  opinions  of  Abp.  Usher, 
and  among  the  rest,  his  Judgment  of  the  Sabbath  and  Observation  of 
the  Lord's  Day.  A  tract  which  Bramhall  had  not  seen  when  he 
wrote  the  earlier  part  of  his  book,  but  which  he  notices  in  its 
conclusion,  was  published  by  Dean  Bernard  in  1657  and  1658  at 
London,  entitled,  "  The  Judgment  of  the  late  Abp.  of  Armagh,"  &c., 
"1.  Of  the  Extent  of  Christ's  Death  and  Satisfaction,  2.  of  the  Sabbath 
and  Observation  of  the  Lord's  Day,  3.  of  the  Ordination  in  other 
Reformed  Churches,"  and  noticing  also  rather  sharply  the  substi- 
tution of  the  English  for  the  Irish  articles  in  the  Convocation  of 
1634  at  Dublin.  The  bulk  of  Dr.  Bramhail's  treatise  is  addressed 
to  a  friend  unnamed  who  had  asked  him  for  his  opinion  upon  the 
subject  M'ithout  specifying  his  reason  for  requiring  it,  that  reason 
apparently  being  the  controversy  above  mentioned.] 

2.  "  A  Sermon  preached  in  York  Minster  before  his  Excellency 
the  Marquis  of  Newcastle,  being  then  ready  to  meet  the  Scotch 
army,  Jan.  28,  1643  [i.  e.  164|.]i." 

3.  "A  Sermon  preached  at  Dublin,  upon  the  twenty-third  of 
April  1661,  being  the  day  appointed  for  his  Majestie's  Coronation  ; 


'  [General  table  of  Contents  to  the 
folio  edition.] 

^  [From  the  date  of  publication  of 
Dean  Bernard's  book  mentioned  above 
in  the  text.  See  Bramhail's  Works, 
p.  934.  fol.  edit.] 

h  [This  friend  had  himself  written  a 
"treatise"  u))on  the  subject  (Works,  p. 
907.  fol.  edit.) ;  but  there  is  no  further 
clue  to  his  name.  A  fragment  of  a 
letter  by  Bramhall  (see  Letters,  No. 
XI.)  upon  the  same  controversy,  ad- 

BRAMHALL. 


dressed,  according  to  Bp.  Barlow's  en- 
dorsement, to  Dean  Bernard,  might 
lead  to  the  conjecture  that  he  was  the 
person  ;  but  there  is  no  other  treatise 
by  Dean  Bernard  at  all  bearing  upon 
the  subject,  except  the  one  mentioned 
in  the  text ;  and  this  (if  it  can  be  called 
a  "treatise"  at  all)  was  not  seen  by 
Bramhall  until  he  had  written  nearly 
the  whole  of  his  book.] 

'  [See  above,  what  is  said  of  "  Ser- 
pent-Salve."] 

d 


xxxiv 


APPENDIX. 


with  two  Speeches  made  in  the  House  of  Peers,  the  eleventh  of 
May,  1661,  when  the  House  of  Commons  presented  their 
Speaker." 

4.  "  The  right  "Way  to  Safety  after  Shipwrack :  in  a  Sermon 
preached  to  the  Honourable  House  of  Commons  in  St.  Patrick's 
Church,  Dublin,  June  16,  1661,  at  their  solemn  receiving  of  the 
Blessed  Sacrament." 

[Both  this  and  the  last-mentioned  sermons  were  first  printed  in 
1661,  upon  their  delivery,  and  the  latter  by  request  of  the  House 
of  Commons''.] 

5.  "A  short  Discourse  to  Sir  Henry  De  Vic,  about  a  passage  at 
his  table,  after  the  Christening  of  his  Daughter,  Anne  Charlott ;  of 
Persons  dying  without  Baptism'."  ["Written  while  in  exile," 
i.  e.  at  Brussels  between  1644  and  1648.  This  and  the  next 
Paper  were  apparently  printed  for  the  first  time  in  the  folio 
edition.] 

6  "An  Answer  to  two  Papers  brought  him  June  the  19th,  1645, 
about  the  Protestants'  Ordination,"  &c.  [written  June  20th.  in  that 
year  at  Brussels.] 

7  "Protestants'  Ordination  Defended,"  &c.  or  "An  Answer  to 
the  twentieth-  Chapter  of  The  Guide  of  Faith ;  or.  The  third  Part 
of  the  Antidote  of  S.  N.  Doctor  of  Divinity"  :"  [written  before 
1654",  but  apparently  first  published  in  the  folio  edition.] 

He  had,  likewise,  prepared  a  hundred  sermons  for  the  press,  but 
they  [,  with  some  memoirs  he  had  written  of  his  own  life,]  were 
"  torn  by  the  rats  before  his  death"."  [A  short  discourse  upon 
Transubstantiation,  written  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  English  mer- 
chants at  Antwerp  during  his  first  exile?, — a  History  of  Hull,  said 
to  have  been  published  shortly  before  his  quitting  England  in  1644<J, 
— a  reply  to  some  objections  made  by  a  Jesuit  against  his  Answer 


[The  title-pages  of  both  Sei-mons 
by  a  singular  mistake  give  the  date 
1C60  :  yet  it  appears  by  the  same  title- 
pages,  that  the  Sei-mons  were  not 
preached,  nor  the  Speeches  delivered, 
until  nfler  March  1661.] 

1  See  above  [in  the  Life  itself,  p.  x.] 
m  [The  full  title  of  the  work  to  which 
Bramhall  replied,  is  as  follows  ; — "  The 
Guide  of  Faith,  or,  A  third  Part  of  the 
Antidote  against  the  Pestiferous  writ- 
ings of  all  English  Sectaries,  and  in 
particular,  against  D.  Bilson,  D.  Fulke, 
D.  Reynolds,  D.  Whitaker,  D.  Field, 
D.  Sparkes,  D.  "SVhite,  and  M.  Mason, 
the  chief  upholders,  some  of  Protes- 
tancy,    and    some    of  Puritanisme. 


Wherein  the  Truth,  and  perpetual 
Visible  Succession,  of  the  Catholique 
Roman  Church,  is  clearly  demon- 
strated, by  S.  N.  Doctor  of  Divinity, 
4to.,  no  place,  1621.] 

"  [It  is  mentioned  by  Bramhall  in 
his  Just  Vindication,  c.  ix.  Works,  p. 
134.  fol.  edit.] 

»  [Life,  &c.  p.  29.] 

P  [Life,  &c.  p.  27  ;  and  see  above, 
p.  X.] 

[Life,  &c.  p.  27  ;  but  the  report 
might  allude,  as  Dr.  Vesey  suggests,  to 
the  latter  part  of  Serpent- Salve,  pub- 
lished at  this  time,  which  treats  at  length 
of  Sir  J.  Hotham's  treason  at  Hull. 
See  Works,  pp.  .581,  &c.  fol.  edit.] 


APPENDIX. 


XXXV 


to  La  Milletiere"", — and  a  paper  of  objections  against  Hobbes'  book 
"  De  Cive^," — have  been  also  lost. 

Two  treatises  on  the  other  hand  have  been  attributed  to  him  incor- 
rectly ;  one,  an  "  Apoloc/ia  pro  Rege  et  Populo  Anglicano,  Contra  Jo- 
hannis  Pohjpragmatici  {alias  Miltoni  Angli)  Defensionem  destructi- 
vam  Regis  et  Populi"  (i.  e.  Milton's  well-known  "  Defensio  Popiili 
Anglicani"),  published  in  1G51,  and  supposed  to  be  Bramhall's 
by  Milton,  and  his  nephew  Phillips  (who  answered  it) ;  the  other 
a  treatise  against  the  Presbyterians,  entitled  "  The  Countermine,  or  a 
Short  but  True  Discovery  of  the  Dangerous  Principles  and  Secret 
Practices  of  the  Presbyterians,"  &c.  &c.  published  anonymously  at 
London  in  1677.  That  the  former  was  not  Bramhall's  has  been 
satisfactorily  shewn  by  Archdeacon  Todd',  from  the  "  contemptible 
and  barbai-ous  style"  of  the  work,  from  the  avowal  of  the  authorship 
by  the  real  author"  in  a  subsequent  work,  and  from  the  express 
denial  of  Bramhall  himself''.  The  latter  is  written  in  a  style  very 
different  from  the  nervous  energy  of  Dr.  Bramhall's  ;  and  was  really 
the  composition  of  Dr.  John  Nalson.  Lastly,  he  is  said^  (although 
upon  very  slight  grounds)  to  have  assisted  in  the  composition  of  two 
other  treatises  against  the  Presbyterians  by  one  John  Corbet,  once 
a  Presbyterian  Minister  at  Bonyl,  near  Dumbarton,  viz.  "  The 
Ungirding  of  the  Scottish  Armour'',"  and  "  Lysimachus  Nicanor";" 
and  also^  in  that  of  a  third,  by  Bp.  Maxwell  <=  (attributed  however 
by  some  to  the  same  John  Corbet),  entitled  "  The  Burthen  of  Issa- 
char''."] 

['  Mentioned  in  the  "  Vindic.  of  Covenanters  at  Edinburgh,  &c.  &c.,  to 
Episeop.  Clergy,"  c.  vi.  Works,  p.  G2C.  draw  them  to  take  up  amies,  against 
fol.  edit.]  the  Lord's  Anointed,  throughout  the 

»  [.Mentioned  in  the  Preface  to  the  whole  kingdom  of  Scotland."  Dublin, 
" Defence  ofTrue  Liberty,"  &c.,  Works,  Ito.  1()39.  Witli  Licence  from  tlie 
p.  C  18.  fol.  edit.]  Primate  Usher,  and  a  Dedication  to  the 

'  [Life  of  Milton,  sect.iii.  pp.  133—     Lord  Deputy,  Wentwortli.] 
135.  note.]  a  ["The  Epistle  Congratulatory  of 

"  [An  English  clergyman,  named  Lysimachus  Nicanor,  of  the  Society  of 
John  Rowland.]  Jesu,  to  the  Covenanters  in  Scotland, 

^  [In  a  letter  to  his  Son,  Letters  wherein  is  Paralleled  our  Sweet  Har- 
No.  IX.]  mony  and  Correspondency  in  Divers 

^  [Life,  &c.  p.  24.  The  story  is  Material!  Points  of  Doctrine  and  Prac- 
inverted  by  Mr.  Baylie,  in  his  Review  tice."  First  printed  anonymously,  in 
of  Fair  Warning,  ch.i.p.  2.  whoaccuses     1640,  4to.] 

Bramhall  of  borrowing,  in  that  treatise,        ^  [Note  by  Baker,  on  Wood's  Athen. 
from  Corbet's  Lysimachus  Nicanor,  and     Oxon.  by  Bliss,  vol.  iii.  p.  1265.] 
Maxwell's  Burthen  of  Issachar.    Cor-  [First  of  Ross,  in  Scotland,  then 

bet,  when  compelled  to  fly  to  Ireland,  of  Killala  and  Tuam  successively.  He 
upon  his  refusal  to  take  the  Covenant,  was  received  by  Bp.  Bramhall  in  Ire- 
was  protected  and  patronised  by  Bram-  land,  when  compelled  to  fly  from  Scot- 
hall  (Life,  &c.  p.  27.).]  land,  in  1639  (Life,  &c.  p.  24.).] 

^  ["  In  answer  to  the  Informations  d  ["  Or,  The  Tyrannical  I'ower  and 
for  Defensive  Armes  against  the  King's  Practices  of  the  Presbyterian  Govern- 
Majestie,  which  were  drawn  up  by  the     ment  in  Scotland."    Lond.  l(j4C.  4to.] 

■  (12 


xxxvi 


APPENDIX. 


***  [Some  additional  remarks  were  appended  to  the  Life  of  Bp. 
Bramhall  by  Towers  and  Kippis,  in  their  edition  of  the  Biograph. 
Britann.  ;  of  which  those  worthy  of  notice  are  here  added. 

1.  They  observe,  that  "the  conduct  of  Bp.  Bramhall  in  the  Irish 
Convocation  of  1634^,  doth  not  seem  entitled  to  any  very  extrava- 
gant aj^plause  ;"  that  "  it  was  his  aim  to  have  the  Articles  of  the 
Church  of  Ireland  somewhat  less  Calvinistical,"  and  that  "  in  the 
management  of  this  affair  he  shewed  great  dexterity."  It  must 
be  remembered*',  however,  that,  in  the  substitution  of  the  English  for 
the  Irish  Articles  by  that  Convocation  (the  former  omitting,  the  latter 
containing,  the  five  Lambeth  Articles),  the  change  in  itself  was  held 
by  both  parties  to  be  sufficiently  formal  to  allow  both  to  regard  its 
accomplishment  as  in  some  sense  a  victory, — the  Primate  Usher 
and  his  friends  considering  the  Irish  Articles  uncondemned  by  the 
act,  although  set  aside.  Bp.  Bramhall  and  the  Lord  Deputy  holding 
them  to  be  in  effect  abrogated  s,  but  only  or  chiefly  because  set 
aside.  The  Bishop's  dexterity  therefore  can  scarcely  be  supposed 
or  implied  to  have  exceeded  the  bounds  of  honesty,  because  he 
urged  the  adoption  of  the  measure  upon  the  ground  of  its  being  in 
the  main,  and  in  itself,  a  merely  formal  change, — a  ground,  which  the 
opinion  of  the  opposite  party  also  warranted  him  in  assuming, — while 
he  considered  it  all  the  time  in  its  probable  consequences  to  be  real 
and  most  important. 

2.  It  is  further  remarked  by  the  same  writers,  that  "  the  story  of 
Bp.  Bramhall's  danger  in  Spain'^  is  very  extraordinary  :  for  unless 
he  had  done  something  relative  to  that  kingdom,  of  which  we  have 
no  account,  it  seems  scarcely  conceivable  that  such  measures  should 
be  adopted  for  apprehending  him."  However,  in  the  words  of 
Bp.  Mant',  "  his  well-known  character,  his  station  in  the  Church,  his 
former  connection  with  those  of  the  highest  authority  in  his  own 
country,  and  the  influence  of  which  he  was  probably  still  possessed, 
mJly  be  sufficient  to  account  for  the  hostility  of"  so  "jealous  and 
watchful"  a  tribunal  as  the  Inquisition,  and  leave  Bp.  Vesey's  state- 
ment "  unsuspected." 

The  object  of  the  journey  seems  to  have  been,  partly,  "  the  pur- 
pose^ of  drawing  a  parallel  between  the  Liturgy  of  the  Church  of 


e  [See  above  note  I.] 

f  [See  the  circumstantial  account  of 
the  matter  in  Mant,  Ch.  of  Ireland,  ch. 
vii.  §  5.] 

«  [So  Bp.  Vesey  (Life,  &c.  pp.  1 7, 
18),  and  Bp.  Taylor  (Funer.  Sermon), 
and  Bramhall  himself  (Discourse  upon 
the  Sabbath,  pp.  936,  937,  fol.  edit.).] 

1'  [See  note  P.] 


'  [Ch.  of  Irel,  ch.  viii.  pp.  595,  596.] 
^  [Bp.  Vesey  reports  this  fact,  as 
from  Bramhall's  own  declaration  to  Dr. 
Walker,  Dr.  Vesey's  uncle  ;  and  that 
Bramhall  entertained  a  design  of  the 
kind,  appears  from  his  "  Serpent-Salve," 
c.  xii  (p.  511.  fol.  edit.).  Mant  therefore 
(as  quoted  in  note  i)  had  insufficient 
reason  to  doubt  its  truth.] 


APPENDIX. 


xxxvu 


England  and  the  public  forms  of  the  Protestant  Churches,"  and, 
partly,  the  settlement  of  some  pecuniary  affairs'. 

3.  The  writers  above  mentioned  go  on  to  remark,  that "  the  matter 
of  reordination"*  was  a  great  difficulty  in  the  last"  (i.  e.  the  seven- 
teenth) "century,  with  many  non-conformist  divines,  who  were  other- 
wise disposed  to  have  come  over  to  the  Church  of  England  ;"  that 
"  the  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  of  1689  proposed  to  admit  of 
some  latitude  in  the  affair  ;"  and  that  "  Abp.  Bramhall  had  furnished 
them  with  a  precedent  for  so  doing,  by  the  manner  in  which  he  had 
received  some  Scotch  Presbyters  into  the  Church."  The  extent  of 
the  latitude  here  hinted  will  be  best  seen  by  stating  the  instance 
given  of  it°,  viz.  that,  "  in  the  orders"  (i.  e.  letters  of  orders)  "  which 
he  gave  to  Mr.  Edward  Parkinson,  the  following  words  were 
inserted  : — '  Non  annihilantes  priores  ordines  {si  quos  habuit)  nec 
invaliditatem  eorundem  deter minantes,  multo  minus  omnes  ordines 
sacros  Ecclesiarum  forinsecarum  condemnantes,  quos  propria  Judici 
relinquimus,  sed  solummodo  supplentes  quicquid  prius  defuit  per 
canones  Ecclesice  Anglicance  requisitum,  et  providentes  paci  Ecclesice, 
ut  schismatis  tollatur  occasio,  et  conscientiis  fidelium  satisfiat,  nec  ulli 
dubitent  de  ejus  ordiiiatione,  aut  actus  suos  presbyteriales  tanquam 
invalidos  aversentur.    In  cujus  rei  testimonium,'  "  ^-c. 

It  is  certainly  "  not  a  little  remarkable"  that  a  concession  so 
carefully  guarded  should  have  been  elsewhere  made  the  foundation  of 
a  very  serious  and  groundless  misrepresentation.  It  has  been  however 
asserted",  and  upon  the  strength  of  the  instance  above  given,  that 
"  with  regard  to  any  Ministers  who  had  received  Presbyterian  orders 
during  the  confusion  of  the  Great  Rebellion,  the  method  employed 
by  Archbishop  Bramhall,  was,  not  to  cause  them  '  to  undergo 
a  new  ordination,  but  to  admit  them  into  the  Ministry  of  the  Church 
by  a  conditional  ordination,  as  we  do  in  the  Baptism  of  those  of 
whom  it  is  uncertain  whether  they  are  baptized  or  not.'  But  this 
assertion  is  not  supported  by  the  statement  of  Bp.  Vesey"  upon  the 
subject,  "  and  the  document  alleged  by  him  :  on  the  contrary  it  is 
directly  opposed  to  both.  For  they  give  us  to  understand  that  the 
Archbishop  did  '  ordain'  the  persons  in  question,  '  as  the  law  of  this 
Church  requireth  ;'  therefore  7iot  conditionalli/,  for  the  law  of  this 
Church  recognises  no  conditional  ordination  :  but  that  subsequently 
he  introduced  into  his  '  letters'  of  orders  an  explanatory  remark. 

'  [See  Letters,  No.  VIII.]  Church  of  England,  Introd.  p.  112  

[See  ahove,  note  R.]  quoted  hy  Mant,  Ch.  of  Irel.,  ch.  ix. 

■>  From  Birch's  Life  of  Tillotson,  p.  §  1.  p.  625,  from  whom  the  rest  of  this 

176.    [Seealso  Vesey's  Life,&c.p.  3(i.]  paragraph  is  taken.] 
■>  [By  Nichols,  in  his  Defence  of  the 


xxxviii 


APPENDIX. 


The  historian  seems  to  identify  the  form  of  ordination  with  the 
subsequent  letters  of  orders  or  certificate.  But,  whatever  be  the 
cause,  the  error  is  manifest ;  and  it  requires  correction,  both  that  the 
character  of  such  a  man  as  Primate  Bramhall  may  be  vindicated 
from  the  allegation,  and  even  from  the  suspicion,  of  illegally  devia- 
ting from  the  prescript  forms  of  the  Church,  whereas  he  acted  pro- 
fessedly and  strictly  '  as  the  law  of  the  Church  requireth  ;'  and  that 
the  principles  and  provisions  of  the  Church  herself  may  not  be  mis- 
apprehended in  a  matter  of  such  infinite  importance  P." 

4.  The  writers  above  mentioned  conclude  with  quoting  Mr. 
Granger'si  observation,  that  "Dr.  Bramhall  was  one  of  the  most 
able,  learned,  and  active  Prelates  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  an 
acute  disputant,  and  an  excellent  preacher." 

[Bramhall's  conductin  a  somewhat  person's  own  request,   one  who  liad 

parallel  case  to  the  one  to  which  the  orioinally  received  only  Presbyterian 

above  observations  relate,  may  serve  to  orders  (Life,  &c.  p.  34.).] 
strengthen  tlieir  force:  for  it  appears        *■  Biographical  Hist.  [vol.  V.  p.  194. 

expressly  that  he  did  on  one  occasion  4to.  edit.] 
reordain,  although,  it  is  true,  at  the 


A  SERMON 

rREACIIED  IN 

CHRIST'S  CHURCH,  DUBLIN, 

JULY  16,  16G3 ; 

AT  THE  FUNERAL  OF 

THE  MOST  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD, 

JOHN 

LATE  LORD  ARCHBISHOP  OF  ARMAGH,  AND  PRIMATE  OF  ALL  IRELAND. 
BY  THE  RIGHT  REVEREND 

JEREMY  TAYLOR,  D.D. 

LORD  BISHOP  OF  DOWN,  CONNOR,  AND  DROMORE. 


[Vol.  vi.  pp.  409,  sq.  of  Taylor's  Works,  ed.  Heber. — being  tbe  Vlltli  Sermon  of 
the  AfKOS  'EnPuXifiaios,  or  Supplement  to  the  'Eci'auTor.] 


A  FUNERAL  SERMON. 


1  Cor.  XV.  23. 

But  every  man  in  his  own  order :  Christ  the  first-fruits ; 
afterward  they  that  are  Christ's  at  His  coming. 

The  condition  of  man,  in  this  world,  is  so  limited  and 
depressed,  so  relative  and  imperfect,  that  the  best  things  he 
does,  he  does  weakly, — and  the  best  things  he  hath,  are  im- 
perfections in  their  very  constitution.  I  need  not  tell  how 
little  it  is  that  we  know :  the  greatest  indication  of  this  is 
that  we  can  never  tell  how  many  things  we  know  not ;  and 
we  may  soon  span  our  own  knowledge,  but  our  ignorance  we 
can  never  fathom.  Our  very  will,  in  which  mankind  pre- 
tends to  be  most  noble  and  imperial,  is  a  direct  state  of  im- 
perfection ;  and  our  very  liberty  of  choosing  good  and  evil  is 
permitted  to  us,  not  to  make  us  proud,  but  to  make  us 
humble ;  for  it  supposes  weakness  of  reason  and  weakness  of 
love.  For  if  we  understood  all  the  degrees  of  amabihty  in 
the  service  of  God,  or  if  we  had  such  love  to  God  as  He  de- 
serves, and  so  perfect  a  conviction  as  were  fit  for  His  ser- 
vices, we  could  no  more  deliberate  :  for  hberty  of  Avill  is  hke 
the  motion  of  a  magnetic  needle  toward  the  north,  full  of 
trembhng  and  uncertainty  till  it  were  fixed  in  the  beloved 
point ;  it  wavers  as  long  as  it  is  free,  and  is  at  rest  when  it 
can  choose  no  more.  And  truly  what  is  the  hope  of  man? 
It  is  indeed  the  resurrection  of  the  soul  in  this  world  from 
sorrow  and  her  saddest  pressures,  and  like  the  t^vihght  to  the 
day,  and  the  harbinger  of  joy  ;  but  still  it  is  but  a  conjuga- 
tion of  infirmities,  and  proclaims  our  present  calamity ;  only 
because  it  is  uneasy  here,  it  thrusts  us  forward  toward  the 
light  and  glories  of  the  resvu-rection. 


xlii 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


For  as  a  worm  creeping  with  her  belly  on  the  ground^  with 
her  portion  and  share  of  Adam's  curse,  lifts  up  its  head  to 
partake  a  little  of  the  blessings  of  the  air,  and  opens  the 
junctui'es  of  her  imperfect  body,  and  curls  her  little  rings 
into  knots  and  combinations,  drawing  up  her  tail  to  a 
neighbourhood  of  the  head's  pleasure  and  motion ;  but  still 
it  must  return  to  abide  the  fate  of  its  own  natiu-e,  and 
dwell  and  sleep  upon  the  dust :  so  are  the  hopes  of  a  mortal 
man ;  he  opens  his  eyes,  and  looks  upon  fine  things  at  dis- 
tance, and  shuts  them  again  with  weakness,  because  they  are 
too  glorious  to  behold  ;  and  the  man  rejoices  because  he 
hopes  fine  things  are  stajdng  for  him ;  but  his  heart  aches, 
because  he  knows  there  are  a  thousand  ways  to  fail  and  miss 
of  those  glories ;  and  though  he  hopes,  yet  he  enjoys  not ;  _he 
longs,  but  he  possesses  not,  and  must  be  content  with  his 
[Ps.  xxii.  portion  of  dust ;  and  being  "  a  worm,  and  no  man,"  must 
lie  down  in  this  portion,  before  he  can  receive  the  end  of  his 
hopes,  the  salvation  of  his  soul  in  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead.  For  as  death  is  the  end  of  our  lives,  so  is  the  resur- 
[I  Cor.  XV.  rection  the  end  of  om*  hopes ;  and  as  we  "  die  daily,"  so  we 
^'■■^  daily  hope :  bvit  death,  which  is  the  end  of  our  life,  is  the 
enlargement  of  our  spirits  from  hope  to  certainty,  from  un- 
certain fears  to  certain  expectations,  from  the  death  of  the 
body  to  the  life  of  the  soul ;  that  is,  to  partake  of  the  light 
and  life  of  Christ,  to  rise  to  life  as  He  did ;  for  His  resurrec- 
tion is  the  beginning  of  ours  :  He  died  for  us  alone,  not  for 
Himself;  but  He  rose  again  for  Himself  and  us  too.  So 
that  if  He  did  rise,  so  shall  we ;  the  resurrection  shall  be 
universal ;  good  and  bad,  all  shall  rise,  but  not  altogether : 
'  first  Christ,  then  we  that  are  Christ's and  yet  there  is  a 
third  resurrection,  though  not  spoken  of  here ;  but  thus  it 
[iThess.  shall  be.  "The  dead  of  Christ  shall  rise  first;"  that  is, 
"  ■  next  to  Christ ;  and  after  them,  the  wicked  shall  rise  to  con- 

demnation. 

So  that  you  see  here  is  the  sum  of  affairs  treated  of  in  niy 
text :  not  whether  it  be  lawful  to  eat  a  tortoise  or  a  mush- 
room, or  to  tread  with  the  foot  bare  upon  the  ground  within 
the  octaves  of  Easter.  It  is  not  here  inquired,  whether 
angels  be  material  or  immaterial ;  or  Avhethcr  the  dwellings 
of  dead  infants  be  Avithin  the  air  or  in  tlic  regions  of  tlic 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  xliii 

earth  ?  the  inquiiy  here  is,  whether  we  are  to  be  Christians 
or  no  ?  whether  we  are  to  Hve  good  hves  or  no  ?  or  whether 
it  be  permitted  to  us  to  hve  with  lust  or  covetousuess,  acted 
with  all  the  daughters  of  rapine  and  ambition?  whether 
there  be  any  such  thing  as  sin,  any  judicatory  for  con- 
sciences, any  rewards  of  pietj^,  any  difference  of  good  and 
bad,  any  rewards  after  this  life  ?  This  is  the  design  of  these 
words  by  proper  interpretation :  for  if  men  shall  die  hke 
dogs  and  sheep,  they  will  certainly  live  Hke  wolves  and 
foxes ;  but  he  that  believes  the  article  of  the  resurrection, 
hath  entertained  the  gi-eatest  demonstration  in  the  world, 
that  nothing  can  make  us  happy  but  the  knowledge  of  God, 
and  conformity  to  the  life  and  death  of  the  Holy  Jesus. 
Here,  therefore,  are  the  gi'eat  hinges  of  all  rehgion :  1. 
Christ  is  ah'eady  risen  from  the  dead.  2.  TTe  also  shall  rise 
in  God's  time  and  our  order.  "  Chinst  is  the  fii'st-fiiiits." 
But  there  shall  be  a  full  hai-vest  of  the  resurrection,  and  all 
shall  rise.  My  text  speaks  only  of  the  resim-ection  of  the 
just,  of  them  that  belong  to  Chi'ist ;  exphcitly,  I  say,  of 
these ;  and,  therefore,  dii-ectly  of  resui-rection  to  life  eternal. 
But  because  he  also  says  there  shall  be  an  order  for  every 
man ;  and  yet  every  man  does  not  belong  to  Christ ;  there- 
fore, indirectly  also,  he  imphes  the  more  universal  resiuTec- 
tion  unto  judgment :  but  this  shall  be  the  last  thing  that 
shall  be  done;  for,  according  to  the  proverb  of  the  Jews, 
^Michael  flies  but  with  one  wing,  and  Gabriel  with  two  :  God 
is  quick  in  sending  angels  of  peace,  and  they  fly  apace ;  but 
the  messengers  of  fli'ath  come  slowly :  God  is  more  hasty  to 
glorify  His  servants  than  to  condemn  the  i^icked.  And, 
therefore,  in  the  story  of  Dives  and  Lazarus,  ^  e  find  that  the  [Luke  xvi. 
beggar  died  first ;  the  good  man,  Lazarus,  was  first  taken  ""  -l 
away  from  his  misery  to  his  comfort,  and  afterwai'ds  the  rich 
man  died ;  and  as  the  good,  many  rimes,  die  fii'st,  so  all  of 
them  rise  first,  as  if  it  were  a  matter  of  haste  :  and  as  the 
mother's  breasts  swell,  and  shoot,  and  long  to  give  food  to 
her  babe,  so  God's  bowels  did  yearn  over  His  banished 
childi-en,  and  He  longs  to  cause  them  to  eat  and  di'ink  in 
His  kingdom.  And  at  last  the  wicked  shall  rise  imto  con- 
demnation, for  that  must  be  done  too ;  every  man  in  his 
OAvn  order  :  first  Chiist,  then  Chi*ist's  servants,  and,  at  last. 


xliv  A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 

Christ's  enemies.    The  first  of  these  is  the  gi'eat  ground  of 
our  faith  ;  the  second  is  the  consummation  of  all  our  hopes  : 
the  first  is  the  foundation  of  God,  that  stands  siu'e ;  the 
second  is  that  superstructiu*e  that  shall  never  perish  :  by  the 
fii'st  we  believe  in  God  unto  righteousness ;  by  the  second 
we  live  in  God  unto  salvation :  but  the  third,  for  that  also  is 
true,  and  must  be  considered,  is  the  great  afi'rightment  of  all 
them  that  hve  ungodly.    But  in  the  whole,  Christ's  resur- 
[Rev.  i.  8.  rection  and  ours  is  "  the  A  and  12"  of  a  Cliristian ;  that  as 
FHeb  xiii  "  J^sus  Christ  is  the  same  yesterday,  and  to-day,  and  the 
8]  same  for  ever,"  so  may  we  in  Christ  become  the  moiTow  of 

the  resurrection,  the  same  or  better  than  yesterday  in  our 
natural  life ;  the  same  body  and  the  same  soul,  tied  to- 
gether in  the  same  essential  union,  -with  this  only  difference, 
that  not  nature,  but  grace  and  glory,  with  an  hermetic  seal, 
give  us  a  new  signature,  whereby  we  shall  no  more  be 
changed,  but,  hke  unto  Christ  our  Head,  we  shall  become 
the  same  for  ever.  Of  these  I  shall  discourse  in  order. 
1 .  That  Christ,  who  is  "  the  first  fruits,"  is  the  first  in  this 
order :  He  is  abeady  risen  from  the  dead.  2.  We  shall  all 
take  our  turns,  we  shall  die,  and,  as  sure  as  death,  we  shall 
all  rise  again.  And,  3.  This  very  order  is  eff'ective  of  the 
thing  itself.  That  Christ  is  first  risen,  is  the  demonstration 
and  certainty  of  ours ;  for  because  there  is  an  order  in  this 
economy,  the  first  in  the  kind  is  the  measure  of  the  rest.  If 
Christ  be  the  first  frviits,  we  are  the  whole  \intage ;  and  we 
shall  aU  die  in  the  order  of  nature,  and  shall  rise  again  in 
the  order  of  Clu-ist :  "  they  that  are  Christ's,"  and  are  found 
so  "  at  His  coming,"  shall  partake  of  His  resurrection.  But 
Christ  first,  then  they  that  are  Christ's :  that  is  tlie  order. 
I.  Clirist  is  the  fii'st  fruits ;  He  is  already  risen  from  the 
[Acts  ii.  dead :  for  He  alone  '  could  not  be  held  by  death.'  "  Free 
among  the  dead." 

lxxxviii.5.] 

Synes.  "  ^Z"'^'"      yipiav  t6t€ 

Pe™  "  ■'^'^"^  °  TTokaLyeurjs 

p.  347.  "  Kat  Xao^opos  kvwv 

"  ^ hvexdcrcraTO  ^rfKov." 


Death  was  sin's  eldest  daughter,  and  the  grave  clothes 
were  her  first  mantle ;  but  Chi'ist  was  Conqueror  over  both, 


I 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  xlv 

and  came  to  take  tliat  away,  and  to  disaim  this.  This  was  a 
glorj-^  fit  for  the  Head  of  mankind,  but  it  was  too  great  and 
too  good  to  be  easily  believed  by  incrednloiis  and  weak- 
hearted  man.  It  was  at  first  doubted  by  all  that  were  con- 
cerned ;  but  they  that  saw  it,  had  no  reason  to  doubt  any 
longer.  But  what  is  that  to  us,  who  saw  it  not  ?  Yes,  very 
much :  "  Valde  dubitatum  est  ab  illis,  ne  dubitaretur  a 
nobis,"  saith  St.  Austin ;  "  They  doubted  veiy  much,  that, 
by  their  confirmation,  we  might  be  established,  and  doubt  no 
more."  Marv  jSIagdaleue  saw  Him  fii-st,  and  she  ran  ^ith  [Mark  xvi. 
joy,  and  said  "  She  had  seen  the  Lord,"  and  that  He  was  joim  sx. 
risen  from  the  dead ;  but  they  "believed  her  not ;" — after  that, 
divers  women  together  saw  Him,  and  they  told  it,  but  had  l^^^^^.-  „ 

»  '  •         .  xxviii.  9. 

no  thanks  for  tlieii'  pains,  and  obtained  no  credit  among  the  Luke  xxiv. 
disciples  :  the  tAvo  disciples  that  went  to  Emmaus,  saw  Him,  [[^^g 
talked  with  Him,  ate  with  Him,  and  thev  ran  and  told  it :  ^^'V 
they  told  true,  but  nobody  bebeved  them  :  then  St.  Peter  [mke 
saw  Him,  but  he  was  not  yet  got  into  the  chair  of  the  ^  cor.  xl*. 
Catholic  Chiu'ch,  they  did  not  tliink  him  infallible,  and  so  ^-3 
they  believed  him  not  at  all.    Five  times  in  one  day  He 
appeared ;  for  after  all  this.  He  appeai-ed  to  the  eleven ;  they  tLji^J^^^ 
were  indeed  transported  yxith  joy  and  wonder;  but  they  &c.] 
would  scai'ce  believe  their  own  eyes,  and  though  they  saw 
Him,  they  doubted.    "Well,  all  this  A\-as  not  enough ;  He  was  Li^Cor  xv. 
seen  also  of  James,  and  suffered  Thomas  to  thrust  his  hand  [John  xx. 
into  His  side,  and  appeared  to  St.  Paul,  and  was  seen  by  [Acts  ix. 
"  five  hundi'cd  brethi-eu  at  once."    So  that  there  is  no  ca-  ^q^^ 
pacity  of  mankind,  no  time,  no  place,  but  had  an  oculai'  6.] 
demonstration  of  His  resurrection.  He  appeared  to  meu  and 
women,  to  the  clergy  and  the  laity,  to  sinners  of  both  sexes ; 
to  weak  men  and  to  criminals,  to  doubters  and  deniers  at 
home  and  abroad,  in  public  and  in  private,  in  their  houses 
and  their  journeys,  unexpected  and  by  appointment,  betimes 
in  the  morning  and  late  at  night,  to  them  in  conjimction 
and  to  them  in  dispersion,  when  they  did  look  for  Him  and 
when  they  did  not ;  He  appeared  upon  eai'th  to  many,  and 
to  St.  Paul  and  St.  Stephen  from  Heaven :  so  that  we  can  [Acts  vii. 
requii'e  no  greater  testimony  than  all  these  ai-e  able  to  give  ^'  ^'^ 
lis;  and  they  saw  for  themselves  and  for  us  too,  that  the 
faith  and  ceitainty  of  the  resun-ection  of  Jesus  might  be 


xlvi  A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 

conveyed  to  all  that  shall  die^  and  follow  Christ  in  theii'  own 
order. 

Now  this  being  matter  of  fact,  cannot  be  supposed  infinite, 
but  hmited  to  time  and  place,  and,  therefore,  to  be  proved 
hj  them  who,  at  that  time,  were  upon  the  place ;  good  men 
and  true,  simple,  and  yet  losers  by  the  bargain,  many  and 
united,  confident  and  constant,  pi*eaching  it  all  their  life, 
and  stoutly  maintaining  it  at  their  death;  men  that  would 
not  decei\  e  others,  and  men  that  covdd  not  be  deceived  them- 
selves, in  a  matter  so  notorious,  and  so  proved,  and  so  seen  : 
and  if  this  be  not  sufficient  credibihty  in  a  matter  of  fact,  as 
this  was,  then  we  can  have  no  story  credibly  transmitted  to 
us,  no  records  kept,  no  acts  of  coiu'ts,  no  narratives  of  the 
days  of  old,  no  traditions  of  oiu'  fathers,  no  memorials  of 
them  in  the  third  generation.  Nay,  if  from  these  we  have 
not  si^fficient  causes  and  arguments  of  faith,  how  shaU  we  be 
able  to  know  the  will  of  Heaven  upon  earth  ?  unless  God  do 
not  only  tell  it  once,  but  always,  and  not  only  always  to 
some  men,  but  always  to  all  men  :  for  if  some  men  must  be- 
lieve others,  they  can  never  do  it  in  any  thing  more  rea- 
sonably than  in  this ;  and  if  we  may  not  trust  them  in  this, 
then,  without  a  perpetual  miracle,  no  man  could  have  faith  : 
for  faith  could  never  come  by  hearing,  by  nothing  but  by 
seeing.  But  if  there  be  any  use  of  history,  any  faith  in  men, 
any  honesty  in  manners,  any  truth  in  human  intercourse ;  if 
there  be  any  use  of  apostles  or  teachers,  of  ambassadors  or 
letters,  of  ears  or  hearing ;  if  there  be  any  such  thing  as  the 
grace  of  faith,  that  is  less  than  demonstration  or  intuition; 
then  we  may  be  as  sui*e  that  Christ,  the  first  fi^uits,  is  already 
risen,  as  all  these  credibilities  can  make  us.  But  let  us 
take  heed ;  as  God  hates  a  lie,  so  He  hates  incredulity ;  an 
obstinate,  a  foolish,  and  pertinacious  understanding.  What 
we  do  every  minute  of  oui*  lives,  in  matters  of  title  and 
great  concernment,  if  we  refuse  to  do  it  in  religion,  which 
yet  is  to  be  conducted,  as  all  human  affairs  are,  by  human 
instruments,  and  arguments  of  persuasion  proper  to  the 
natui'e  of  the  thing,  it  is  an  obstinacy  as  cross  to  human 
reason,  as  it  is  to  Di-^dne  faith. 

But  this  article  was  so  clearly  proved,  that  presently  it 
came  to  pass  that  men  were  no  longer  ashamed  of  the  cross, 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  xlvii 

l)ut  it  was  worn  upon  breasts,  printed  in  tlie  air,  drawn  upon 
foieheads,  carried  upon  banners,  put  upon  crowns  imperial ; 
presently  it  came  to  pass  tbat  the  religion  of  the  despised 
Jesus  did  infinitely  prevail;  a  religion  that  taught  men  to  be 
meek  and  humble,  apt  to  receive  injuries,  but  unapt  to  do 
any ;  a  religion  that  gave  countenance  to  the  poor  and 
pitiful,  in  a  time  when  riches  were  adored,  and  ambition  and 
pleasure  had  possessed  the  heart  of  all  mankind ;  a  religion 
tliat  would  change  the  face  of  things,  and  the  hearts  of  men, 
and  break  ^dle  habits  into  gentleness  and  counsel;  that  such 
a  religion,  in  such  a  time,  by  the  sermons  and  conduct  of 
lisliermen,  men  of  mean  breeding  and  ilhberal  arts,  should  so 
s})ccdily  triumph  over  the  philosophy  of  the  world,  and  the 
arguments  of  the  subtle,  and  the  sermons  of  the  eloquent ; 
the  power  of  princes  and  the  interests  of  states,  the  inclina- 
tions of  nature  and  the  blindness  of  zeal,  the  force  of  custom 
and  the  solicitation  of  passions,  the  pleasures  of  sin  and  the 
l)usy  arts  of  the  devil ;  that  is,  against  wit  and  power,  super- 
stition and  wilfulness,  fame  and  money,  natm-e  and  empire, 
which  are  all  the  causes  in  this  world  that  can  make  a  thing 
impossible ;  this,  this  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  power  of  God, 
and  is  the  great  demonstration  of  the  resurrection  of  Jesus. 
Every  thing  was  an  argument  for  it,  and  improved  it;  no 
ol)jection  could  hinder  it^  no  enemies  destroy  it ;  whatsoever 
^\  as  for  them,  it  made  the  religion  to  increase ;  whatsoever 
was  against  them,  made  it  to  increase ;  sunshine  and  storms, 
fair  weather  or  foul,  it  was  all  one  as  to  the  event  of  things  : 
tor  they  were  instruments  in  the  hands  of  God,  who  could 
make  what  Himself  should  choose  to  be  the  product  of  any 
cause ;  so  that  if  the  Christians  had  peace,  they  went  abroad 
and  brought  in  converts  :  if  they  had  no  peace  but  perse- 
cution, the  converts  came  in  to  them.  In  prosperity,  they 
alhired  and  enticed  the  world  by  the  beauty  of  holiness ;  in 
affliction  and  trouble,  they  amazed  all  men  with  the  splendour 
of  their  innocence,  and  the  glories  of. their  patience;  and 
([uickly  it  was  that  the  world  became  disciple  to  the  gloriovis 
Kazarene,  and  men  could  no  longer  doubt  of  the  resurrection 
of  Jesus,  when  it  became  so  demonstrated  by  the  certainty  of 
them  that  saw  it,  and  the  courage  of  them  that  died  for  it, 
and  the  multitude  of  them  that  believed  it;  who,  by  their 


xlviii 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


sermons  and  tlieir  actions,  by  their  public  offices  and  dis- 
coirrses,  by  festivals  and  eucbaristsj  by  arguments  of  expe- 
rience and  sense,  by  reason  and  religion,  by  persuading 
rational  men,  and  estabbsliing  belie^dng  Christians,  by  their 
living  in  the  obedience  of  Jesus,  and  djdng  for  the  testimony 
of  Jesus,  have  greatly  advanced  His  kingdom,  and  His  power, 
and  His  glory,  into  which  He  entered  after  His  resui'rection 
from  the  dead.  For  He  is  the  Fii'st  Fruits ;  and  if  we  hope 
to  rise  tlirough  Him,  we  must  confess  that  Himself  is  first 
risen  from  the  dead.    That  is  the  first  particular. 

2.  There  is  an  order  for  us  also :  we  also  shaU  rise  again : 

"  Combustusque  senex  tumulo  procedit  adultus ; 
"  Con  sum  ens  dat  memTjra  rogus  ;  " 

The  ashes  of  old  Camillus  shall  stand  up  spritely  from  his 
urn;  and  the  funeral  fii'cs  shall  produce  a  new  warmth  to 
the  dead  bones  of  all  those,  who  died  under  the  arms  of  all 
the  enemies  of  the  Roman  greatness.  This  is  a  less  wonder 
than  the  former ;  for  "  admonetur  omnis  atas  Jam  fieri  posse 
quod  aliquando  factum  est."  If  it  was  done  once,  it  may 
be  done  again  :  for  since  it  could  never  have  been  done  but 
by  a  Power  that  is  infinite,  that  infinite  must  also  be  eternal 
and  indeficient.  By  the  same  almighty  Power,  which  re- 
stored life  to  the  dead  Body  of  our  h^ing  Lord,  we  may 
all  be  restored  to  a  new  hfe  in  the  resiu'rection  of  the 
dead. 

Wlien  man  was  not,  what  power,  what  causes  made  him  to 
be  ?  Wliatsoever  it  was,  it  did  then  as  great  a  work  as  to 
raise  his  body  to  the  same  being  again ;  and  because  we 
know  not  the  method  of  nature's  secret  changes,  and  how 
we  can  be  fashioned  beneath  '  in  secreto  terrce,'  and  cannot 
handle  and  discern  the  possibilities  and  seminal  powers  in 
the  ashes  of  dissolved  bones,  must  our  ignorance  in  philo- 
sophy be  put  in  balance  against  the  articles  of  religion,  the 
hopes  of  mankind,  the  faith  of  nations,  and  the  truth  of 
God?  And  are  our  opinions  of  the  power  of  God  so  low, 
that  our  understanding  must  be  His  measure ;  and  He  shall 
be  confessed  to  do  nothing,  unless  it  be  made  j)lain  in  our 
philosophy  ?  Certaiidy  we  have  a  low  opinion  of  God,  un- 
less we  believe  He  can  do  more  things  than  we  can  under- 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  xlix 

stand  :  but  let  us  liear  St.  Paul's  demonstration  ;  if  tlic  [i  Cm-,  xv. 
com  dies  and  lives  again ;  if  it  lays  its  bodj^  down^  sutlers  ^'^'^ 
alteration,  dissolution,  and  death, — but,  at  the  spring,  rises 
again  in  the  verdure  of  a  leaf,  in  the  fulness  of  the  ear,  in 
the  kidneys  of  wheat ;  if  it  proceeds  from  little  to  great,  from 
nakedness  to  ornament,  from  emptiness  to  plentj'',  from 
unity  to  multitude,  from  death  to  life  :  be  a  Sadducee  no 
more,  shame  not  thy  understanding,  and  reproach  not  the 
weakness  of  thy  faith,  by  thinking  that  corn  can  be  restored 
to  life,  and  man  cannot ;  especially  since,  in  every  creature, 
the  obediential  capacity  is  infinite,  and  cannot  admit  de- 
gi'ees ;  for  every  creature  can  be  any  thing  under  the  power 
of  God,  which  cannot  be  less  than  infinite. 

But  we  find  no  obscure  footsteps  of  this  mystery  even 
amongst  the  heathens  :  Pliny  reports  that  Apion,  the  gram-  [Nnt.  iiist. 
marian,  by  the  use  of  the  plant  osuis,  called  Homer  from  ^'^ 
his  grave;  and  in  Valerius  Maximus  v.'e  find  that  CEUus  [Piin.,N.it. 
Tubero  returned  to  life,  Avhen  he  was  seated  in  his  funeral"']''^"' 
pile;  and  in  Plutarch,  that  Soleus,  after  three  days'  bm'ial, 
did  live  ;  and  in  Valerius,  that  Eris  Pamphylius  did  so  after  Lib.  i. 
ten  days.    And  it  was  so  commonly  behoved,  that  Giaucus,  fixciii/" 
who  Avas  choked  in  a  vessel  of  honey,  did  rise  again,  that  it     ' '  ■ 
grew  to  a  proverb  :  "  Giaucus,  jwto  melle,  surrexit "  Giau- 
cus, having  tasted  honey,  died  and  lived  again."    I  pretend 
not  to  believe  these  stories  to  be  true;  but  from  these  in- 
stances it  may  be  concluded,  that  they  believed  it  possible 
that  there  should  be  a  resiuTCction  from  the  dead;  and 
natural  reason,  and  their  philosophy,  did  not  wholly  destroy 
their  hopes  and  expectation  to  have  a  portion  in  this  article. 

For  God,  knowing  that  the  great  hopes  of  man,  that  the 
biggest  endearment  of  religion,  the  sanction  of  private  justice, 
the  band  of  piety  and  holy  courage, — does  wholly  derive  from 
the  article  of  the  resurrection, — was  pleased  not  only  to  make 
it  credible,  but  easy  and  familiar  to  us ;  and  we  so  converse 
every  night  with  the  image  of  death,  that  every  morning  we 
find  an  argument  of  the  resurrection.  Sleep  and  death  have 
but  one  mother,  and  they  have  one  name  iu  common. 

"  Soles  occidere  et  redire  possunt ;  Cafull.  v. 

"  Nobis  cum  semcl  occidit  brevia  lux, 
"  Nox  est  perpetua  una  dormienda." 

BRAMHALL.  G 


1 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


Cliarnel  houses  are  but  Koi/j,7)T^pia,  '  cemeteries'  or  sleep- 
ing places;  and  tliey  that  die^  are  fallen  asleep,  and  the 
resurrection  is  but  an  awakening  and  standing  up  from 
sleep :  but  in  sleep  our  senses  are  as  fast  bound  by  nature, 
as  our  joints  are  by  the  grave-clothes ;  and  unless  an  angel 
of  God  waken  us  every  morning,  we  must  confess  ourselves 
as  unable  to  converse  with  men,  as  we  now  are  afraid  to  die 
and  to  converse  ^dth  spirits.  But,  however,  death  itself  is  no 
more ;  it  is  but  darkness  and  a  shadow,  a  rest  and  a  forget- 
fulness.  Wliat  is  there  more  in  death?  What  is  there  less 
in  sleep  ?  For  do  we  not  see  by  experience  that  nothing  of 
equal  loudness  does  awaken  us  sooner  than  a  man's  voice, 
especially  if  he  be  called  by  name  ?  And  thus  also  it  shall 
be  in  the  resurrection  :  Ave  shall  be  awakened  by  the  voice  of 
a  man,  and  He  that  called  Lazarus  by  name  from  his  gi-ave, 
[)  Cor.  XV.  shall  also  call  us  :  for  although  St.  Paul  affirms,  "that  the 
[1  Thess.  trumpet  shall  soimd,"  and  there  shall  be  "  the  voice  of  an  arch- 
IV.  16.]  angel;"  yet  this  is  not  a  word  of  nature,  but  of  office  and 
ministry:  Christ  Himself  is  that  archangel,  and  He  shall 
1  Thees.  iv.  "  descend  with  a  mighty  shout,"  saith  the  Apostle ;  "  and  all 
Johnv.  28.  that  are  in  the  grave  shall  hear  His  voice,"  saith  St.  John  : 
so  that  we  shall  be  awakened  by  the  voice  of  man,  because 
we  are  only  fallen  asleep  by  the  decree  of  God ;  and  when 
the  cock  and  the  lark  call  vis  up  to  prayer  and  labour,  the 
first  thing  we  see  is  an  argument  of  our  resurrection  from 
the  dead.  And  when  we  consider  what  the  Greek  Church 
reports, — that  amongst  them  the  bodies  of  those  that  die 
excommunicate,  will  not  return  to  dust  till  the  censm-e  be 
taken  off, — we  may,  with  a  little  faith  and  reason,  believe, 
that  the  same  power  that  keeps  them  from  their  natural 
dissolution,  can  recall  them  to  life  and  union.  I  will  not  now 
insist  upon  the  story  of  the  rising  bones  seen  every  year  in 
Egypt,  nor  the  pretences  of  the  chemists,  that  they,  from  the 
ashes  of  flowers,  can  reproduce,  from  the  same  materials,  the 
same  beauties  in  colom'  and  figure ;  for  he  that  proves  a 
certain  truth  from  an  uncertain  argument,  is  like  him  that 
wears  a  wooden  leg,  when  he  hath  two  sound  legs  already ;  it 
hinders  his  going,  but  helps  him  not :  the  truth  of  God  stands 
not  in  need  of  such  supporters ;  natm'e  alone  is  a  sufficient 
preacher ; 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE. 


li 


"  Quse  nunc  herba  fuit,  lignum  jacet,  herba  futura, 
"  Aerise  nudantur  aves  cum  penna  vetusta, 
"  Et  nova  subvestit  reparatas  pluma  volucres.'' 


Draponti 
de  Open 
Dei. 


Niglit  and  day;  the  sun  returning  to  the  same  point  of 
east ;  every  change  of  species  in  the  same  matter ;  generation 
and  corruption;  the  eagle  renewing  her  youth^  and  the 
snake  her  skin ;  the  silk-worm  and  the  swallows  ;  the  care  of 
posterity,  and  the  care  of  an  immortal  name ;  winter  and 
summer;  the  fall  and  spring;  the  Old  Testament  and  the 
New ;  the  words  of  Job ;  and  the  visions  of  the  prophets ;  the  [Job  xix. 
prayer  of  Ezekiel  for  the  resuri'ection  of  the  men  of  Ephraim ;  [Ezek."' 
and  the  return  of  Jonas  from  the  whale's  belly ;  the  histories  1 
of  the  Jews  and  the  narratives  of  Christians;  the  faith  of 
believers  and  the  philosophy  of  the  reasonable ; — all  join  in 
the  verification  of  this  mystery.  And  amongst  these  heaps, 
it  is  not  of  the  least  consideration,  that  there  was  never  any 
good  man,  who  ha\ing  been  taught  this  article,  but  if  he 
served  God,  he  also  relied  upon  this.  If  he  believed  God,  he 
bcheved  this ;  and  therefore  St.  Paul  says,  that  they  who  were 
"iXTTiBa  fMT)  e'^ovre?,"  were  also  "  adeot  iv  Koa/u-a,"  "^thcy  who  [Epiies. 
had  no  hope''  (meaning  of  the  resurrection)  'were  also  athe- 
ists,  and  without  God  in  the  world.' — And  it  is  remarkable 
what  St.  Austin  observes,  that  when  the  world  saw  the 
righteous  Abel  destroyed,  and  that  the  murderer  outlived  his 
crime,  and  built  up  a  numerous  family,  and  grew  mighty 
upon  earth, — they  neglected  the  service  of  God  upon  that 
account,  till  God,  in  pity  of  their  prejudice  and  foolish  argu- 
ings,  took  Enoch  up  to  Heaven  to  recover  them  fi'om  their 
impieties,  by  shewing  them  that  their  bodies  and  souls  should 
be  rewarded  for  ever  in  an  eternal  imion.  But  Christ,  the 
first  fruits,  is  gone  before,  and  Himself  did  promise,  that 
when  Himself  was  lifted  up,  He  wovdd  draw  all  men  after 
Him  :  "  Every  man  in  his  own  order  :  first  Christ,  then  they 
that  are  Christ's  at  His  coming." — And  so  I  have  done  with 
the  second  particular ;  not  Christ  only,  but  we  also  shall  rise 
in  God's  time  and  our  order. 


But  concerning  this  order  I  must  speak  a  ^vord  or  two,  not 
only  for  the  fuller  handling  the  text,  but  because  it  will  be 
matter  of  application  of  what  hath  been  already  spoken  of  the 
article  of  the  resurrection. 


lii 


A  SERMON  PllEACIIED  AT  THE 


3.  First  Christ,  and  then  we :  and  we,  tlierefore,  because 
Christ  is  already  risen :  but  yow  must  remember,  that  the 
resurrection  and  exaltation  of  Christ  was  the  reward  of  His 
perfect  obedience  and  purest  holiness ;  "and  He  calling  us  to 
an  imitation  of  the  same  obedience,  and  the  same  perfect  holi- 
ness, prepares  away  for  us  to  the  same  resm'rection.  If  Ave,  by 
holiness,  become  the  sons  of  God,  as  Christ  was,  we  shall  also, 
as  He  was,  become  the  sons  of  God  in  the  resiuTcction  :  but 
upon  no  other  terms.  So  said  our  blessed  Lord  Himself: 
Matt.  xix.   "  Ye  Avhicli  have  followed  Me  in  the  regeneration,  when  the 

2?, 

Son  of  Man  shall  sit  on  the  throne  of  Plis  glory,  ye  also  shall 
sit  upon  thrones  judging  the  tribes  of  Israel."  For  as  it  was 
with  Clirist  the  First  Fruits,  so  it  sliall  be  yvith  all  Christians 
in  their  own  order :  as  with  the  Head,  so  it  shall  be  with  the 
members.  He  was  the  Son  of  God  by  love  and  obedience, 
and  then  became  the  Son  of  God  by  resui-rection  fi'om  the 
dead  to  life  eternal,  and  so  shall  m  c  ;  but  we  cannot  be  so  in 
a,ny  other  way.  To  them  that  are  Christ's,  and  to  none  else 
shall  this  be  given :  for  we  must  know  that  God  hath  sent 
Christ  into  the  Avorld  to  be  a  great  example  and  demonstra- 
tion of  the  economy  and  dispensation  of  eternal  bfe.  As  God 
brought  Christ  to  gloiy,  so  He  will  bring  us,  but  by  no  other 
method.  He  first  obeyed  the  wiU  of  God,  and  patiently 
suffered  the  will  of  God ;  He  died  and  rose  again,  and  entered 
into  glory ;  and  so  must  we.  Thus  Christ  is  made  "  Via, 
Veritas,  et  ^^ita,"  "the  Way,  the  Truth,  and  the  Life that  is, 
the  true  way  to  eternal  life  :  He  fii'st  trod  this  wine-press,  and 
we  must  insist  in  the  same  steps,  or  we  shall  never  partake  of 
this  blessed  resui-rection.  He  was  made  the  Son  of  God  in 
a  most  glorious  manner,  and  we  by  Him,  by  His  merit,  and 
hy  His  grace,  and  by  His  example ;  but  other  than  tliis  there 
is  no  way  of  salvation  for  us  :  that  is  the  first  and  great  effect 
of  this  glorious  order. 

4.  But  there  is  one  tiling  more  in  it  yet :  "  Every  man  in 
his  own  order ;  first  Christ,  and  then  they  that  are  Christ's 
but  what  shall  become  of  them  that  arc  not  Christ's  ?  Why 
there  is  an  order  for  them  too  :  first,  "  they  that  are  Christ's  ; 
and  then  they  that  are  not  His :"  "  Blessed  and  lioly  is  he 
Rev.  XX.  6.  that  hath  his  pai't  in  the  first  resurrection :"  there  is  a  first 
and  a  second  resurrection  even  after  this  life ;  "  Tlie  dead  in 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE. 


liii 


Christ  sliall  rise  first now  blessed  are  they  that  have  their  i  Thess.  iv. 
portion  here ;  "  for  upon  these  the  second  death  shall  have 
uo  power."  As  for  the  recalling  the  wicked  from  their 
graves,,  it  is  no  otherwise  in  the  sense  of  the  Spirit  to  be 
called  a  resurrection,  than  taking  a  criminal  from  the  prison 
to  the  bar,  is  a  giring  of  liberty.  When  poor  Acilius  Aviola 
had  been  seized  on  by  an  apoplexy,  his  friends,  supposing  piin.  vii. 
him  dead,  carried  him  to  his  funeral  pile ;  but  when  the  fire  iliax'".!' s!'' 
began  to  approach,  and  the  heat  to  warm  the  body,  he  ^-  J 
revived,  and  seeing  himself  encircled  with  funeral  flames, 
called  out  aloud  to  his  friends  to  rescue,  not  the  dead,  but 
the  Hving  Aviola  from  that  horrid  burning  :  but  it  could  not 
be,  he  only  was  restored  from  his  sickness  to  fall  into  death, 
and  from  his  dull  disease  to  a  sharp  and  intolerable  torment. 
Just  so  shall  the  wicked  live  again ;  they  shall  receive  their 
souls,  that  they  may  be  a  portion  for  devils ;  they  shall 
receive  their  bodies,  that  they  may  feel  the  everlasting  burn- 
ing ;  they  shall  see  Christ,  that  they  may  '  look  on  Him  [Zech.  xii. 
whom  they  have  pierced;'  and  they  shall  hear  the  voice  of 
God  passing  upon  them  the  intolerable  sentence ;  they  shall 
come  from  their  graves,  that  they  may  go  into  hell ;  and  live 
again,  that  they  may  die  for  e^  er.  So  have  we  seen  a  poor 
condemned  criminal,  the  weight  of  whose  sorrows  sitting 
heavily  upon  his  soul  hath  benumbed  him  into  a  deep  sleep, 
till  he  hath  forgotten  his  gi'oans,  and  laid  aside  his  deep 
sighings ;  but,  on  a  sudden,  comes  the  messenger  of  death, 
and  unbinds  the  poppy  garland,  scatters  the  hea^y  cloud  that 
encircled  his  miserable  head,  and  makes  him  return  to  acts 
of  hfe,  that  he  may  quickly  descend  into  death  and  be  no 
more.  So  is  every  sinner  that  Hes  down  in  shame,  and 
*  makes  his  grave  with  the  wicked ' ;  he  shall  indeed  rise  [isai.  Uii. 
again,  and  be  called  upon  by  the  voice  of  the  archangel ; 
but  then  he  shall  descend  into  sorrows  greater  than  the 
reason  and  the  patience  of  a  man,  weeping  and  shrieking 
louder  than  the  groans  of  the  miserable  children  in  the  valley 
of  Hinnom. 

These,  indeed,  are  sad  stories,  but  true  as  the  voice  of 
God,  and  the  sermons  of  the  Holy  Jesus.  They  are  God's 
words,  and  God's  decrees;  and  I  wish  that  all  who  profess 
the  belief  of  these,  wovdd  consider  sadly  what  they  mean.  If 


Hv 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


ye  believe  the  article  of  the  resuiTcctioiij  then  you  know,  that, 
in  your  body,  you  shall  receive  what  you  did  in  the  body, 
whether  it  be  good  or  bad.  It  matters  not  noAv  very  much, 
whether  our  bodies  be  beauteous  or  deformed ;  for  if  we 
glorify  God  in  our  bodies,  God  shall  make  our  bodies  glori- 
ous. It  matters  not  much  whether  we  live  in  ease  and  plea- 
sure, or  eat  nothing  but  bitter  herbs ;  the  body  that  Hes  in 
dust  and  ashes,  that  goes  stooping  and  feeble,  that  lodges  at 
the  foot  of  the  cross,  and  dAveUs  in  disciphne,  shall  be  feasted 
at  the  eternal  supper  of  the  Lamb.  And  ever  remember  tliis, 
that  beastly  pleasures,  and  lying  lips,  and  a  deceitful  tongue, 
and  a  heart  tliat  sendeth  forth  proud  things,  are  no  good 
dispositions  to  a  blessed  resurrection. 

"  Ov  KaXov  dpfxovirjv  dvakvefifv  dv6pa>Troio'" 

'  It  is  not  for  good,  that  in  the  body  we  live  a  hfe  of  dissolu- 
tion, for  that  is  no  good  harmony  with  that  piu'pose  of  glory 
which  God  designs  the  body 

"  Kai  Tux^a  6'  c/c  yaitjs  ikirl^ojifv  is  <f}dos  IkBeiv 
"Aflyj^av  diToixopivaiv'  onicrco  8e  6eoi  TeXedovrai," 

[Nov0(T.  said  Phocylides  ;  "  for  we  hope  that  from  our  beds  of  dark- 
•jr^'yo"]  ^^^^  shall  rise  into  regions  of  light,  and  shall  become  hke 
Gaisfoicl,  unto  God  they  shall  partake  of  a  resurrection  to  life ;  and 
^'  what  this  can  infer  is  very  ob\ious  :  for  if  it  be  so  hard 

to  believe  a  resurrection  from  one  death,  let  us  not  be  dead  in 
trespasses  and  sins ;  for  a  resurrection  from  two  deaths  will 
be  harder  to  be  believed,  and  harder  to  be  effected.  But  if 
any  of  you  have  lost  the  Hfe  of  grace,  and  so  forfeited  all  your 
title  to  a  life  of  glory,  betake  yourselves  to  an  early  and 
an  entire  piety,  that  when,  by  this  first  resurrection,  you 
have  made  this  way  plain  before  your  face,  you  may  with 
confidence  expect  a  happy  resxirrection  from  your  graves  : 
for  if  it  be  possible  that  the  spuit,  when  it  is  dead  in  sin,  can 
arise  to  a  life  of  righteoiisness  ;  much  more  it  is  easy  to  sup- 
pose that  the  body,  after  death,  is  capable  of  being  restored 
again  :  and  this  is  a  consequent  of  St.  Paul's  argument : 
Roin  V.  10.  "  If;  when  ye  Avere  enemies,  ye  were  reconciled  by  His  death, 
much  more,  being  reconciled,  we  shall  be  saved  by  His  life 
plainly  declaring,  that  it  is  a  harder  and  more  wonderfid 


FUNERAL  01'  THE  LORD  PRIMATE. 


Iv 


tiling  for  a  wicked  man  to  become  the  friend  of  God^  tlian  for 
one  that  is  so,  to  be  carried  up  to  Heaven  and  partake  of 
His  glory.  The  first  resurrection  is  certainly  the  greater 
miracle  :  but  he  that  hath  risen  once,  may  rise  again ;  and 
this  is  as  sure  as  that  he  that  dies  once,  may  die  again,  and 
die  for  ever.  But  he  who  partakes  of  the  death  of  Clrrist  by 
mortification,  and  of  His  resiu'rection  by  holiness  of  hfe  and  a 
holy  faith,  shall,  according  to  the  expression  of  the  Prophet 
Isaiah,  "Enter  into  his  chamber  of  death     when  nature  and  isai.  xxvi. 

20. 

God's  decree  "  shall  shut  the  doors  upon  him,"  and  there  he 
shall  be  hidden  for  a  little  moment :  but  then  shall  they  tliat 
dwell  in  dust,  awake  and  sing,  with  Christ's  dead  Body  shall 
they  arise  j  all  shall  rise,  but  "  every  man  in  his  oavu  order ; 
Christ,  the  first  fruits,  then  they  that  are  Christ's  at  His 
coming."  Amen. 

I  have  now  done  with  my  meditation  of  the  resurrection ; 
but  we  have  had  a  new  and  a  sadder  subject  to  consider.  It 
is  glorious  and  brave  Avhen  a  Christian  contemplates  those 
glories,  which  stand  at  the  foot  of  the  accomit  of  all  God's 
servants ;  but  when  we  consider,  that  before  all,  or  any 
thing  of  this  happens,  every  Christian  must  twice  '  exuere 
hominem,'  '  put  off  the  old  man,'  and  then  lie  down  in  dust,  [Ephes.  iy. 
and  the  dishonoiu's  of  the  grave ;  it  is  '  vinum  myrrhatum,'  gfj 
there  is  '  myrrh  put  into  our  wine  :'  it  is  wholesome,  but  it 
will  allay  all  om-  pleasm'es  of  that  glorious  expectation :  but 
no  man  can  escape  it.  After  that  the  great  Cyius  had  ruled 
long  in  a  mighty  empire,  yet  there  came  a  message  fi'om 
Heaven,  not  so  sad  it  may  be,  yet  as  decretory  as  the  hand- 
■\rating  on  the  wall  that  arrested  his  successor  Darius, 
"^va-Kevd^ou,M  Kvpe'  rjhr]  'yap  et?  6eov^  airei,"  "Prepare  thyself,  Cyrop. 
O  Cp'us,  and  then  go  unto  the  gods he  laid  aside  his  tii-e  Schneider, 
and  his  beauteous  diadem,  and  covered  his  face  with  a  cloth, 
and  in  a  single  Hnen  laid  his  honoured  head  in  a  poor 
humble  grave ;  and  none  of  us  all  can  avoid  this  sentence : 
for  if  wit  and  learning,  great  fame  and  great  experience  ;  if 
wise  notices  of  things,  and  an  honom'able  fortime ;  if  coin-age 
and  skill,  if  prelacy  and  an  honourable  age,  if  any  thing  that 
could  give  greatness  and  immunity  to  a  wise  and  prudent 
man,  could  have  been  put  in  a  bar  against  a  sad  day,  and 
have  gone  for  good  plea,  this  sad  scene  of  sorrows  had  not 


Ivi 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


been  the  entertainment  of  tliis  assembly.  But  tell  me. 
Where  are  those  great  masters,  Avho  while  they  lived, 
flourished  in  their  studies?  "Jam  eorum  •praibendas  alii 
2)ossidetit,  et  nescio  utrum  de  Us  coyitant  "other  men 
have  got  tlieii'  prebends  and  their  dignities,  and  who  knoAvs 
■whether  ever  they  remember  them  or  no?"  Wliile  they 
hved,  they  seemed  nothing  ;  Avhen  they  are  dead,  every  man 
for  awliile  speaks  of  them  what  they  please ;  and  afterwards 
they  are  as  if  they  had  not  been.  But  the  piety  of  the 
Christian  Church  hath  made  some  little  provision  towards  an 
artificial  immortality  for  brave  and  worthy  persons ;  and  the 
friendships  ^vhich  our  dead  contracted  Avhile  they  were 
alive,  require  us  to  continue  a  fair  memory  as  long  as  we 
can ;  but  they  cxpu-e  in  monthly  minds,  or  at  most  in  a  faint 
and  declining  anniversary; 

"   fVct  (ptXos,  ScTTis  iralpov 

"  Mefiurjrat  KTafievoio  Kai  lixyvTM  ovT  tr'  (OVTOS." 

And  we  have  great  reason  so  to  do  in  this  present  sad 
accident  of  the  death  of  om'  late  most  reverend  Primate, 
Avhosc  death  the  Church  of  Ireland  hath  very  great  reason  to 
deplore ;  and  we  have  gi'eat  obligation  to  remember  his  very 
many  worthy  deeds,  done  for  this  poor  afflicted  and  despised 
Chui'ch.  St. Paul  made  an  excellent  funeral  oration,  as  it  were 
Hebrews,  instituting  a  feast  of  all  saints,  who  all  died  "^liaving  obtained 
a  good  report and  that  excellent  preacher  made  a  sermon 
of  their  commemoration.  For  since  good  men,  Avhile  they 
are  ali\  e,  ha\  e  their  conversation  in  Heaven ;  when  they  are 
in  Heaven,  it  is  also  fit  that  they  should,  in  then'  good 
names,  live  upon  earth.  And  as  then*  great  examples  are  an 
excellent  sermon  to  the  liA^ing,  and  the  praising  them,  when 
envy  and  flattery  can  have  no  interest  to  interpose,  as  it  is 
the  best  and  most  vigorous  sermon  and  incentive  to  great 
things ;  so  to  conceal  what  good  God  hath  wrought  by  them 
is  great  unthankfulness  to  God  and  to  good  men. 

Wlien  Dorcas  died,  the  Apostle  came  to  see  the  dead 
corpse,  and  the  friends  of  the  deceased  expressed  their  grief 
and  their  love,  by  shewing  the  coats  that  she,  whilst  she 
lived,  wrought  Avith  her  own  hands  :  she  was  a  good  needle- 


rUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE. 


woman  and  a  good  house-wife,  and  did  good  to  mankind  in 
her  Httle  way,  and  thai  itself  ought  not  to  be  forgotten  ;  and 
the  Apostle  himself  Avas  not  displeased  with  theii'  little 
sermons,  and  that  €v(pr]fiia-fio<;  which  the  women  made  upon 
that  sad  interv  iew.  But  if  we  may  have  the  same  liberty  to 
record  the  worthy  things  of  this  our  most  venerable  father 
and  brother,  and  if  there  remains  no  more  of  that  envy 
which  usually  obscures  the  splendour  of  h\ing  heroes  ;  if  you 
can  with  yom'  charitable,  thoiigh  weeping  eyes,  behold  the 
great  gifts  of  God  with  which  He  adorned  this  great  prelate, 
and  not  object  the  failings  of  humanity  to  the  participation 
of  the  graces  of  the  Spirit,  or  think  that  God's  gifts  are  the 
less  because  they  are  born  in  earthen  vessels,  "  Trai^re?  yap 
KKvra  Bcopa  Kepacrad/xevoi,  (f)opeovaiv,"  for  all  men  bear  mortal- 
ity about  them,  and  the  cabinet  is  not  so  beauteous  as  the 
diamond  that  shines  within  its  bosom ;  then  we  may,  -without 
interruption,  pay  this  duty  to  piety,  and  finendship,  and 
thankfidness ;  and  deplore  oiu-  sad  loss  by  telling  a  true  and 
sad  story  of  this  great  man,  whom  God  hath  lately  taken 
from  our  eyes. 

He  was  bred  in  Cambridge,  in  Sidney  College,  under 
Mr.  Hulet,  a  grave  and  worthy  man ;  and  he  shewed  him- 
self not  only  a  fruitful  plant  by  his  great  progress  in  his 
studies,  but  made  him  another  return  of  gratitude,  taking  care 
to  pro\ide  a  good  employment  for  him  in  Ireland,  where  he 
then  began  to  be  greatly  interested.    It  was  spoken  as  an 
honom*  to  Augustus  Caesar,  that  he  gave  his  tutor  an 
honourable  funeral ;  and  Marcus  Antoninus  erected  a  statue  [Capitoli- 
unto  his ;  and  Gratian  the  emperor  made  his  master  Auso-  v'ihl]" 
nius  to  be  consul :  and  our  worthy  primate,  knowing  the  Gratian 
obhgation  which  they  pass  upon  us,  who  do  ' obstetricare  gra-  Giatiar. ' 
vidce  animce,'  '  help  the  parturient  soul'  to  bring  forth  fruits  ^"^^ "' 
according  to  its  seminal  powers,  was  careful  not  only  to  re- 
ward the  industry  of  such  persons,  so  useful  to  the  Church 
in  the  cultivating  '  infantes  palmarum,'    '  young  plants,' 
whose  joints  are  to  be  stretched  and  made  straight ;  but  to 
demonstrate  that  his  scholar  kncAV  how  to  value  learnins, 
when  he  knew  so  well  how  to  reward  the  teacher. 

Having  passed  the  com-se  of  his  studies  in  the  Uni\^ersity, 
and  done  his  exercise  with  that  applause  which  is  usually  the 


Iviii 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


reward  of  pregnant  wit  and  hard  study,  he  was  remoA'^ed  into 
Yorkshire,  where  first,  in  the  city  of  York,  he  was  an  assi- 
duous preacher ;  hut,  hy  the  disposition  of  the  Divine  Pro- 
[Bram-  vidence,  he  happened  to  he  engaged  at  Northallerton  in  dis- 
gonists"'*"  putation  with  three  pragmatical  Romish  priests  of  the 
number"  J^siiits'  order,  whom  he  so  much  worsted  in  the  conference, 
not  three:  and  SO  shamefully  disadvantaged  by  the  evidence  of  trath, 
see  his  own  t-i         ti  tii  i^. 

account  of  represented  wisely  and  learnedly,  that  the  famous  primate  of 
versyTs^"^"'  York,  Archbishop  Matthews,  a  learned  and  an  excellent 
hrs°lffe  pi'elate,  and  a  most  worthy  preacher,  hearing  of  that  triumph, 
above,  note  sent  for  him,  and  made  him  his  chaplain ;  in  whose  service 
he  continued  till  the  death  of  the  primate,  but,  in  that  time 
had  given  so  much  testimony  of  his  dexterity  in  the  conduct 
of  ecclesiastical  and  ci\il  affairs,  that  he  grew  dear  to  his 
master.  In  that  employment  he  Avas  made  prebendary  of 
York,  and  then  of  Rippon,  the  dean  of  which  chm-ch  having 
made  him  his  sub-dean,  he  managed  the  affairs  of  that 
Church  so  Avell,  that  he  soon  acquired  a  greater  fame,  and 
entered  into  the  possession  of  many  hearts,  and  admiration 
to  those  many  more  that  knew  him.  There  and  at  his  par- 
sonage he  continued  long  to  do  the  duty  of  a  learned  and 
good  preacher,  and  by  his  Avisdom,  eloquence,  and  deport- 
ment, so  gained  the  affections  of  the  nobility,  gentry,  and 
commons  of  that  country,  that  at  his  return  thither  upon  the 
blessed  restoration  of  his  most  sacred  majesty,  he  knew 
himself  obliged  enough,  and  Avas  so  kind  as  to  give  them  a 
visit ;  so  they,  by  their  coming  in  great  numbers  to  meet 
him,  then"  joyful  reception  of  him,  their  great  caressing  of 
him  Avhen  he  Avas  there,  their  forward  hopes  to  enjoy  him  as 
their  Bishop,  their  trouble  at  his  dcpartai'e,  their  unAvHling- 
ness  to  let  him  go  away,  gave  signal  testimonies  that  they 
Avere  AAise  and  kind  enough  to  understand  and  value  his 
great  Avorth. 

But  while  he  hved  there,  he  Avas  hke  a  diamond  in  the 
dust,  or  Lucius  Quinctius  at  the  plough;  his  Ioav  fortime 
covered  a  most  valuable  person,  till  he  became  observed  by 
Sir  Thomas  Wentworth,  Lord  President  of  York,  Avhom  we 
all  knew  for  his  great  excellencies,  and  his  great  but  glorious 
misfortunes.  This  rare  person  espied  the  great  abilities  of 
Doctor  Bramhall,  and  made  him  his  chaplain,  and  bimight 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE. 


lix 


Hm  into  Ireland,  as  one  who,  he  beheved,  would  prove  the 
most  fit  instrument  to  serve  in  that  design,  which,  for  two 
years  before  his  arrival  here,  he  had  greatly  meditated  and 
resolved,  the  reformation  of  rehgion,  and  the  reparation  of 
the  broken  fortunes  of  the  Church.  The  complaints  were 
many,  the  abuses  great,  the  causes  of  the  Church  vastly 
numerous ;  but  as  fast  as  they  were  brought  in,  so  fast  they 
were  by  the  Lord  Deputy  refen-ed  back  to  Dr.  Bramhall, 
who  by  his  indefatigable  pains,  great  sagacity,  perpetual 
watchfulness,  daily  and  houi'ly  consultations,  reduced  things 
to  a  more  tolerable  condition,  than  they  had  been  left  in  by 
the  schismatical  principles  of  some,  and  the  unjust  prepos- 
sessions of  others,  for  many  years  before :  for  at  the  refor- 
mation, the  popish  bishops  and  priests  seemed  to  conform, 
and  did  so,  that  keeping  their  bishopricks  they  might  em-ich 
their  kindred  and  dilapidate  the  revenues  of  the  Church, 
which  by  pretended  offices,  false  informations,  fee-farms  at 
contemptible  rents,  and  ungodly  alienations,  were  made  low 
as  poverty  itself,  and  unfit  to  minister  to  the  needs  of  them 
that  served  the  altar,  or  the  noblest  purposes  of  religion  :  for 
hospitality  decayed,  and  the  bishops  were  easy  to  be  op- 
pressed by  those  that  would ;  and  they  complained,  but  for  a 
long  time  had  no  helper,  till  God  raised  up  that  glorious  in- 
strument the  Earl  of  Strafi'ord,  who  brought  over  with  him 
as  great  affections  to  the  Church  and  to  all  public  interests, 
and  as  admirable  abihties,  as  ever  before  his  time  did  inv  est 
and  adorn  any  of  the  king's  vicegerents  ;  and  God  fitted  his 
hand  with  an  instrument  good  as  his  skill  was  great :  for  the 
first  specimen  of  his  abilities  and  diligence  in  the  recovery  of 
some  lost  tithes,  being  represented  to  his  late  majesty,  of 
blessed  and  glorious  memory,  it  pleased  his  majesty,  upon 
the  death  of  Bishop  Downham,  to  advance  the  doctor  to  the 
bishoprick  of  Derry,  which  he  not  only  adorned  with  an  ex- 
cellent spirit  and  a  wise  government,  but  did  more  than 
double  the  revenue,  not  by  taking  any  thing  from  them  to 
whom  it  was  due,  but  by  resuming  something  of  the 
Church's  patrimony,  which  by  undue  means  was  detained 
in  unfitting  hands. 

But  his  care  was  beyond  his  diocese,  and  his  zeal  broke 
out  to  warm  all  his  brethren ;  and,  though  by  reason  of  the 


Ix 


A  SERMON  TREACIIED  AT  THE 


favour  and  piety  of  King  James,  tlie  esclieated  counties 
were  well  provided  for  their  tithes,  yet  the  bishopricks  were 
not  so  well,  till  the  primate,  then  bishop  of  Dern,',  by  the 
favour  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  his  ov.'n  incessant  and 
assiduous  labour  and  wise  conduct,  brought  in  divers  impro- 
priations, cancelled  many  unjust  alienations,  and  did  restore 
them  to  a  condition  miich  more  tolerable ;  I  say  much  more 
tolerable;  for  though  he  raised  them  above  contempt,  yet 
they  were  not  near  to  envy ;  but  he  knew  there  coidd  not  in 
all  times  be  Avauting  too  many,  that  envied  to  the  Church 
every  degree  of  prosperity :  so  Judas  did  to  Clu'ist  the  ex- 
pense of  ointment ;  and  so  Diouysius  told  the  priest,  when 
himself  stole  the  golden  cloak  from  ApoUo,  and  gave  him  one 
of  the  Ai'cadian  home-spun,  that  it  was  warmer  for  him  in 
winter  and  cooler  in  summer.  And,  for  e^-er,  since  the 
Church,  by  God's  blessing  and  the  favour  of  religious  kings 
and  princes,  and  pious  nobility,  hath  been  endowed  with  fair 
[Matt.  xiv.  revenues,  '  inimicus  homo,'  '  the  enemy '  hath  not  been 
"^^'■^  wanting,  by  pretences  of  religion,  to  take  away  God's  portion 
from  the  Clnu'ch,  as  if  His  word  were  intended  as  an  instru- 
ment to  rob  His  houses.  But  when  the  Israelites  were 
governed  by  a  deoKparia,  and  '  God  was  their  king,'  and 
Moses  His  heutenant,  and  things  were  of  His  management, 
— He  was  pleased,  by  making  gi'cat  provisions  for  them  that 
ministered  in  the  service  of  the  tabernacle,  to  consign  this 
truth  for  ever; — that  men,  as  they  love  God,  at  the  same 
rate  are  to  make  provisions  for  His  priests.  For  when  Him- 
self did  it.  He  not  only  gave  the  forty-eight  cities,  with  a 
mile  of  glebe  round  about  their  city  every  way,  and  j'et  the 
whole  country  was  but  an  hundred  and  forty  miles  long,  or 
thereabouts,  from  Dan  to  Beersheba;  but  beside  this  they 
had  the  tithe  of  aU  increase,  the  first  fruits,  oflFerings,  vows, 
redemptions,  and  in  short,  they  had  twenty-four  sorts  of 
dues,  as  Buxtorf  relates ;  and  all  this  either  brought  to  the 
barn  home  to  them  without  trouble,  or  else,  as  the  nature  of 
the  thing  required,  brought  to  the  temple ;  the  first  to  make 
it  more  profitable,  and  the  second  to  declare  that  they 
received  it  not  from  the  people  but  from  God,  not  the 
people's  kindness  but  the  Lord's  inheritance  :  insomuch  that 
this  small  tribe  of  Levi,  which  was  not  the  fortieth  part  of 


FUXERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE. 


the  people,  as  the  Scripture  computes  tlicni,  luul  a  re^cmu; 
almost  treble  to  any  of  the  largest  of  the  tribes.    I  will  not  Numb.  i. 
insist  on  what  Villalpandus  observes,  it  may  easily  be  read  in  gp,',"'^'jgf 
the  xlvth.  of  Ezekiel,  concerning  that  portion  which  God  o  unes. 
reserves  for  Himself  and  His  service ;  but  whatsoever  it  be,  ^' 
this  shall  I  say,  that  is  confessedly  a  prophecy  of  the  Gospel; 
but  this  I  add,  that  they  had  as  little  to  do,  and  much  less 
than  a  Christian  priest ;  and  yet  in  all  the  twenty-four  .see  Phiio, 
courses  the  poorest  priest  among  them  might  be  esteemed  '^^^f^  "^"f^^ 
a  rich  man.    I  speak  not  this  to  upbraid  any  man,  or  any  Upfof. 
thing  but  sacrilege  and  murmur,  nor  to  any  other  end  but  to 
represent  upon  what  great  and  religious  grounds  the  then 
Bishop  of  Derry  did,  with  so  much  care  and  assiduous  labour, 
endeavour  to  restore  the  Church  of  Ireland  to  that  splendour 
and  fulness ;  which  as  it  is  much  conducing  to  the  honour  of 
God  and  of  religion,  God  Himself  being  the  judge,  so  it  is 
much  more  necessary  for  you  than  it  is  for  us ;  and  so  this 
wise  prelate  rarely  well  understood  it ;  and  having  the  same 
advantage  and  blessing  as  we  now  have,  a  gracious  king,  and 
a  Heutenant,  patron  of  religion  and  the  Clnu'ch,  he  improved 
the  '  deposita  pietaiis,'  as  Origen  calls  them,  the  '  gages  of  Tr.ict.  25. 
piety,'  which  the  religion  of  the  ancient  princes  and  nobles  of 
this  kingdom  had  bountifully  given  to  such  a  comfortal)lc 
competency,  that  though  there  be  place  left  for  present  and 
futm'e  piety  to  large  itself,  yet  no  man  hath  reason  to 
be  discoiu'aged  in  his  duty ;  insomuch  that  as  I  have  heard 
from  a  most  worthy  hand,  that  at  his  going  into  England  he 
gave  account  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  of  30,000jS.  a 
year,  in  the  recovery  of  which  he  was  greatly  and  principally 
instrumental.  But  the  goods  of  this  Avorld  are  called  "  waters"  [p.ov.  ix. 
by  Solomon:  "  stolen  waters  are  sweet,"  and  they  are  too  un- 
stable  to  be  stopped  :  some  of  these  waters  did  run  back  from 
their  proper  channel,  and  return  to  another  coui'se  than  God 
and  the  laws  intended;  yet  his  labours  and  pious  counsels 
were  not  the  less  acceptable  to  God  and  good  men,  and  there- 
fore by  a  thankful  and  honourable  recognition,  the  con\  oca- 
tion  of  the  Church  of  Ireland  has  transmitted  in  record  to 
posterity  then*  deep  resentment  of  his  singular  services  and 
great  abilities  in  this  whole  affair.    And  this  honour  will  for 
ever  remain  to  that  Bishop  of  Derry ;  he  had  a  Zerubbabel 


Ixii 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


who  repaired  the  temple  and  restored  its  beautj'- ;  but  he  was 
the  Joshua,  the  high  priest,  who  under  him  ministered  this 
blessing  to  the  congregations  of  the  Lord. 

But  his  care  Avas  not  determined  in  the  exterior  part  only, 
and  accessaries  of  religion ;  he  was  careful,  and  he  was 
prosperous  in  it,  to  reduce  that  di\ine  and  excellent  service 
of  our  Church  to  public  and  constant  exercise,  to  unity  and 
devotion;  and  to  cause  the  articles  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land to  be  accepted  as  the  rule  of  pubhc  confessions  and  per- 

[Gon.xi.1.]  suasions  here,  that  they  and  we  might  be  ' populus  unius 
labii,'  '  of  one  heart  and  one  hp,'  building  up  our  hopes  of 
Heaven  on  a  most  holy  faith ;  and  talcing  away  that  Shib- 
boleth which  made  this  Church  lisp  too  undecently,  or 
rather,  in  some  httle  degree,  to  speak  the  speech  of  Ashdod, 
and  not  the  language  of  Canaan ;  and  the  excellent  and  wise 
pains  he  took  in  this  particular  no  man  can  dehonestate  or 
reproach,  but  he  that  is  not  willing  to  confess,  that  the 
Church  of  England  is  the  best  reformed  Church  in  the  world. 
But  when  the  brave  Roman  infantry,  under  the  conduct  of 
Manhus,  ascended  up  to  the  Capitol  to  defend  rehgion  and 
the  altars  from  the  fury  of  the  Gauls,  they  all  prayed  to 

[Fionis,  i.  God,  "  lit  quemadmodum  ipsi  ad  defendendum  templum 
Ejus  concurrissent,  ita  lUe  virtutem  eorum  numine  Suo 
tueretur :"  "That  as  they  came  to  defend  His  temple  by 
their  arms,  so  He  would  defend  their  persons  and  that  cause 
with  His  power  and  divinity."  And  this  excellent  man  in 
the  cause  of  religion  found  the  hke  blessing  which  they 
prayed  for;  God,  by  the  prosperity  of  his  labom-s  and  a 
blessed  effect,  gave  testimony  not  only  of  the  piety  and 
wisdom  of  his  purposes,  but  that  He  loves  to  bless  a  wise  in- 
strument, when  it  is  vigorously  employed  in  a  wise  and  reli- 
gious labour.  He  overcame  the  difficulty  in  defiance  of  all 
such  pretences,  as  were  made  even  from  religion  itself,  to  ob- 
struct the  better  procedm-e  of  real  and  material  religion. 

These  were  great  tilings  and  matter  of  great  envy,  and 
hke  the  fiery  eruptions  of  Vesmius,  might,  with  the  very 
ashes  of  consumption,  have  buried  another  man.  At  first  in- 
deed, as  his  blessed  Master,  the  most  holy  Jesus,  had,  so  he 

[isa.  ixi.  2.  also  had  his  '  annum  acceptabilem.'  At  first  the  product 
u  eiv.  ---^j^g  nothing  but  great  admii'ation  at  his  stupendous  parts, 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  Ixiii 

and  wonder  at  his  mighty  dihgence  and  ohscn^ation  of  his 
unusual  zeal  in  so  good  and  great  things ;  but  this  quickly 
passed  into  the  natm'al  daughters  of  envy,  suspicion,  and  de- 
traction, the  spirit  of  obloquy  and  slander.  His  zeal  for  the 
recovery  of  the  Church-revenues  was  called  oppression  and 
rapine,  covetousness  and  injustice  ;  his  care  of  reducing  reli- 
gion to  wise  and  justifiable  principles  was  called  Popery  and 
Arminianism,  and  I  know  not  what  names,  which  signify 
what  the  authors  are  pleased  to  mean,  and  the  people  to 
construe  and  to  hate.  The  intermedial  prosperity  of  his 
person  and  fortune,  which  he  had  as  an  eai'nest  of  a  greater 
reward  to  so  well-meant  laboui's,  was  supposed  to  be  the 
production  of  illiberal  arts  and  ways  of  getting ;  and  the  ne- 
cessary refreshment  of  his  wearied  spirits,  which  did  not 
always  supply  all  his  needs,  and  were  sometimes  less  than 
the  permissions  even  of  prudent  charity,  they  called  intem- 
perance :  "  Dederunt  enim  malum  Metelli  Ncevio  poet(R 
their  own  surmises  were  the  bills  of  accusation ;  and  the 
splendour  of  his  great  aya6o€p<yia,  or  '  doing  of  good  works,' 
was  the  great  probation  of  all  their  calamities.  But  if  envy 
be  the  accuser,  what  can  be  the  defences  of  innocence  ? 

"  Saucior  invidiae  morsu,  quaerenda  medela  est; 
"  Die  quibus  in  terris  sentiet  aeger  opem  ?" 

Our  blessed  Saviour,  knowing  the  unsatisfiable  angers  of 
men  if  their  money  or  estates  were  meddled  with,  refused  to 
divide  an  inheritance  amongst  brethren  :  it  was  not  to  be 
imagined  that  this  great  person  (invested,  as  all  his  brethi'en 
were,  with  the  infirmities  of  mortality,  and  yet  employed  in 
dividing  and  recovering,  and  apportioning  of  lands)  should 
be  able  to  bear  all  that  reproach,  which  jealousy  and  sus- 
picion and  mahcious  envy  could  invent  against  him.  But 
"air  i')(6p(av  TToWafiavddvova-Lv  ol  cro(f}ol,"  said  Sophocles:  and  [Aristnph. 
so  did  he;  the  aff'rightments  brought  to  his  great  fame  and  ] 
reputation  made  him  to  walk  more  warily,  and  do  justly,  and 
act  prudently,  and  conduct  his  aff'airs  by  the  measure  of 
laws,  as  far  as  he  understood,  and  indeed  that  was  a  very 
great  way  :  but  there  was  '  aperta  justitia,  clausa  manus,' 
'justice  was  open,  but  his  hand  was  shut and,  though 
every  slanderer  could  tell  a  story,  yet  none  could  prove  that 
^ver  he  received  '  a  bril)e  to  blind  his  eyes,  to  the  value  of  a 


Jxiv 


A  SERilOX  PKEAC'IIED  AT  THE 


pair  of  glo^'es  :'  it  was  his  own  expression,  Avlien  he  gave 
glory  to  God  who  had  preserved  him  innocent.  But,  because 
every  man's  cause  is  righteous  in  his  own  eyes,  it  was  hard 
for  him  so  to  acquit  himself,  that  in  the  intrigues  of  law  and 
difficult  cases,  some  of  his  enemies  shoidd  not  seem  (when 
they  were  heard  alone)  to  speak  reason  against  him.  But  see 
the  greatness  of  truth  and  prudence,  and  how  greatly  God 
stood  with  him.  "When  the  numerous  armies  of  vexed 
people, 

]\fart.,  De  "  Turba  gravis  paci,  placidaque  inimica  qiiieti," 

^,)ect.,4.  j^g^pgij  catalogues  of  accusations,  when  the  parliament  of 
Ireland,  imitating  the  violent  procedures  of  the  then  dis- 
ordered English,  when  his  glorious  patron  was  taken  from  his 
head,  and  he  was  disrobed  of  his  great  defences ;  when 
petitions  were  invited  and  accusations  furnished,  and  calumny 
was  rewarded  and  managed  with  art  and  power,  when  there 
were  above  two  hundred  petitions  put  in  against  him,  and 
himself  denied  leave  to  answer  by  word  of  mouth ;  when  he  was 
long  imprisoned,  and  treated  so  that  a  guilty  man  would  have 
been  broken  into  affrightment  and  pitiful  and  low  considera- 
[Poiemon.  tions ;  yet  then  he  himself,  standing  almost  alone,  like  Calli- 
Vim.  II.  c.  machus  at  IMarathon,  invested  with  enemies  and  covered  with 
60,  o/.j  arrows,  defended  himself  beyond  all  the  powers  of  guiltiness, 
even  with  the  defences  of  truth  and  the  bravery  of  inno- 
cence, and  answered  the  petitions  in  writing,  sometimes 
twenty  in  a  day,  with  so  much  clearness,  e^ddence  of  truth, 
reality  of  fact,  and  testimony  of  law,  that  his  very  enemies 
were  ashamed  and  con^dnced ;  they  found  they  had  done  like 
^sop's  viper,  they  licked  the  file  till  their  tongues  bled ;  but 
liimself  was  wholly  in\ailnerable.  They  were  therefore  forced 
to  leave  their  muster-rolls  and  decline  the  particulars,  and  fall 
to  their  ev  /^eyaj  to  accuse  him  for  going  about  to  subvert  the 
fundamental  laws ;  the  way  by  which  great  Strafford  and 
Canterbury  fell ;  which  was  a  device,  when  all  reasons  failed, 
to  oppress  the  enemy  by  the  bold  affirmation  of  a  conclusion 
they  could  not  prove  :  they  did  like  those  ' gladiatores'  whom 
the  Romans  called  '  retiarii,'  when  they  could  not  stab  their 
enemy  with  their  daggers,  they  threw  nets  over  him,  and 
covered  him  with  a  general  mischief.  But  the  martjT,  King 
Charles  the  First,  of  most  glorious  and  eternal  memory. 


FUNERAL  OF  THE- LORD  PRIMATE. 


Ixv 


seeing  so  great  a  champion  likely  to  be  oppressed  with  num- 
bers and  despair,  sent  what  resciie  he  conld,  his  royal  letter 
for  his  bail,  which  was  hardly  gi'anted  to  him ;  and  when  it 
was,  it  was  upon  such  hard  terms,  that  his  very  delivery  was 
a  persecution.  So  necessary  it  was  for  them,  who  intended 
to  do  mischief  to  the  public,  to  take  away  the  strongest  pillars 
of  the  house.  This  thing  I  remark  to  acquit  this  great  man 
from  the  tongue  of  slander,  which  had  so  boldly  spoken,  that 
it  was  certain  something  would  stick ;  yet  was  so  impotent 
and  unarmed,  that  it  could  not  kill  that  great  fame,  Avhich  his 
greater  worthiness  had  prociu-ed  him.  It  Avas  said  of  Hip- 
pasus  the  Pythagorean,  that  being  asked  how  and  what  he  [Coei.  Au- 
had  done,  he  answered,  "  Nondum  nihil;  neque  enim  «rf/mc ' 
mihi  invidetur ;"  "I  have  done  nothing  yet,  for  no  man 
envies  me."  He  that  does  great  things,  cannot  avoid  the 
tongues  and  teeth  of  envy ;  but  if  calumnies  must  pass  for 
evidences,  the  bravest  heroes  must  always  be  the  most 
reproached  persons  in  the  world. 

"  Nascitur  jEtolicus,  pravum  ingeniosus  ad  omne  ; 
"  Qui  facere  assuerat,  patriae  non  degener  artis, 
"Candida  de  nigris,  et  de  candeiitibus  atra." 

Every  thing  can  have  an  ill  name  and  an  ill  sense  put 
upon  it ;  but  God,  who  takes  care  of  reputations  as  He  does 
of  lives,  by  the  orders  of  His  Providence  confutes  the  slan- 
der, '  ut  memoria  justorum  sit  in  benedictionibus,'  '  that  the  [Prov.  x. 
memory  of  the  righteous  man  might  be  embalmed  with  ' 
honour and  so  it  happened  to  this  great  man ;  for  hj  a 
public  warranty,  by  the  concm'rent  consent  of  both  houses 
of  parliament,  the  libellous  petitions  against  him,  the  false 
records  and  pubHc  monuments  of  injurious  shame,  were 
cancelled,  and  he  was  restored,  'in  integrum,'  to  that  fame 
where  his  great  labours  and  just  procedures  had  first  estated 
him ;  which  though  it  was  but  justice,  yet  it  was  also  such 
honotir,  that  it  is  greater  than  the  virulence  of  tongues,  which 
his  worthiness  and  their  en\y  had  armed  against  him. 

But  yet  the  great  scene  of  the  troubles  was  but  newly 
opened.  I  shaU  not  refuse  to  speak  yet  more  of  his  troubles, 
as  remembering  that  St.  Paul,  when  he  discourses  of  the 
glories  of  the  saints  departed,  he  tells  more  of  their  sufferings 
than  of  their  prosperities,  as  being  that  laboratory  and  cruci- 

BRAMHALL.  f 


Ixvi 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


ble,  in  wliich  God  makes  His  servants  vessels  of  honour  to  His 
glory.  The  storm  quickly  grew  high;  '  et  transitum  est  a 
Unguis  ad  gladios ;'  and  that  was  indeed  "  aBiKia  e')(pv<Ta 
[Aristof.  oifKa"  '  Iniqmty  had  put  on  arms  /  when  it  is  '  armata 
1  '■  nequitia,'  then  a  man  is  hard  put  to  it.  The  rebellion 
breaking  out,  the  Bishop  went  to  his  charge  at  Derry ;  and 
because  he  was  within  the  defence  of  walls,  the  execrable 
traitor,  Sir  Phelim  O'Neale,  laid  a  snare  to  bring  him  to  a 
dishonourable  death;  for  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Bishop, 
pretended  intelligence  between  them,  desired  that  according 
to  their  former  agreement  such  a  gate  might  be  delivered  to 
him.  The  messenger  was  not  advised  to  be  cautious,  nor  at 
all  instructed  in  the  art  of  secrecy ;  for  it  was  intended  that 
he  should  be  searched,  intercepted,  and  hanged,  for  aught 
tlicy  cared :  but  the  arrow  was  shot  against  the  Bishop,  that 
he  might  be  accused  for  base  conspuvacy,  and  die  with  shame 
and  sad  dishonour.  But  here  God  manifested  His  mighty 
care  of  His  servants ;  He  was  pleased  to  send  into  the  heart 
of  the  messenger  such  an  affrightment,  that  he  directly 
ran  away  with  the  letter,  and  never  durst  come  near  the 
town  to  deliver  it.  This  story  was  pubhshed  by  Sir  Phelim 
himself,  who  added,  that  if  he  could  have  thus  ensnared  the 
Bishop,  he  had  good  assurance  the  tovra  should  have  been 
his  own :  "  Sed  bonitas  Dei  pr<Bvalitura  est  super  omnem 
malitiam  hominis "  The  goodness  of  God  is  greater  than 
all  the  malice  of  men ;"  and  nothing  could  so  prove  how  dear 
that  sacred  life  was  to  God,  as  his  rescue  from  the  dangers. 
Mart.  I.  "  Stantia  non  poterant  tecta  probare  Deos  .  "  '  To  have  kept 
him  in  a  warm  house  had  been  nothing,  unless  the  roof  had 
fallen  upon  his  head ;  that  rescue  was  a  remark  of  Divine 
favour  and  Providence.'  But  it  seems  Sn  Phehm's  treason 
against  the  life  of  this  worthy  man  had  a  correspondent  in 
the  town ;  and  it  broke  out  speedily ;  for  what  they  could  not 
effect  by  maUcious  stratagem,  they  did  in  part  by  open 
force;  they  tiu-ned  the  Bishop  out  of  the  town,  and  upon 
trifling  and  unjust  pretences  searched  his  carriages,  and 
took  what  they  pleased,  till  they  were  ashamed  to  take 
more  :  they  did  worse  than  divorce  him  from  his  Chiu-ch ; 
for  in  all  the  Roman  divorces  they  said,  "  Tuas  tibi  res 
habeto,"  "  Take  your  goods  and  begone ;"  but  plunder  was 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  Ixvii 

religion  then.  However,  though  the  usage  was  sad,  yet  it 
was  recompensed  to  him  by  his  taking  sanctuary  in  Oxford, 
where  he  was  gracioxisly  received  by  that  most  incomparable 
and  divine  prince  ;  but  having  served  the  king  in  Yorkshire, 
by  his  pen,  and  by  his  counsels,  and  by  his  interests,  he 
retui'ned  back  to  Ireland,  where,  under  the  excellent  conduct 
of  his  Grace  the  now  Lord  Lieutenant,  he  ran  the  risk  and 
fortune  of  oppressed  virtue. 

But  God  having  still  resolved  to  afflict  us,  the  good  man 
was  forced  into  the  fortune  of  the  patriarchs,  to  leave  his 
country  and  his  charges,  and  seek  for  safety  and  bread  in 
a  strange  land ;  for  so  the  prophets  were  used  to  do,  wan- 
dering up  and  down  in  sheep's  clothing ;  but  poor  as  they 
were,  the  world  was  not  worthy  of  them :  and  this  worthy 
man,  despising  the  shame,  took  up  his  cross  and  followed  his 
Master. 

"  Exilium  causa  ipsa  jubet  sibi  dulce  videri, 
"  Et  desiderium  dulce  levat  patriae." 

He  was  not  ashamed  to  suffer,  where  the  cause  was 
honourable  and  glorious ;  but  so  God  provided  for  the  needs 
of  His  banished,  and  sent  a  man  who  could  minister  comfort 
to  the  afflicted,  and  courage  to  the  persecuted,  and  resolu- 
tions to  the  tempted,  and  strength  to  that  religion  for  which 
they  all  suffered. 

And  here  tliis  great  man  was  indeed  triumphant ;  this  was 
one  of  the  last  and  best  scenes  of  his  life :  "  rj/xepac  yap  eVi-  [Pindar. 
Xoyot  ixdpTvpe<;  a-ocpcoTarot,'''  "  The  last  days  are  the  best  wit-  54.']'' 
nesses  of  a  man."  But  so  it  was,  that  lie  stood  up  in  pubhc 
and  brave  defence  for  the  doctrine  and  discij)Une  of  the 
Church  of  England ;  first,  by  his  suflPerings  and  great  ex- 
ample ;  for,  "  Verbis  tantum  philosophari,  non  est  doctoris, 
sed  histrionis;"  "To  talk  well  and  not  to  do  bravely,  is  for  a 
comedian,  not  a  divine but  this  great  man  did  both ;  he 
suffered  his  own  calamity  with  great  courage,  and  by  his 
wise  discourses,  strengthened  the  heart  of  others. 

For  there  wanted  no  diligent  tempters  in  the  Church  of 
Rome,  who  taking  advantage  of  the  afflictions  of  his  sacred 
Majesty,  in  which  state  men  commonly  suspect  every  thing, 
and  like  men  in  sickness  arc  wilhng  to  change  from  side  to 
side,  hoping  for  ease  and  finding  none,  flew  at  royal  game, 
f  2- 


Ixviii 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


and  hoped  to  draw  away  the  king  from  that  religion  which 
his  most  royal  father,  the  best  man  and  the  wisest  prince  in 
the  world,  had  sealed  with  the  best  blood  in  Christendom, 
and  which  himself  sucked  in  with  his  education,  and  had 
confirmed  by  choice  and  reason,  and  confessed  publicly  and 
bravely,  and  hath  since  restored  prosperously.  Milletiere 
was  the  man,  witty  and  bold  enough  to  attempt  a  zealous 
and  foolish  undertaking,  who  addressed  himself  with  ignoble, 
indeed,  but  witty  arts,  to  persuade  the  king  to  leave  what 
was  dearer  to  him  than  his  eyes.  It  is  true,  it  was  a  wave 
dashed  against  a  rock,  and  an  arrow  shot  against  the  sun,  it 
covdd  not  reach  him ;  but  the  Bishop  of  Deri-y  turned  it  also, 
and  made  it  fall  upon  the  shooter's  head ;  for  he  made  so  in- 
genious, so  learned,  and  so  acute  reply  to  that  book ;  he  so 
discovered  the  errors  of  the  Roman  Church,  retorted  the 
arguments,  stated  the  questions,  demonstrated  the  truth,  and 
shamed  their  procedm-es,  that  nothing  could  be  a  greater 
argument  of  the  Bishop's  learning,  great  parts,  deep  judg- 
ment, quickness  of  apprehension,  and  sincerity  in  the  catholic 
and  apostolic  Faith ;  or  of  the  follies  and  prevarications  of  the 
Church  of  Rome.  He  wrote  no  apologies  for  himself,  though 
it  were  much  to  be  wished  that,  as  Junius  wrote  his  own  life, 
or  Moses  his  own  story,  so  we  might  have  understood  from 
himself  how  great  things  God  had  done  for  him  and  by 
him :  but  all  that  he  permitted  to  God,  and  was  silent  in 
his  own  defences ;  "  Gloriosius  enim  est  injuriam  tacenclo  fu- 
gere,  quam  respondendo  superare : "  but  when  the  honour  and 
conscience  of  his  Idng,  and  the  interest  of  a  true  religion  was 
[Ps.  xxxix.  at  stake,  "  the  fire  bm'ned  within  him,  and  at  last  he  spake 
with  his  tongue-;"  he  cried  out  like  the  son  of  Croesus,  ""flv- 
Herod.  i.  BpcoTTe,  fjbr)  KTelve  Kpolaov,"  Take  heed  and  meddle  not  with 
^hweig.  ^ing ;  his  person  is  too  sacred,  and  rehgion  too  dear  to 

him  to  be  assaulted  by  vulgar  hands.  In  short,  he  acquitted 
himself  in  this  aff'air  with  so  much  truth  and  piety,  learning 
and  judgment,  that  in  those  papers  his  memory  will  last  until 
very  late  succeeding  generations. 

But  this  most  reverend  prelate  found  a  nobler  adversary, 
and  a  braver  scene  for  his  contention :  he  found  that  the 
Roman  priests,  being  wearied  and  baffled  by  the  wise  dis- 
courses and  pungent  arguments  of  the  English  divines,  had 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  Ixix 

studiously  declined  any  more  to  dispute  the  particular 
questions  against  us^  but  fell  at  last  upon  a  general  charge, 
imputing  to  the  Church  of  England  the  great  crime  of  schism; 
and  by  this  they  thought  they  might  Avith  most  probabiUty 
deceive  unwary  and  unskilful  readers ;  for  they  saw  the 
schism,  and  they  saw  we  had  left  them;  and  because  they 
considered  not  the  causes,  they  resolved  to  out-face  us  in  the 
charge :  but  now  it  was  that  '  dignum  nactus  argumentum,' 
'  having  an  argument  fit'  to  employ  his  great  abilities, 

"  Consecrat  liic  praesul  calamum  calamique  labores, 
"  Ante  aras  Domino  lata  tropsea  suo  ;" 

'  The  Bishop  now  dedicates  his  labours  to  the  service  of  God' 
and  of  His  Church,  undertook  the  question,  and  in  a  full  dis- 
course proves  the  Chui'ch  of  Rome  not  only  to  be  guilty  of 
the  schism,  by  making  it  necessary  to  depart  from  them  j 
but  they  did  actuate  the  schisms,  and  themselves  made  the 
first  separation  in  the  great  point  of  the  pope's  supremacy, 
which  was  the  palladium  for  which  they  principally  con- 
tended. He  made  it  appear  that  the  popes  of  Rome  were 
usurpers  of  the  rights  of  kings  and  bishops :  that  they 
brought  in  new  doctrines  in  every  age,  that  they  imposed 
their  own  devices  upon  Christendom  as  articles  of  faith,  that 
they  prevaricated  the  doctrines  of  the  apostles,  that  the 
Church  of  England  only  returned  to  her  primitive  purity, 
that  she  joined  with  Christ  and  His  Apostles,  that  she 
agreed  in  all  the  sentiments  of  the  primitive  Church. 
He  stated  the  questions  so  wisely,  and  conducted  them  so 
prudently,  and  handled  them  so  learnedly,  that  I  may  truly 
say,  they  never  were  more  materially  confuted  by  any  man, 
since  the  questions  have  so  unhappily  disturbed  Christendom. 
'  Verum  hoc  eos  male  ussit ;'  and  they  finding  themselves 
smitten  under  the  fifth  rib,  set  up  an  old  champion  of  their 
own,  a  Goliah  to  fight  against  the  armies  of  Israel ;  the  old 
Bishop  of  Chalcedon,  known  to  many  of  us,  replied  to  this 
excellent  book ;  but  was  so  answered  by  a  rejoinder  made  by 
the  Lord  Bishop  of  Derry,  in  which  he  so  pressed  the  former 
ai'guments,  refuted  the  cavils,  brought  in  so  many  im- 
pregnable authorities  and  probations,  and  added  so  many 
moments  and  weights  to  his  discourse,  that  the  pleasures  of 


Ixx  A  SERMON  PKEACHED  AT  THE 

reading  the  book  would  be  the  greatest,  if  tbe  profit  to  the 
Church  of  God  were  not  greater. 

Ovid.  M.  i.  "  Flumina  jam  lactis,  jam  flumina  nectaris  ibant, 

111.  "Flavaque  de  viridi  stillabant  ilice  mella." 

For  so  Sampson's  riddle  was  again  expounded,  "Out  of  the 
[Judg.  xiv.  strong  came  meat,  and  out  of  the  eater  came  sweetness." 

His  arguments  were  strong,  and  the  eloquence  was  sweet 
and  delectable;  and  though  there  started  up  another  com- 
batant against  him,  yet  he  had  only  the  honour  to  fall  by  the 
[^n.  iv.    hands  of  Hector  :  still  "  h(Bret  lateri  lethalis  arundo ;"  the 
'  '  headed  arrow  went  in  so  far,  that  it  could  not  be  drawn  out 

but  the  barbed  steel  stuck  behind :  and  whenever  men  wiU 
desire  to  be  satisfied  in  those  great  questions,  the  Bishop  of 
Derry's  book  shall  be  his  oracle. 

I  will  not  insist  upon  his  other  excellent  writings ;  but  it 
is  knoATO  every  where  with  what  piety  and  acumen  he  wrote 
against  the  Mauichean  doctrine  of  "  fatal  necessity,"  which 
a  late  witty  man  had  pretended  to  adorn  with  a  new  vizor : 
but  this  excellent  person  washed  off  the  ceruse  and  the  mere- 
tricious paintings,  rarely  well  asserted  the  economy  of  the 
Divine  Pro^-idence,  and  having  once  more  triumphed  over  his 
adversary,  " plenus  victoriarum  et  tropceorum,"  betook  him- 
self to  the  more  agreeable  attendance  upon  sacred  oflfices ; 
and  liaAing  usefully  and  wisely  discoursed  of  the  sacred  rite 
of  confirmation,  imposed  his  hands  upon  the  most  illustrious 
princes,  the  Dukes  of  York  and  Gloucester,  and  the  Princess 
Eoyal,  and  ministered  to  them  the  promise  of  the  Holy 
Sph'it,  and  ministerially  established  them  in  the  religion  and 
ser\-ice  of  the  Holy  Jesus.  And  one  thing  more  I  shall 
remark;  that  at  his  leaving  those  parts  upon  the  king's 
return,  some  of  the  remonstrant  ministers  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries coming  to  take  their  leaves  of  this  great  man,  and  de- 
siring that  by  his  means  the  Chm'ch  of  England  Avould  be 
kind  to  them,  he  had  reason  to  grant  it,  because  they  were 
learned  men,  and  in  many  things  of  a  most  excellent  belief; 
yet  he  reproved  them,  and  gave  them  caution  against  it,  that 
they  approached  too  near  and  gave  too  much  countenance  to 
the  great  and  dangerous  errors  of  the  Socinians. 

He  thus  having  served  God  and  the  king  abroad,  God  was 
pleased  to  return  to  the  king  and  to  us  all,  as  in  the  days  of 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  Ixxi 

old,  and  we  sung  the  song  of  Da\'id,  "In  convertendo  cap-  [Ps.cxxvi. 
tivitatem  Sion,"  when  king  David  and  all  his  servants  re- 
turned to  Jerusalem.  This  great  person  having  trod  in  the 
wine-press,  was  called  to  drink  of  the  wine,  and,  as  an  hono- 
rary reward  of  his  great  services  and  abihties,  was  chosen 
Primate  of  this  national  Church,  in  which  time  we  are  to 
look  upon  him,  as  the  king  and  the  king's  great  vicegerent  did, 
as  a  person  concerning  whose  abilities  the  world  had  too  great 
testimony  ever  to  make  a  doubt.  It  is  true  he  was  in  the 
declension  of  his  age  and  health ;  but  his  very  ruins  were 
goodly;  and  they  who  saw  the  broken  heaps  of  Pompey's 
theatre,  and  the  crushed  obehsks,  and  the  old  face  of  beau- 
teous Philsenium,  could  not  but  admire  the  disordered 
glories  of  such  magnificent  structures,  which  were  venerable 
in  their  very  dust. 

He  ever  was  used  to  overcome  all  difficulties,  only  mor- 
tality was  too  hard  for  him;  but  still  his  virtues  and  his 
spirit  were  immortal ;  he  still  took  gi'eat  care,  and  still  had 
new  and  noble  designs,  and  proposed  to  himself  admirable 
things.  He  governed  his  province  with  great  justice  and 
sincerity ; 

"  Unus  amplo  consulens  pastor  gregi, 
"  Somnos  tuetur  omnium  solus  vigil." 

And  had  this  remark  in  all  his  government,  that  as  he  was 
a  great  hater  of  sacrilege,  so  he  professed  himself  a  public 
enemy  to  non-residence,  and  often  would  declare  wisely  and 
religiously  against  it,  allowing  it  in  no  case  but  of  necessity, 
or  the  greater  good  of  the  Church.  There  are  great  things 
spoken  of  his  predecessor,  St.  Patrick,  that  he  founded  seven 
hundred  chui'ches  and  rehgious  convents,  that  he  ordained 
fiA^e  thousand  priests,  and,  Avith  his  OAvn  hands,  consecrated 
three  hundred  and  fifty  bishops.  Hoav  true  the  story  is  I 
know  not;  but  we  are  all  witnesses  that  the  late  primate, 
whose  memory  we  now  celebrate,  did,  by  an  extraordinary 
contingency  of  Providence,  in  one  day,  consecrate  two  arch- 
bishops and  ten  bishops ;  and  did  benefit  to  almost  all  the 
churches  in  Ireland,  and  was  greatly  instrumental  to  the  re- 
endoAvments  of  the  whole  clergy;  and  in  the  greatest  abilities 
and  incomparable  industry,  was  inferior  to  none  of  his  most 
glorious  antecessors. 


Ixxii 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


Since  tlie  canouization  of  saints  came  into  the  Church,  we 
find  no  Irish  bishop  canonized,  except  St.  Laurence  of  Dubhn, 
and,  St.  Malachias  of  Down;  indeed  Richard  of  Armagh's 
canonization  was  propounded,  but  not  effected ;  but  the  cha- 
De  Scrip-  racter  which  was  given  of  that  learned  primate  by  Trithemius, 
tor.  Eccies.  ^^^^  exactly  fit  this,  our  late  father :  "  Vir  in  Divinis  Scrip- 
turis  eruditus,  secularis  philosophice  jurisque  canonici  non 
ignarus,  clarus  ingenio,  sermone  scholasticus,  in  declamandis 
sermonibus  ad  populum  excellentis  industrice :"  "  He  was 
learned  in  the  Scriptures,  skilled  in  secular  philosophy,  and 
not  unknowing  in  the  civil  and  canon  laws "  (in  which  studies 
I  msh  the  clergy  were,  with  some  carefulness  and  diligence, 
still  more  conversant),  "  he  was  of  an  excellent  spirit,  a  scholar 
in  his  discoui'ses,  an  early  and  industrious  preacher  to  the 
people."  And  as  if  there  were  a  more  particular  sympathy 
between  then'  sovls,  our  primate  had  so  great  a  veneration  to 
his  memory,  that  he  purposed,  if  he  had  hved,  to  have  re- 
stored his  monument  in  Dundalk,  which  time,  or  impiety,  or 
unthankfulness,  had  either  omitted  or  destroyed.  So  great  a 
lover  he  was  of  all  true  and  inherent  worth,  that  he  loved 
it  in  the  very  memory  of  the  dead,  and  to  have  such  great 
examples  transmitted  to  the  intuition  and  imitation  of  pos- 
terity. 

At  his  coming  to  the  primacy,  he  knew  he  should  at  first 
espy  little  besides  the  ruin  of  disciphne,  a  harvest  of  thorns, 
and  heresies  prevailing  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  the  churches 
possessed  by  wolves  and  intruders,  men's  hearts  greatly  es- 
tranged from  true  religion ;  and,  therefore,  he  set  himself  to 
weed  the  fields  of  the  Church ;  he  treated  the  adversaries 
sometimes  sweetly,  sometimes  he  confuted  them  learnedly, 
sometimes  he  rebuked  them  sharply.  He  ^dsited  his  charges 
dihgently  and  in  his  own  person,  not  by  proxies  and  instru- 
[2  Cor.  xii.  mental  deputations  :  '  Quarens  non  nostra,  sed  nos,  et  quae  sunt 
Jesu  Christi:'  He  designed  nothing  that  we  knew  of  but  the 
redintegration  of  rehgion,  the  honour  of  God  and  the  king, 
the  restoring  of  collapsed  discipline,  and  the  renovation  of 
faith  and  the  ser\Tice  of  God  in  the  chm'ches.  And  still  he 
was  indefatigable,  and,  even  at  the  last  scene  of  his  life,  in- 
tended to  undertake  a  regal  visitation.  "  Quid  enim  vultis 
me  otiosum  a  Domino  comprehendi?"   said  one;  "He  was 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE.  Ixxiii 

not  willing  that  God  should  take  him  unemployed:"  but, 
good  man,  he  felt  his  tabernacle  ready  to  fall  in  pieces,  and 
I  could  go  no  further, — for  God  would  have  no  more  work 
I  done  by  that  hand ;  he,  therefore,  espying  this,  put  his  house 
in  order,  and  had  lately  visited  his  diocese,  and  done  what 
he  then  could,  to  put  his  charge  in  order ;  for  he  had,  a  good 
"while  since,  received  the  sentence  of  death  within  himself, 
and  knew  he  was  shortly  to  render  an  account  of  his  steward- 
!  ship ;  he,  therefore,  upon  a  brisk  alarm  of  death,  which  God 
sent  him  the  last  J anuary,  made  liis  will ;  in  which,  besides 
the  prudence  and  presence  of  spirit  manifested  in  making 
just  and  wise  settlement  of  his  estate,  and  provisions  for  his 
descendants  :  at  midnight,  and  in  the  trouble  of  his  sickness 
and  circumstances  of  addressing  death,  still  kept  a  special 
sentiment,  and  made  confession  of  God's  admii-able  mercies, 
and  gave  thanks  that  God  had  permitted  him  to  Hve  to  see 
the  blessed  restoration  of  his  majesty  and  the  Chiirch  of 
f  England,  confessed  his  Faith  to  be  the  same  as  ever,  gave 
1  praises  to  God  that  he  was  born  and  bred  up  in  this  religion, 
f   and  prayed  to  God,  and  hoped  he  shou.ld  die  in  the  com- 
j   munion  of  this  Church,  which  he  declared  to  be  the  most 
■   pure  and  apostolical  Church  in  the  whole  world. 
i|       He  prayed  to  God  to  pardon  his  frailties  and  infirmities, 
rehed  upon  the  mercies  of  God  and  the  merits  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and,  with  a  singiilar  sweetness  resigned  up  his  soul 
I   into  the  hands  of  his  Redeemer. 

I  But  God,  who  is  the  great  Choragus  and  Master  of  the 
scenes  of  life  and  death,  was  not  pleased  then  to  draw  the 
curtains ;  there  was  an  epilogue  to  his  life  yet  to  be  acted 
and  spoken.  He  retm'ued  to  actions  and  life,  and  went  on 
in  the  methods  of  the  same  procedure  as  before ;  was  desirous 
still  to  establish  the  affairs  of  the  Church,  complained  of  some 
disorders  which  he  purposed  to  redress,  girt  himself  to  the 
work;  but  though  his  spirit  was  wiUing,  yet  his  flesh  was 
weak ;  and  as  the  Apostles  in  the  vespers  of  Christ's  passion, 
so  he,  in  the  eye  of  his  own  dissolution,  was  heavy,  not  to 
sleep,  but  hea\y  unto  death ;  and  looked  for  the  last  warning, 
which  seized  on  him  in  the  midst  of  business ;  and  though 
it  was  sudden,  yet  it  could  not  be  unexpected,  or  unprovided 
by  surprise,  and,  therefore,  could  be  no  other  than  that 


Ixxiv 


A  SERMON  PREACHED  AT  THE 


[Sueton.  in  " eWavaaia"  wliich  Augustus  used  to  wish  unto  himself,  a  civil 

Vita.  99  ] 

and  weU-natiu'ed  deatli,  without  the  amazement  of  trouble- 
some circumstances,  or  the  great  cracks  of  a  falling  house,  or 
the  convulsions  of  impatience.  Seneca  tells  that  Bassus 
Aufidius  was  wont  to  say,  "  Sperare  se  nullum  dolorem  esse 
in  illo  extremo  anhelitu ;  si  tamen  esset,  habere  aliquantum  in 
Epist.  30.  ipsa  brevitate  solatii :"  "He  hoped  that  the  pains  of  the  last 
dissolution  were  little  or  none ;  or  if  they  were,  it  was  fiill  of 
comfort  that  they  coidd  be  but  short."  It  happened  so  to 
this  excellent  man ;  his  passive  fortitude  had  been  abundantly 
tried  before,  and,  therefore,  there  was  the  less  need  of  it  now  ; 
his  active  graces  had  been  abundantly  demonstrated  by  the 
great  and  good  things  he  did ;  and,  therefore,  his  last  scene 
was  not  so  laborious,  but  God  called  him  away  something 
after  the  manner  of  Moses,  which  the  Jews  express  by  '  os- 
mium oris  Dei,'  '  the  kiss  of  God's  mouth  ■'  that  is,  a  death 
indeed  fore-signified,  but  gentle  and  serene,  and  without 
temptation. 

To  sum  up  all :  he  was  a  wise  prelate,  a  learned  doctor,  a 
just  man,  a  true  friend,  a  gi'eat  benefactor  to  others,  a  thank- 
ful beneficiary  Avhere  he  Avas  obliged  himself.  He  was  a 
faithful  servant  to  his  masters,  a  loyal  subject  to  the  king,  a 
zealous  assertor  of  his  reUgion  against  popery  on  one  side, 
and  fanaticism  on  the  other.  The  practice  of  his  rehgion 
was  not  so  much  in  forms  and  exterior  ministries,  though  he 
was  a  great  observer  of  all  the  public  rites  and  ministries  of 
the  Chm'ch,  as  it  was  in  doing  good  for  others.  He  was  like 
]\Iyson,  whom  the  Scythian  Anacharsis  so  greatly  praised, 
[Max.  Tyr.  "  o  MvcTcov  rjv  oIkov  oiKijaa<;  Ka\S)<;,"  '  lie  governed  his  family 
^^'"^  well,'  he  gave  to  all  theii"  due  of  maintenance  and  duty;  he 
did  great  benefit  to  mankind ;  he  had  the  fate  of  the  apostle 
St.  Paul,  he  passed  '  through  evil  report  and  good  report,  as  a 
deceiver,  and  yet  true.'  He  was  a  man  of  great  business  and 
great  resort :  "  Semper  aliquis  in  Cydonis  domo,"  as  the 
Corinthians  said ;  "  There  was  always  somebody  in  Cydon's 
Synes.  Ep.  house."  He  was  "  fj,epL^cov  rov  ^tov  epya>  koL  ^l^m,"  '  he  di- 
vided his  life  into  labour  and  his  book.'  He  took  care  of  his 
churches  when  he  was  alive,  and  even  after  his  death,  having 
left  five  hundred  pounds  for  the  repair  of  his  cathedral  of 
Armagh  and  St.  Peter's  chmch  in  Droghcda.    He  was  an 


FUNERAL  OF  THE  LORD  PRIMATE. 


Ixxv 


excellent  scholar,  and  rarely  well  accomplished;  first  in- 
structed to  great  excellency  by  natural  parts,  and  then  con- 
summated by  study  and  experience.  Melancthon  was  used 
to  say,  that  himself  was  a  logician;  Pomeranus,  a  gramma- 
rian ;  Justus  Jonas,  an  orator ;  but  that  Luther  was  all 
these.  It  was  greatly  true  of  him,  that  the  single  perfec- 
tions which  make  many  men  eminent,  were  imited  iu  this 
pi-imate,  and  made  him  illustrious. 


It  will  be  hard  to  find  his  equal  in  all  things  :  "  Fortasse 
tanquam  Phoenix  anno  quingentesimo  nascitur"  (that  I  may 
use  the  words  of  Seneca)  "  nec  est  mirum  ex  intervallo  [Epist.42.] 
magna  generari ;  mediocria  et  in  turbam  nascentia  sape  for- 
tuna  producit ;  eximia  vero  ij)sa  raritate  commendat."  For 
in  him  were  Adsible  the  great  lines  of  Hooker's  judiciousness, 
of  Jewel's  learning,  of  the  acuteness  of  bishop  Andi'ewes.  He 
was  skilled  in  more  great  things  than  one,  and,  as  one  said 
of  Pliidias,  he  could  not  only  make  excellent  statues  of  ivory, 
but  he  could  Avork  in  stone  and  brass.  He  shewed  his  equa- 
nimity in  poverty,  and  his  justice  in  riches ;  he  was  useful  in 
his  country,  and  profitable  in  his  banishment ;  for  as  Parseus 
Mas  at  Anvilla,  Luther  at  Wittenbm-g,  St.  Athanasius  and 
St.  Chiysostom  in  their  banishment,  St.  Jerome  in  his  retire- 
ment at  Bethlehem,  they  were  oracles  to  them  that  needed 
it :  so  was  he  in  Holland  and  France,  where  he  was  abroad ; 
and  beside  the  particular  endearments  which  his  friends  re- 
cei^ed  from  him,  for  he  did  do  rehef  to  his  brethren  that 
wanted,  and  supplied  the  soldiers  out  of  his  store  in  York- 
shire, when  himself  could  but  ill  spare  it :  but  he  received 
pubUc  thanks  fi'om  the  convocation  of  wliich  he  was  pre- 
sident, and  pubhc  justification  from  the  parliament  where  he 
was  speaker ;  so  that  although,  as  one  said,  "  Miraculi  instar 
vita  iter,  si  longum,  sine  offensione  percurrere ;"  yet  no  man 
had  greater  enemies,  and  no  man  had  greater  justifications. 
But  God  hath  taken  our  Elijah  fi'om  oui'  heads  this  day  :  I 
pray  God  that  at  least  his  mantle  may  be  left  behind,  and 
that  his  spirit  may  be  doubled  upon  his  successor ;  and  that 


"  Ergo  Quinctilium  perpetuus  sopor 
"  Urget  ?  cui  Pudor,  et,  Justitiae  soror, 
"  Incorrupta  Fides,  nudaque  Veritas, 
"  Quando  uUum  invenient  parem  ? " 


24.  5—8.] 


Ixxvi 


A  SERMON,  &C. 


we  may  all  meet  together  with  him  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
Lamb,  where  every  man  shall  receive  according  to  his  deeds, 
whether  they  be  good,  or  whether  they  be  evil.  I  conclude 
[Epist.  vi.  with  the  words  of  Caius  Plinius  :  "  Equidem  beatos  puto  qui- 
Gie^g!^]'  bus  Deorum  munere  datum  est,  aut  facere  scribenda,  aut 
scribere  legenda :"  '  he  wrote  many  things  fit  to  be  read,  and 
did  very  many  things  worthy  to  be  written  which  if  we 
wisely  imitate,  we  may  hope  to  meet  him  in  the  resurrection 
of  the  just,  and  feast  with  him  in  the  eternal  supper  of  the 
Lamb,  there  to  sing  perpetual  anthems  to  the  honour  of 
God  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost ;  to  whom  be  all 
honour,  &c. 


LETTERS,  &c. 

OF 

ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL. 


L  E  T  T  E  H  S, 

&c. 


LETTER  I.» 

From  Dr.  Bramhall  to  Laud  {then)  Bishop  of  London. 

Right  Reverend  Father, 
My  most  honour'd  Lord,  presuming  partly  upon  your 
Licence,  but  especially  dii'ected  by  my  Lord  Deputy's  com- 
mands, I  am  to  give  your  Fatherhood  a  brief  account  of  the  [See  Life, 
present  state  of  the  poor  Church  of  Ireland,  such  as  oiu*  ^'  ^ 
short  intelhgence  here,  and  your  Lordship's  weightier  im- 
ployments  there,  will  permit.  First,  for  the  fabricks,  it  is 
hard  to  say  whether  the  churches  be  the  more  ruinous  and 
sordid,  or  the  people  irrcA^erent ;  even  in  Dublin  the  metro- 
polis of  this  kingdom,  and  seat  of  justice  (to  begin  the  in- 
quisition where  the  reformation  mil  begin),  we  find  our 
parochial  church  converted  to  the  Lord  Deputy's  stable,  a 
second  to  a  nobleman's  dwelling  house,  the  quire  of  a  third 
to  a  tennis  court,  and  the  Vicar  acts  the  keeper.  In  Christ's 
Church,  the  principal  chiu'ch  in  Ireland,  whither  the  Lord 
Deputy  and  Council  repair  every  Sunday,  the  Vaults,  from 
one  end  of  the  Minster  to  the  other,  are  made  into  tippling- 
rooms,  for  beer,  wine,  and  tobacco,  demised  all  to  Popish  re- 
cusants, and  by  them  and  others  so  much  frequented  in  time 
of  Di^dne  Sendee,  that  though  there  is  no  danger  of  blowing 
up  the  assembly  above  their  heads,  yet  there  is  of  poisoning 
them  with  the  fumes.  The  table  used  for  the  administration 
of  the  blessed  Sacrament  in  the  midst  of  the  choir,  made  an 
ordinary  seat  for  maids  and  apprentices.  I  cannot  omit  the 
glorious  tomb''  in  the  other  Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Patrick, 

^  [Printed  in  Collier's  Ch.  Hist.,  Pt.  a  vault  of  hewn  stone  beneath  it.  As 

ii.  bk.  ix.  vol.  ii.  p.  759,  from  the  State  to  its  usurping  the  place  of  the  Altar, 

Papers,  and  from  Collier  by  Mant,  Ch.  Archbishop  Usher  explained,  that  the 

of  Ireland,  c.  viii.  §  3.  pp.  41'8-452.]  place  of  its  erection  was  an  ancient 

['  The  tomb  here  complained  of  had  passage    into   a   chapel   within  the 

been  erected  by  the  Earl  of  Cork,  with  church,  which  had  time  out  of  mind 


Ixxx 


LETTERS,  &C. 


in  the  proper  place  of  the  Altar,  just  opposite  to  his  Majesty's 
seat,  having  his  fatlier^s  name  superscribed  upon  it,  as  if  it 
were  contriv'd  on  purpose  to  gain  the  worship  and  reverence 
which  the  Chapter  and  whole  Church  are  bound  by  special 
statute  to  give  towards  the  East.  And  either  the  sod  itself, 
or  a  hcence  to  budd  and  bury,  and  make  a  vault  in  the  place 
of  the  Altar,  under  seal,  which  is  a  tantamount,  passed  to 
the  Earl  and  his  heirs.  "  Credimus  esse  Deos  ?"  This  being 
the  case  in  Dubhn,  your  Lordship  will  judge  what  we  may 
expect  in  the  country. 

Next  for  the  clergy;  I  find  few  footsteps  yet  of  foreign 
differences,  so  I  hope  it  will  be  an  easier  task  not  to  admit 
them  than  to  have  them  ejected.  But  I  doubt  much  whether 
the  clergy  be  very  orthodox,  and  coidd  wish  both  the  Ai-ticles 
and  Canons  of  the  Church  of  England  were  estabhsh^d  here 
by  Act  of  Parhament,  or  State ;  that  as  we  hve  all  under  one 
king,  so  we  might  both  in  doctrine  and  discipline  observe  an 
uniformity.  The  inferior  sort  of  ministers  are  below  all  de- 
grees of  contempt,  in  respect  of  their  poverty  and  ignorance  : 
the  boundless  heaping  together  of  benefices  by  commendams 
and  dispemations  in  the  stiperiors  is  but  too  apparent ;  yea, 
even  often  by  plaia  usm'pation,  and  indirect  compositions 
made  between  the  patrons  (as  well  ecclesiastick  as  lay),  and 
the  incumbents ;  by  which  the  least  part,  many  times  not 
above  40s.,  rarely  £10.,  in  the  year,  is  reserv'd  for  him  that 
should  serve  at  the  Altar ;  insomuch  that  it  is  afiirm'd  that 
by  all  or  some  of  these  means  one  bishop  in  the  remoter 
parts  of  the  kingdom  doth  hold  three  and  twenty  benefices 
with  cure.  Generally  their  residence  is  as  httle  as  their 
livings.  Seldom  any  stdtor  petitions  for  less  than  three 
vicarages  at  a  time.  And  it  is  a  main  prejudice  to  his  Ma- 
jesty's sendee,  and  a  hindrance  to  the  right  estabhshment  of 
this  Chm-ch,  that  the  clergy  have  in  a  manner  no  dependance 
upon  the  Lord  Deputy,  nor  he  any  means  left  to  prefer  those 
that  are  deserving  amongst  them  :  for  besides  all  those  ad- 
vowsons  which  were  given  by  that  great  patron  of  the  Church, 

been  stopped  up  with  a  partition  of  tire  satisfaction  ;  and  in  the  end  the 
boards  and  lime ;  and  he  considered  it  monument  was  removed  to  a  less  of- 
a  great  ornament  to  the  church.  His  fensive  situation.  —  Mason's  St.  Pa- 
explanation,  however,  did  not  give  en-  trick's,  notes  liii,  liv.  quoted  by  Mant.] 


LETTERS,  &C. 


Ixxxi 


King  James,  of  liappy  memory,  to  Bishops  and  the  College 
here,  many  also  were  confen-'d  upon  the  Plantations  (never 
was  so  good  a  gift  so  infinitely  abused) ;  and  I  know  not 
how,  or  by  what  order,  even  in  those  blessed  days  of  His 
Sacred  Majesty,  all  the  rest  of  any  note  have  been  given  or 
passed  away  in  the  time  of  the  late  Lord  Deputy.  Lord  Faik- 

Lastly,  for  the  revenues,  how  small  care  hath  been  taken 
for  the  service  of  his  Majesty,  or  the  good  of  the  Church,  is 
hereby  apparent,  that  no  officer,  or  other  person,  can  inform 
my  Lord  what  Deanery  or  Benefices  are  in  His  Majesty's 
gift,  and  about  three  hundred  hvings  are  omitted  out  of  the 
Book  of  Tax  for  First  Fruits,  and  Twentieth  Parts,  sundry 
of  them  of  good  value;  two  or  three  Bishopricks,  and  the 
whole  Diocese  of  Killfannore.  The  alienations  of  Church  ['■  e.  Kilfe- 
possessions  by  long  leases  and  deeds  are  infinite ;  yea  even 
since  the  Act  of  State  to  restrain  them,  it  is  beUev'd,  that 
divers  are  bold  still  to  practice,  in  hopes  of  secrecj'  and  im- 
punity, and  will  adventure,  until  their  hands  be  tied  by  Act 
of  Parliament,  or  some  of  the  delinquents  censur'd  in  the 
Star-Chamber.  The  Earl  of  Cork  holds  the  whole  Bishoprick 
of  Lismore  at  the  rent  of  40s.,  or  five  marks,  by  the  year ; 
many  Benefices,  that  ought  to  be  presentative,  are  by  negli- 
gence enjoy'd  as  though  they  were  appropriate. 

For  the  remedying  of  these  evils,  next  to  God  and  his 
sacred  Majesty,  I  know  my  Lord  depends  on  your  Father- 
hood's wisdom  and  zeal  for  the  Chm'ch.  My  duty  binds  me 
to  pray  for  a  blessing  upon  both  your  good  endeavours.  For 
the  present,  my  Lord  hath  pull'd  down  the  Deputy's  seat  in 
his  own  Chapel,  and  restor'd  the  Altar  to  its  ancient  place, 
which  was  thrust  out  of  doors.  The  like  is  done  in  Christ's- 
Church.  The  purgation  and  restitution  of  the  stable  to  the 
right  owners  and  uses  will  follow  next,  and  strict  mandates 
to  my  Lords  the  Bishops,  to  see  the  Chiu'ches  repair' d, 
adorned,  and  preserved  from  prophanation,  through  the  whole 
kingdom. 

For  the  clergy  and  their  revenues,  my  Lord  is  careful  that 
no  petitions  be  admitted  without  good  certificate  and  dili- 
gent enquiry  (thought  a  strange  com-se  here)  ;  and  to 
enable  himself,  and  the  succeeding  Deputies,  to  encourage 
such  as  shall  deserve  well  in  the  Church,  his  Lordship 

BRAMHALL.  g 


Ixxxii 


LETTERS,  &C. 


intends,  as  well  in  the  Commission  for  defective  Titles, 
as  for  tlie  Plantations,  to  reserve  tlie  right  of  Advowsons  to 
his  Majesty,  and  as  well  by  diligent  search  in  the  Records,  as 
by  a  selected  Commission  of  many  branches,  to  regain  such 
advowsons  as  have  been  usm'ped  through  the  neghgence  of 
officers,  change  of  Deputies,  or  power  of  great  men ;  and  by 
the  same  to  inform  himself  of  the  true  state  of  the  Church 
and  Clergy,  to  pro^dde  for  the  Cures  and  Residence,  to  per- 
fect his  Majesty's  Tax,  to  prevent  and  remedy  alienations,  to 
restore  illegal  impropriations,  to  dispose,  by  way  of  lapse,  of 
all  those  supernumerary  benefices,  which  are  held  unjustly, 
and  not  without  infinite  scandal,  under  the  pretence  of  com- 
menclams  and  dispensations ;  and  to  settle  as  much  as  in 
present  is  possible  the  whole  state  of  the  Church.  This  tes- 
timony I  must  give  of  his  care,  that  it  is  not  possible  for  the 
intentions  of  a  mortal  man  to  be  more  serious  and  sincere 
than  his,  in  those  things  that  concern  the  good  of  the  poor 
Church. 

It  is  some  comfort  to  see  the  Romish  Ecclesiasticks  cannot 
laugh  at  us,  who  come  behind  none  in  point  of  disunion  and 
scandal. 

I  know  my  tediousness  will  be  offensive,  unless  j'our  Lord- 
ship's licence  and  my  Lord  Deputy's  command  procure  my 
pardon.  I  AviU  not  add  a  woi'd  more,  but  the  profession  of 
my  humble  thanks  and  bounden  serAace ;  and  so,  being 
ready  to  receive  your  Lordship's  commands,  I  desire  to  re- 
main, as  your  noble  favoirrs  have  for  ever  botmd  me, 

Youi-  Lordship's 

Daily  and  devoted  Servant, 
JOHN  BRAMHALL. 

Dublin  Castle, 
August  the  \Oth,  1633. 


LETTERS,  &C. 


Ixxxiii 


LETTER  II.  = 

From  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Derry  to  Lord  Deputy  Wentworth. 

May  it  please  your  Lordship, 
I  have,  according  to  j^oiir  commands,  reconciled  the  differ- 
ence between  my  Lord  Bishop  of  Raphoe  and  ]\Ir.  Hamilton, 
in  a  manner  with  the  explicit  consent  of  both  parties,  bnt 
altogether  with  the  implicit.  Both  have  referred  themselves 
to  me  to  set  down  that  end  in  wi'iting,  which  then  I  dehvered 
by  word.  I  have  drawn  one  eyvy  of  hawks  for  fear  of 
stealing  <i;  but,  because  they  are  not  so  readj',  I  forbear  the 
other  a  while,  and  will  send  them  together  very  shortly.  As 
your  Lordship  hath  committed  the  care  of  the  fishing  to 
me,  so  I  will  be  responsible  that  neither  the  fish  shall  be 
spoiled,  nor  the  least  detriment  redound  to  his  Majesty  by 
any  means.  Yet  I  desire,  so  soon  as  may  be,  to  know  the 
certain  rent  paid  by  the  society  for  it,  and  the  clear  profit 
they  made  of  it,  that  at  the  least  I  shall  be  well  secured. 
Upon  the  27th  of  May,  at  Colerain  only,  they  had  taken 
sixty-two  tuns  of  salmon.  My  fishing  day  is  the  15th  of 
June,  when  I  shall  be  able  to  give  your  Lordship  a  full 
account.  Since  my  last,  I  have  disposed  the  feny  at  Cole- 
rain  to  the  old  Charon  for  £34.  a-year.  The  City  had  six,  the 
officers  the  rest.  I  humbly  thank  your  Lordship  for  oui- 
church  and  bells.  I  have  sent  herein  Mr.  Croxton's"*  case 
for  Trinity  church  in  Cork,  with  instructions  concerning  the 
same,  and  do  thankfully  accept  your  Lordship's  favourable 
dispensation  for  a  longer  time,  to  make  return  of  my  other 
representations.    Yet  one  I  thought  fit  in  present  to  make 

c  [Rawdon  Papers,  No.  iii.  This  let-  of  great  hawks,  or  .taking  of  hawks  with 

ter  is  partly  a  reply  to  one  from  Lord  nets,'  &c."  (Berwick).] 

Wentworth,  dated  from  Dublin  May  '  ["  In  a  letter  from  Archbishop 

the  11th,  1635   (Rawd.  Papers,  No.  Laud  to  the  Lord  Deputy,  dated  in 

ii.),  requesting  Dr.  Bramhall's  good  1634,  his  Grace  says,  '  I  hear  from  my 

offices  in  the  "  determining  of  some  Lord  of  Derry,  that  my  Lord  Primate 

differences"  between  Dr.  John  Leslie  (Usher)  is  not  very  well  pleased  with 

then  Bishop  of  Raphoe,  and  Mr.  John  Croxton,  nor  his  manner  of  preaching. 

Hamilton  a  kinsman  of  the  Marquis  of  I  am  sorry  if  the  young  man  hath  given 

Hamilton.]  any  just  offence,  but  I  hope  lie  hath 

["  In  1634  his  Majesty's  Attorney  not ;  and  I  doubt  this  is  some  foolish 

and  Solicitor  General,  were  ordered  to  business    of    Arminianism." "  (Ber- 

prepare  an  Act  to  restrain  'the  stealing  wick).] 

g2 


Ixxxiv 


LETTERS^  &C. 


known  unto  you,  in  the  behalf  of  the  bearer  Mr.  Stanhope,  in 
whose  favour  your  Lordship  commanded  a  caveat  to  be 
entered.  The  Rectory  of  Donoghchiddy  is  worth  £200.  per 
annum.  The  patron  is  Sir  George  Hamilton  the  younger ; 
the  incumbent  is  one  Simple,  who  hath  an  exhibition  out  of 
it  of  £50.  or  £60.  a-year  by  composition,  whereof  Sir  George 
was  not  guilty  at  first,  but  his  mother,  howsoever  he  may  be 
an  accessary  after.  The  rectory  was  antiently  in  the  gift  of 
the  Bishop,  but  excepted  and  reserved  by  his  Majesty  in  the 
patent  right,  as  in  the  case  of  Bell-turbitt,  so  as  the  Bishop 
was  excluded  by  way  of  Estopel^,  yet  the  King  had  no  power 
to  convey  the  same  to  any  other  untill  there  was  a  formal 
surrender,  wliich  was  not  until  the  14th  of  King  James,  long 
before  which  this  advowson  was  granted  from  the  Crown ; 
and  admit  Sir  George  have  lately  passed  his  patent,  and  this 
in  it,  which  I  know  not :  but  suppose  the  worst,  and  admit 
all  this  to  be  valid,  yet  undoubtedly  it  is  void  pro  hdc  vice, 
being  granted  by  his  mother,  who  had  no  right  from  his 
Majesty.  I  do  not  take  upon  me  to  advise  concerning  the 
inheritance ;  but  in  respect  of  the  imworthy  composition, 
and  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the  Chm-ch,  which  otherwise 
by  long  leases  may  be  obscured,  I  conceive  it  not  amiss 
under  favor  to  grant  this  turn  of  it  may  stand  with  your 
Lordship's  good  pleasure.  This  case  requii-es  the  stricter 
inquisition  because  it  is  general,  and,  if  it  stood,  would  bring 
back  to  the  Crown,  out  of  unworthy  hands,  the  advowsons  of 
a  great  number  of  as  good  benefices  as  any  be  in  the  North  of 
Ireland.  My  Lord  of  Strabanes  (who  is  either  in  a  con- 
sumption, or  veiy  near  it)  and  Sir  George  Hamilton*',  the 
elder,  ha\'ing  gotten  some  notice,  I  knoAv  not  how,  but  sus- 
pect it  might  be  by  some  words  that  fell  from  Mr.  Stanhope, 
of  a  title  to  this  rectory  obtained  or  to  be  obtained  fi"om  the 

f  ["Estoppel, . . .  denotes  as  much  as        *  ["  He  died  in  the  year  1638.  He 

an  impediment,  or  bar,  of  an  action,  was  second  son  of  James  the  first  Earl 

growing  from  his  own  fact  that  liath,  of  Abercorn,  and  was  dignified  with  the 

or  otherwise  might  have  had,  his  action  :  title  of  Strabane  by  his  elder  brother's 

....  but  Broke  defiiieth  it  to  be  a  bar  gift,  and  was  present  as  such  by  proxy 

or  hinderance  to  a  man  to  plead  the  in  the  Parliament  of  Ireland  which  sat 

truth,  and  restraineth  it  not  to  the  im-  in  1634."  (Bei-wick).] 
pediment  given  to  a  man  by  his  own  ["  Sir  George  Hamilton,  his  bro- 

act  only,  but  by  another's  also."  Cowel's  ther,  was  Baronet  of  Nova  Scotia,  and 

Law  Diction,  sub  voc,  Lond.  1701.  ancestor  to  the  present  Earl  of  Aber- 

Bramhall  seems  to  use  it  in  the  latter  corn"  (Berwick).] 
and  wider  sense.] 


LETTERS,  &C. 


Ixxxv 


Cro-^m,  came  to  me  about  it.  I  told  them  I  knew  nothing 
in  particular,  but  in  general  that  you  did  not  affect  such 
compositions ;  that  I  thought  their  best  course  was  to  seek 
for  an  estabhshment  of  it  for  the  future ;  that  I  would  pro- 
mise nothing  in  that  respect,  because  I  knew  not  what 
instructions  your  Lordship  might  have,  but  only  this,  that  I 
would  be  a  suitor  that  Sir  George  might  be  heard  before  it 
passed  the  Great  Seal  j  nor  do  I  think  the  incumbent  would 
be  averse,  so  he  might  have  Mr.  Stanhope's  Vicarage  of  100 
marks  by  the  year'.  We  have  finished  the  commission  for 
Terman-O-Mongan,  and  I  hope  we  have  proved  by  the  juries  [See  Life, 
at  the  great  office  that  this  is  the  very  land  intended,  by  a  x.]^' 
collector  that  this  land  paid  by  both  names,  by  all  the  country 
that  it  was  in  the  Barony  of  Omagh  and  County  of  T}Tone, 
and  so  their  officer  takes  at  Donegal  merely  extra  comitatum. 
That  the  difference  is  only  in  the  Irish  promintiation,  and  not 
another  Terman-O-Mongan  to  be  found,  tho'  a  man  would 
seek  it  with  a  lanthorne  and  candle.  Macgrath  himself  doth 
in  a  manner  offer  a  submission,  desires  but  forbearance  of 
the  charges,  which,  tho'  it  lost  me  £100.  I  would  be  con- 
tented to  forbear  upon  his  disclamer  or  release.  I  fear 
nothing  but  delays  and  cases.  I  am  a  humble  suitor  to  your 
Lordship  for  a  license  J  to  have  powder  for  the  defence  of  my 
house,  and  provision  of  my  table,  either  out  of  the  store- 
house at  Derry,  or  of  the  merchant.  I  crave  pardon  for  my 
tediousness,  and  remain,  as  yoiu*  noble  favours  have  for  ever 
bound  me, 

Your  Lordship's  most  faithful  servante, 
JOH.  DERENSIS. 


Fawne^,  May  30th,  1635. 

•  ["At  13s.  4d.  the  mark,  the  vicar- 
age was  worth  £66.  13s.  4d.  by  the 
year."  (Berwick).] 

j  ["  In  a  letter  from  Sir  Christopher 
Wandesford  to  the  Bishop  of  Derry, 
dated  April  25,  l(i40,  he  says,  '  I  have 
spoke  to  the  Master  of  the  Ordnance 
for  some  powder  for  Sir  Robert  Steward, 
and  from  him  he  maybe  supplied  when 


he  moves  for  it.'  Sir  Christopher  was 
then  Lord  Deputy."  (Berwick).] 

^  ["  Fawne,  otherwise,  I  believe, 
called  Fahan,  six  miles  north-west  of 
Derry,  on  Lough  Swilly,  in  Inishowen. 
Here  was  formerly  a  noble  monastery, 
and  [here]  at  this  time  must  have  been 
the  residence  of  the  Bishop  of  Derry." 
(Berwick,  p.  63).] 


Ixxxvi 


LETTERS,  &C. 


Book  of 
Common 
Prayer, 
publ.  in 


[Rawdon  LETTER  III. 

Papers, 

No.  xiv.] 

From  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Derry  to  John  Spottiswood  \ 
Archbishop  of  St.  Andreiv's. 

May  it  please  your  Grace, 
Finding  in  my  joiirney  to  Londonderry  so  fair  an  oppor- 
tunity, I  covdd  not  in  gratitude  and  ci%-ility  omit  the  ex- 
pression of  my  thanks,  and  faithful  services  to  yom-  Grace 
by  this  gentleman.  Colonel  Steward.  Mr.  Cunningham  is 
provided  of  a  benefice  not  so  good  as  I  could  wish,  but  yet, 
one  that  may  hold  life  and  soul  together,  as  we  say,  until  he 
get  one  that  he  may  live  more  comfortably  iipon,  which  I 
doubt  not  a  short  time  will  effect,  after  my  Lord  Deputy's 
[Scotcli  retm'n  from  his  progress.  I  humbly  thank  your  Grace  for 
your  high  favour,  the  book  of  Common  Prayer :  glad  I  was 
to  see  it,  and  more  glad  to  see  it  such  as  it  is,  to  be  envied 
1637.]  in  some  things  perhaps  if  one  owned.  I  am  meditating  a 
journey  into  England,  and  hope  to  kiss  your  Grace's  hands 
in  the  way,  if  my  Lord  Deputy's  absence  alford  me  so  m\xch 
leism'e,  whose  commands  I  expect  by  the  next.  So  wishing 
yom-  Grace  many  happy  daj  s  for  the  good  of  that  Chiu'ch,  I 
desire  to  remain. 

Your  Grace's  faithful,  and  humble  servant, 
JOH.  DERENSIS. 

Glasslottgh,  Aug.  13,  1637. 

Thus  superscribed  : — 
"  To  the  most  Reverend  Father  in  God,  the  Lord  Arch- 
bishop of  Saint  Andrews  his  Grace,  Lord  Chancelor  of  the 
kingdom  of  Scotland,  ihe^e  present." 

1  [About  three  years  subsequent  to  others,  largely  acknowledging  the  Bi- 
the  date  of  this  letter,  when  "  Scotland  shop  of  Derry's  charity  in  several  let- 
became  so  suddenly  inflamed,  that  it  ters,"  and  "  praying  God  to  reward  the 
was  too  hot  for  many  of  the  royal  and  Abp.  of  Canterbury  and  his  Lordship 
orthodox  clergy,"  and  they  "were  for  the  relief  they  gave  their  distressed 
forced  to  flee  into  England"  and  Ire-  and  persecuted  brethren"  (Life,  &c. 
land,  the  Bishop  of  Derry  in  the  latter,  pp.  23,  24).  Spottiswood  "  was  appointed 
as  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  the  Chancellor  of  Scotland  in  1634,  the 
former  country,  "  received  them  with  greatest  office  which  had  been  in  the 
all  brotherly  compassion,  and  provided  hands  of  a  Churchman  since  the  Rcfor- 
for  them  in  such  a  degree,  that  we  have  mation.  His  History  of  the  Church 
the  Abp.  of  St.  Andrews,  the  Abp.  of  of  Scotland  is  well  known.  He  died  in 
Glasgow,   the    Bishop   of  Ross,  and  164-t  at  Westminster."  (Benvick).] 


LETTERS,  &C.  IxXXvii 


LETTER  IV. 

From  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Derry  to  Docto) 
Down. 

Sir, 

I  have  received  yours  of  tlie  15th  of  Janiiarj^,  and  would 
not  part  with  it  for  an  .€100.;  you  will  hardly  beheve  that 
your  letters  are  so  precious;  but  I  will  keep  it  as  a  monviment 
of  yom'  gratitude  and  discretion.  You  call  herein  for  an 
accoimt  in  your  letter,  truly  I  cannot  send  it  till  the  Lords 
Justices  sign :  but  then  you  shall  have  it  by  a  messenger  on 
purpose;  if  it  give  you  not  content,  blame  yom-sclf.  And 
when  you  write  how  dearly  you  have  paid  for  the  lease,  I 
desu'e  you  to  recollect  j'ourself,  and  inform  me  in  what  coin 
it  was,  for  in  good  soothe,  I  remember  not  so  much  as  one 
cracked  groate  that  ever  you  disbursed  about  it.  You  tell 
me  that  for  the  time  to  come,  neither  I,  nor  any  for  me, 
shaU  let,  set,  or  intermeddle  with  the  tithes,  or  any  thing 
that  was  the  Countess  of  Tircouners — Dura  verba;  on  the 
other  side,  I  tell  you  I  will  dispose  of  them,  and  for  the 
time  to  come  (you  have  been  so  thankful  for  the  £100.  a-year 
I  have  given  you  sometimes)  you  shall  not  meddle  Avith  a 
sheaf  of  them,  (mark  it,  Sii")  so  long  as  the  lease  endvu-es. 
Some  other  part  of  the  Church  shall  fare  the  better  for  your 
disrespect.  I  am  not  bound  to  relieve  you  in  those  pinching 
necessities,  as  you  call  them,  which  }"oiu'  letter  imply  [sic] 
who  lose  not  only  your  friends,  but  your  brothers  by  your 
disrespect.  You  tell  me  of  my  Lord  Deputy,  whose  mind 
I  know  better  than  yom-self.  When  your  service  to  this 
Church  and  mine  are  laid  together,  I  shall  not  need  to 
appear  hoodwinked,  'tis  your  usual  plu-ase — So  God  bless  us 
from  ingratitude. 

Your  neglected  servant, 
JOH.  DERENSIS. 

Jan.  27,  1G39. 


[Rawdon 
Papers, 
No.  xii.] 

Coote^,  Dean  oj 


["After  the  Bishop's  impeachment     Down,  which  was  ordered  to  be  taken 
in  1640,  tliere  was  a  petition  presented     into  consideration"  (Berwick).] 
to  the  House  of  Lords  by  this  Dean  of 


Ixxxviii 


LETTERS,  &C. 


[Rawdon  LETTER  V 

Papers,  No. 


XXX.] 


From  the  Bishop  oj  Berry  to  his  toife,  Mrs.  Bramhall. 


My  Dearest  Joy, 
Thou  mayest  see  by  my  delay  in  writing,  that  I  am  not 
[See  Life,  ^dlHng  to  widte  while  things  are  in  those  conditions.  But 
pp.viii.ix.]  ^^^^Y  ^^.^  receive  good  at  the  hands  of  God,  and  shall  we  not 
receive  ill?  He  gives  and  takes  away,  blessed  be  His  Holy 
Name  !  I  have  been  near  a  fortnight  at  the  black  rod, 
charged  with  a  treason.  Never  any  man  was  more  innocent 
of  that  foul  crime ;  the  ground  is  only  my  r'eservedness. 
God  in  His  mercy,  I  do  not  doubt,  will  send  us  many  merry 
and  happy  days  together  after  this,  when  this  storm  is  blown 
over.  But  this  is  a  time  of  humiliation  for  the  present.  By 
all  the  love  between  us,  I  require  thee  that  thou  do  not  cast 
down  thyself,  but  bear  it  with  a  chearful  mind,  and  trust  in 
God  that  ?Ie  yciW  deliver  us.  I  send  all  the  horses  down  ex- 
cept my  own  nag,  which  John  Field  looks  to.  I  would  have 
thee  to  come  up,  and  only  Isabell "  with  thee,  and  two 
servants.  I  hope  by  that  time  you  come  to  Dublin  all  things 
will  be  cleared.  Whatsoever  monies  Thomas  Rowth  hath, 
bring  up  with  thee,  for  we  shall  have  need  of  all  and  more. 
In  thy  absence  and  mine,  let  my  sister  govern  the  house  at 
Fawne,  and  live  privately  there ;  I  know  Mrs.  Wandesforde 
will  assist  her.  Give  Thomas  Rowth  charge  in  yoiu*  absence 
and  mine  to  take  care  of  the  husbandry  at  Fawne,  and 
desire  Captain  Vaughan  to  occupy  it ;  I  beheve  he  will  do  so 
[-Sir  Ri.  much  for  me.  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  charge ;  my  Lord 
chaid  Bol-  Chancellor  and  tlie  Chief  Justice  believe  it  not  to  be  of  any 

ton  ana  •' 

Sir  Gerard  great  moment.    I  suppose  the  Archdeacon «  "ndll  come  up 

Lowther,     ^  f  ^  ,  ^ 

both  also  With  you,  his  own  business  reqmres  it.  If  he  do  not,  send  to 
accused.]  rpj^Qjjja,s  HaUey  to  come  along  -nith  you.    My  blessing  on  the 

"  [His  daughter,  afterwards  wife  to  see  a  petition  of  his  referred  to  the  con- 
Sir  James  Graham.]  sideration  of  the  Committee  of  Griev- 

°  ["Edward  Stanhope,  Archdeacon  ances"  (Berwick).  See  also  Letter  II.] 
of  Derry.    In  the  following  year,  I 


LETTERS,  &C.  Ixxxix 

children;  my  love  to  all  my  sisters,  and  all  our  friends. 
God  Almighty  send  us  a  speedy  and  a  happy  meeting. 

Your  loAiug  and  faithful  husband, 
JOH.  DERENSIS. 
March  12.  1640.  [i.e.  164a.] 


Sweet  Heart,  upon  some  better  consideration  let  Thomas 
Halley  come  with  you,  not  the  Archdeacon.  Put  up  all  the 
plate  into  a  great  trunk,  and  when  you  come  leave  the  key 
of  it  with  my  sister. 

Thus  superscribed : — 
"To  my  dear  and  loWng  wife  Mrs.  Ellen  BramhaU  at 
Derry,"  These. 


LETTER  VI  P. 
From  the  Bishop  of  Deiry  to  the  Lord  Primate  {Usher). 

May  it  ple.vse  your  Grace, 
It  would  have  been  a  gi'eat  comfort  and  contentment  to 
me  to  have  received  a  few  Hnes  of  counseU  or  comfort  in  this 
my  great  affliction  which  has  befallen  me  for  my  zeal  to  the  [See  Life, 
scnnice  of  his  Majestie  and  the  good  of  this  Chui'ch,  in  being  and  note  lI 
a  poor  instrument  to  restore  the  usm-ped  advowzons  and  ap- 
propriations  to  the  Crown,  and  to  encrease  the  revenue  of  the 
Chm'ch,  in  a  fair  just  way  alwaies  with  the  consent  of  pai'ties, 
— which  did  ever  use  to  take  away  errors  :  but  now  it  is  said 
to  be  obtained  by  threatning  and  force.  What  force  did  I 
ever  use  to  any  ?  ~\A'hat  one  man  ever  suffered  for  not  con- 
senting ?  My  force  was  only  force  of  reason  and  law ;  the 
scale  must  needs  yield  when  weight  is  put  into  it ;  and  your 
Grace  knows  to  what  pass  many  Bishopricks  were  brought ; 
some  to  100  per  annum ;  some  50  as  Waterford,  Kilfenoragh, 
and  some  others ;  some  to  five  marks  as  CIojti  and  Kil- 


p  [From  Bp.  Vesey's  Life,  p.  25.  this  are  in  the  Rawdon  Papers,  nos. 
Two  letters  of  Abp.  Usher's  in  reply  to     x.xxiii.  xxxiv.] 


xc 


LETTERS,  &C. 


macduagh.  How  in  some  diocesses,  as  in  Ferns  and  Leighlin, 
there  was  scarce  a  living  left,  that  was  not  farm'd  out  to  the 
Patron  or  to  some  for  his  use,  at  two,  three,  four,  or  five 
pounds  per  annum,  for  a  long  time,  three  lives,  or  a  hundred 
yeares.  How  the  Chantries  of  Ardee,  Dondalk,  &c.  were 
employed  to  maintaine  Priests  and  Frj'^ers,  which  are  now 
the  chief  maintenance  of  the  Incumbents.  In  all  this  my 
part  was  only  labour  and  expence,  but  I  find  that  losses 
make  a  deeper  impression  than  benefits ;  I  cannot  stop  men's 
mouths,  but  I  challenge  the  world  for  one  farthing  I  ever  got 
either  by  Eeferences  or  Church  preferments ;  I  fly  to  your 
Grace  as  an  anchor  at  this  time,  when  my  friends  cannot 
help  me.  God  knows  how  I  have  exulted  at  night,  that  day  I 
had  gained  any  considerable  revenue  to  the  Church,  little 
dreaming  that  in  future  times  that  act  should  be  questioned 
as  treasonable.  I  never  took  the  oath  of  Judge  or  Coun- 
sellom',  yet  do  I  not  know  wherein  I  ever  in  all  those  passages 
deviated  from  the  Rule  of  Justice.  My  trvist  is  in  God,  that 
as  my  intentions  were  sincere,  so  He  will  dehver  me.  I 
[  Heni7     know  not  how  I  came  to  be  assistant  to  the  Bishop  of  Down  : 

Leslie  or 

Lesley.]  except  it  were  that  at  the  same  time  I  had  References  from 
my  Lord,  and  composed  all  the  diff"erences  between  that  See 
and  my  Lords  of  Ardes,  Claneboy,  Conway,  and  others.  I 
send  your  Grace  the  copy  of  a  petition  i  enclosed  as  was  sent 
me.  The  SoUicitor  who  getts  the  hands  is  one  Gray  censnred 
in  the  Starr-Chamber  in  one  Steward's  case.  I  hear  he  has 
got  £300.  by  it,  and  that  the  most  of  the  subscribers  did 
not  know  what  they  siibscribed,  but  in  general  that  it  was 
for  the  purity  of  Religion,  and  the  honour  of  their  nation. 
They  say  he  has  gathered  a  rabble  of  1500  hands,  all  ob- 
scure persons,  not  one  that  I  know,  but  Patrick  Derry  of 
the  Nemy,  a  Recusant,  not  one  Englishman.  It  were  no 
difficult  task,  if  that  were  thought  the  waj'^,  to  get  half  of 
those  hands  to  a  contrary  petition,  and  5000  more  of  a  better 
rank.  Since  I  was  Bishop,  I  never  displaced  any  man  in  my 
Diocess,  but  Mr.  Noble  for  professed  Popery,  Mr.  Hugh  for 
confessed  Simony,  and  Mr.  Dunkine,  an  illiterate  Curate, 
for  refusing  to  pray  for  his  Majestic.    Almighty  God  bless 


[Viz.  against  Episcopacy  ;  as  appears  from  Abp.  Usher's  reply.] 


LETTERS,  &C. 


xci 


yoiir  Grace,  even  as  the  Chiu'ch  stands  in  need  of  you,  at 
tliis  time,  -which  is  the  hearty  and  faithfull  prayer  of 
Your  Grace's 
obedient  servant  and  Suffragan, 

JO.  DERENSIS. 

April  26,  1641. 

[No  place  mentioned,  but  written  probably  during  his  imprisonment  in  the  Castle  [Life,p.ix.] 
of  Dublin.] 


LETTER  YII.  CRav 

Pane 
xli.] 

From  the  Bishop  of  Dernj  to  his  Majesty  Charles  II.  taken 
from  the  Bishop's  oicn  copy. 

Sire, 

I  have  been  bred  up  in  a  scliool  where  I  learned  to  ob- 
serve Majesty  at  a  distance,  and  never  was  so  presumptuous 
to  present  a  hue  to  my  Sovereign.  Much  less  should  I  have 
adventiu'cd  to  vrrite  to  you  at  this  time  in  that  place,  but  that 
I  cannot  be  so  cruel  to  myself,  as  altogether  to  desert  and 
quit  a  poor  reputation  of  integi-ity,  which  (^"ith  the  con- 
science of  my  loyalty)  is  the  only  thing  left  unto  me  of  all 
that  I  enjoyed  in  this  world. — My  Lord  jNIarquiss  of  Ormond 
did  commit  a  trust  unto  me  for  the  support  of  his  noble 
Lady.  Your  Majesty  Avas  graciously  pleased  to  approve  it, 
and  to  ratify  that  power  which  he  had  given  me.  I  have 
executed  it  honestly  Avith  as  much  discretion  as  God  hath 
lent  me.  Yet  some  persons  of  eminent  esteem  with  yom* 
Majesty,  I  hope  desenedly,  mere  strangers  to  me,  as  I  to 
them  (I  only  wish  they  had  not  been  too  credulous  to  lend  open 
ears  to  what  Mr.  LoAing  suggested  for  his  o^vn  ends),  have 
not  spared  to  blast  my  credit  to  his  Royal  Highness  the 
Duke  of  York,  who  was  most  concerned  in  it,  as  if  I  was 
guilty  of  sinister  practices  and  disser^ice  to  your  jNIajesty. 
This  accusation  came  to  me  at  the  second  hand  fi-om  my 
friends  in  France,  Brabant,  and  Flanders.  Presently  upon 
notice  I  went  to  Brussels,  made  my  address  to  his  Highness, 

'  ["  There  was  a  Mr.  Richard  Lo-  principles  of  religion.    Whether  Lovell 

veil,  who  was  tutor  to  the  Duke  of  should  be  read  for  Loving  is  what  I  do 

Gloucester,  by  whom  he  was  well  in-  not  know."  (Berwick).] 
structed,  says  Lord  Clarendon,  in  the 


xcii 


LETTERS,  &C. 


petitioned  for  an  hearing,  had  it  granted,  was  acquitted; 
mine  accusers  themselves  confessing  mine  innocence,  or 
rather  wanting  all  pretence  or  shew  of  a  charge. 

Nevertheless,  I  hear  the  same  information  hath  come  to 
yovir  ears.  My  humble  request  and  supplication  is  that  you 
■will  continue  me  in  your  good  opinion,  untill  you  aflFord  me 
means  to  -sdndicate  myself  by  the  just  favor  of  an  in- 
different hearing.  The  weight  of  your  displeasure  Avould  so 
crush  me  down,  being  already  sunk  under  the  burthen  of 
my  other  sufferings,  that  I  should  not  only  quit  that  em- 
ployment, but  retire  myself  into  some  desolate  corner  of  the 
world  there  to  pray  for  yom'  Majesty's  happiness.  If  only 
to  accuse,  were  sufficient  to  condemn,  no  man  shall  be  inno- 
cent. In  the  mesnagery  of  a  much  greater  trust  I  have  lived 
free,  not  only  from  corruption,  but  suspicion.  And  ha^dng 
tried  myself  Parliament  proof  in  that,  I  do  not  doubt  to 
justify  myself  before  equal  judges  in  this.  The  God  of 
Heaven  protect  you  from  all  your  enemies,  and  prosper  your 
affairs,  that  you  may  live  to  equal  and  exceed  the  glory  of 
your  most  renowned  ancestors,  which  shall  be  the  daily 
prayer  of 

Your  Majesty's  most  loyal  and 

most  dutiful  subject, 

JOH.  DERENSIS. 

Hague, 

r        16  )650 

''""•re,  leiT. 


[Rawdon 

PaperSjNo. 

xlii.J 


LETTER  VIII. 

From  the  Bishop  of  Derry  to  his  'Son,  under  the  name  of 
Mr.  John  Pierson. 

John, 

As  to  the  letter  which  you  have  sent  me  inclosed  in  yours 
fi-om  your  noble  friend,  you  may  return  him  this  answer  with 
the  tender  of  my  hearty  thanks  for  his  fa^'oiu's  to  you  and 
the  rest  of  mine.  I  remember  well  he  had  a  proper  adven- 
ture, and  that  he  received  some  money  of  INIr.  Wandesforde  ; 


LETTERS,  &C. 


xciii 


but  how  mucli  his  adventure  was,  or  how  much  the  money 
was,  I  dare  not  charge  my  memory,  untill  I  see  the  old  ac- 
counts, or  the  copy  of  them  from  you.  He  was  to  have  gone 
at  first  a  fifth  part,  but  Sii-  Richard  Scot  dying  shortly,  a 
fourth.  The  adventure  proved  extremely  to  loss  by  Mr. 
Jackson's  delays  and  bad  returns,  and  by  the  casting  away  a 
ship  at  Wexford,  load  en  with  wools  and  iron,  and  by  the 
most  iU  mesnagery  of  those  who  were  trusted  by  the  other 
adventurers,  and  lastly  by  the  change  of  the  winds.  The 
whole  burden  fell  upon  me,  for  when  I  was  a  prisoner  in  the 
Castle  of  Dublin  ^,  before  I  could  be  bailed,  they  caused  me 
to  take  upon  me  the  whole  debt,  seized  upon  the  money  they 
found  in  Mr.  Tucker's  hands,  seized  upon  the  rents  of  the 
Upper  Fishing,  which  were  behind  for  two  years,  stopped  all 
the  moneys  that  were  due  to  me  in  disbursements,  seized 
upon  the  produce  of  a  whole  year's  adventm'e  in  Mr.  Jack- 
son's hands,  and  seized  upon  mine  own  fishings,  which  were  [See  Life, 
£500.  a  year,  which  they,  or  I  know  not  who,  have  held  ever  Leucril.] 
since  :  if  it  had  been  a  business  of  advantage,  he  should 
surely  have  heard  from  me  before  this.  I  made  a  tedious  [See  Life, 
and  chargeable  voyage  into  Spain,  where  I  received  some  p,  and"re-^ 
money  from  Mr.  Jackson,  and  gave  him  acquittance  for  the  t^e'^endof 
same ;  and  after  a  year  or  two  my  friend  received  other  ^1 
moneys  from  liim,  to  whom  I  gave  power  to  acquit  him  so 
much  as  he  received,  but  not  otherwise.  The  truth  is,  Mr. 
Jackson  paid  what  he  could,  and  when  he  would.  But  ex- 
cepting a  part  of  an  account  which  he  sent  me  into  Ireland, 
he  never  did  give  me  any  account,  nor  ever  would  shew  me 
an  account  untill  this  day,  upon  the  pretence  that  I  was  but 
an  adventurer.  But  you  will  find  amongst  my  papers  all 
Mr.  Jackson's  particular  accounts,  which  I  had  from  him, 
and  Mr.  Tucker's  accounts,  and  Mr.  Wandesforde's  accounts. 
Preserve  them  diligently,  and  send  me  copies  of  them,  and  of 
mine  own  accounts,  which  are  about  the  same  business ;  and 
comparing  those  with  what  I  have  received  since,  or  have 
here,  I  shall  be  able  to  lay  the  burthen  on  the  right  party, 

'  ["  In  the  Journal  of  the  House  of  a  more  secure  lodging.  20  May,  1641. 

Commons  I  find  a  message  to  the  This  must,  I  suppose,  have  been  pre- 

Lords,  that  they  would  be  pleased,  in  vious  to  his  being  lodged  in  the  Castle." 

regard  the  Bishop  of  Derry  lyeth  so  (Berwick).] 
near  the  water,  to  appoint  his  Lordship 


xciv 


LETTERS^  &C. 


for  I  have  found  some  of  their  accounts  very  different.  Be  sure 
you  present  unfeigned  thanks  and  faitliful  sernce  to  that 
noble  gentleman,  and  all  his  :  depend  upon  his  ad\-ice. 

So  God  bless  us  ! 

Feb.  ^, 

[No  place  mentioned.'] 


[Rawdon  LETTER  IX. 

Papers,  No. 

From  the  same  to  the  same. 

John, 

I  have  received  yours  of  April  3,  but  long  after  the  date. 
Trust  me  it  is  not  general  petitions,  but  particular  applica- 
tions, that  must  do  your  work.  I  am  right  glad  you  have 
your  uncle's  deeds.  Peruse  them  better,  for  I  do  not  beheve 
yet  there  is  any  covenant  to  release,  but  only  a  declaration 
of  trust,  which  did  not  enaljle  the  nephew  to  sell  or  dispose. 
So  as  I  believe  all  done  in  that  kind  to  be  void  in  law ;  you 
that  have  the  means  may  satisfie  yom-self  better  upon  the 
view  of  the  deeds, 
[viz.  The  "  That  l}T.ng  abusive  book  was  written  b}''  Milton  liimself, 
^'fpuUAn.  sometime  Bishopp  ChappelFs'  pupil  in  Christ 

yiicani.']  ChuTch"  iu  Cambridge,  but  turned  away  by  him,  as  he  well 
deserved  to  have  been  both  out  of  the  University  and  out 
of  the  society  of  men.  If  Salmasius  his  friends  knew  as 
much  of  him  as  I,  they  would  make  him  go  near  to  hang 
himself.  But  I  desire  not  to  wound  the  nation  through  his 
sides,  yet  I  have  written  to  him  long  since  about  it  roundly. 
It  seems  he  desii'es  not  to  touch  upon  that  subject.  That 
[See  Life,  siUy  book  which  he  ascribed  to  me,  was  written  by  one  John 
XXXV.]' ^'  Rowland,  who  since  hath  replied  upon  liim.  I  never  read 
either  of  the  first  book,  or  of  the  Reply,  in  my  life." 

So  God  bless  us  ! 

Antwerpe, 
May^g^  1654. 

*  [At  this  time  Provost  of  Trin.  Coll.  against  Milton  concerning  the  story 
Dublin,  and  Bishop  of  Cork  and  Ross.  here  alluded  to,  the  last  sentence  only 
He  died  in  161'9.]  of  this  letter  having  been  communicated 

[i.  e.  Christ's  College.    Bramhall     to  Archdeacon  Todd  by  Mr.  Berwick.] 
it  must  be  observed,  is  a  new  witness 


LETTERS,  &C.  XCV 

I  answered  Tvliatever  touched  me  in  tliat  pamphlet,  of 
which  there  is  not  a  true  word. 

JOHN  PIERSON. 

Thus  superscribed : — 
"  To  my  ver}-  losing  sonne  ]\Ir.  John  Pierson,  at  Ripon." 

LETTER  Xj 

A  Letter  from  the  Right  Reverend  J.  Bramhall,  D.D.  Bishop 
of  Derry  {afterivards  Primate  of  Ireland)  to  the  Most 
Reverend  James  Usher,  Archbishop  of  Armagh . 

Most  Reverexd, 

I  thank  God,  I  do  take  my  Pilgrimage  patiently,  yet  I 
cannot  but  condole  the  change  of  the  Church  and  State  of 
England.  And  more  in  my  Pilgrimage  than  ever,  because  I 
dare  not  ^^itness  and  declare  to  that  strapng  flock  of  our 
brethi'en  in  England,  who  have  misled  them  and  who  they 
are  that  feed  them.  But  that  your  Lordship  may  be  more 
sensible  of  the  Chm-ch's  calamities,  and  of  the  dangers  she  is 
in  of  being  ruiuM,  if  God  be  not  merciful  unto  her,  I  have 
sent  you  a  part  of  my  discoveries,  and  it  from  credible  hands, 
at  this  present  having  so  sui-e  a  messenger  and  so  fit  an  op- 
portunity. 

It  plainly  appears  that  in  the  year  1646,  by  order  from 
Rome,  above  100  of  the  Romish  Clergy  were  sent  into 
England,  consisting  of  English,  Scotch,  and  L-ish,  who  had 
been  educated  in  Erance,  Italy,  Germany,  and  Spain;  part 
of  these  within  the  several  schools  there  appointed  for  their 
instructions. 

In  each  of  these  Romish  nurseries,  these  scholars  were 
taught  several  handicraft-trades  and  callings,  as  their  inge- 
nuities were  most  bending,  besides  their  orders  or  functions 
of  that  Church. 

''  [From  Parr's  Life  and  Letters  of  with  "Abp.  Usher's  Prophecy,"  and 

Abp.  Usher  (printed  in  1685),  the  first  a  letter  of  Sir  Wm.  Boswell  on  the 

impression  of  which  was  seized  by  order  same  subject,  in  1687,  and  again  in 

of  James  II.  on  account  of  its  inser-  the  Harleian  Miscellany  (vol.  vii.  pp. 

tion  (Evelyn's  Diary  \mdei  the  date  of  'A2,  S:c.).] 
April  18,"  1686).    It  was  reprinted. 


xcvi 


LETTERS^  &C. 


They  have  many  yet  at  Paris  a  fitting  to  be  sent  over,  who 
twice  in  the  week  oppose  one  the  other;  one  pretending 
Presbytery,  the  other  Independencj^ ;  some  Anabaptism  and 
the  others  contrary  tenents,  dangerous  and  prejudicial  to  the 
Church  of  England,  and  to  all  the  Eeformed  here  abroad. 
But  they  are  wisely  preparing  to  prevent  their  designs, 
which  I  heartily  wish  were  considered  in  England  among 
the  wise  there. 

When  the  Romish  orders  do  thus  argue  pro  and  con, 
there  is  appointed  one  of  the  learned  of  those  Convents  to 
take  notes  and  to  judge :  and  as  he  finds  their  fancies, 
whether  for  Presbji:ery,  Independency,  Anabaptism,  Athe- 
ism, or  for  any  new  tenents,  so  accordingly  they  be  to 
act  and  to  exercise  their  wits.  Upon  their  permission 
when  they  be  sent  abroad,  they  enter  their  names  in  the 
Convent  registry,  also  their  Licences ;  if  a  Franciscan,  if  a 
Dominican,  or  Jesuit,  or  any  other  order,  having  several 
names  there  entered  in  their  Licence ;  in  case  of  a  discovery 
in  one  place,  then  to  fly  to  another  and  there  to  change  their 
names  or  habit. 

For  an  assurance  of  their  constancy  to  their  several  orders, 
they  are  to  give  monthly  intelligence  to  their  Fraternities,  of 
all  aff'airs,  wherever  they  be  dispers'd :  so  that  the  English 
abroad  know  news  better  than  ye  at  home. 

"When  they  retiu-n  into  England,  they  are  taught  their 
lesson,  to  say  (if  any  enquire  from  whence  they  come)  that 
they  are  poor  Clu'istians  formerly  that  fled  beyond  sea  for 
their  religion'  sake  and  are  now  returned,  with  glad  news,  to 
enjoy  their  hberty  of  conscience. 

The  100  men  that  went  over  in  1646  were  most  of 
them  soldiers  in  the  Parliament's  army,  and  were  daily  to 
correspond  with  those  Romanists  in  our  late  King's  army 
that  were  lately  at  Oxford,  and  pretended  to  fight  for  His 
Sacred  Majesty :  for  at  that  time,  there  were  some  Roman 
Cathohcs  who  did  not  know  the  design  a  contrivdng  against 
our  Chiirch  and  State  of  England. 

But  the  year  following,  1647,  many  of  those  Romish 
Orders  who  came  over  the  year  before,  were  in  consultation 
together,  knowing  each  other.  And  those  of  the  King's 
party  asking  some  why  they  took  with  the  Parliament's  side. 


tETTERSj  &C. 


xc\ai 


and  asking  others  whether  they  were  bewitched  to  turn 
Puritans,  not  knowing  the  design :  but  at  hast,  secret  Bulls 
and  Licences  being  produced  by  those  of  the  Parliament's 
side,  it  was  declared  between  them,  there  was  no  better 
design  to  confound  the  Church  of  England  than  by  pre- 
tending liberty  of  conscience.  It  was  argued  then  that 
England  would  be  a  second  Holland,  a  Commonwealth ;  and 
if  so,  what  would  become  of  the  King?  It  was  answered. 
Would  to  God  it  were  come  to  that  point.  It  was  again 
replyed,  yourselves  have  preached  so  much  against  Rome, 
and  His  HoUness,  that  Rome  and  her  Romanists  will  be 
little  the  better  for  that  change  :  but  it  was  answered,  You 
shall  have  Mass  suflBcient  for  a  hundred  thousand  in  a  short 
space,  and  the  governors  never  the  wiser.  Then  some  of  the 
mercifullest  of  the  Romanists  said.  This  cannot  be  done  unless 
the  King  die,  upon  which  argument,  the  Romish  Orders  thus 
licenced,  and  in  the  Parhament  Army,  MTOte  unto  their 
several  Convents,  but  especially  to  the  Sorbonists,  whether 
it  may  be  scrupled  to  make  away  our  late  Godly  King  and 
His  Majesty  his  Son,  our  King  and  Master ;  who,  blessed  be 
God,  hath  escaped  their  Romish  snares  laid  for  him  ?  It  was 
returned  from  the  Sorbonists  that  it  was  lawful  for  Roman 
Catholicks  to  work  changes  in  Governments  for  the  Mother 
Church's  advancement,  and  chiefly  in  an  heretical  kingdom ; 
and  so  lawfully  make  away  the  King  ^. 

Thus  much  to  my  knowledg,  have  I  seen  and  heard  since 
my  lea^ing  yovir  Lordship,  which  I  thought  very  requisite  to 
inform  your  Grace  :  for  myself  would  hardly  have  credited 
these  things,  had  not  mine  eyes  seen  sure  e^ddence  of  the  same. 
Let  these  things  sleep  within  your  Gracious  Lordship's  brest, 
and  not  awake  but  upon  sure  grounds,  for  this  age  can  trust 
no  man,  there  being  so  great  fallacy  amongst  men.  So  the 
Lord  preserve  your  Lordship  in  health,  for  the  nation's  good, 
and  the  benefit  of  yoiu'  friends  :  which  shall  be  the  prayers  of 

Your  humble  Servant, 
July  20,  1654.  J.  DERENSIS. 

\^No  place  mentioned.  Dr.  Bramhall  was  at  Brussels  in  Sept.  1654  (Tliurloe's 
Slate  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  601).] 

"  [The  whole  of  Bramhall's  stale-  tail  in  P.  Du  Moulin' s  Vindication  of 
ments  in  this  letter  may  lie  seen  in  cle-      the  Protestant  Religion,  pp.  58,  dO.] 

BUAMllALL.  h 


xcviii 


LETTERS,  &(J. 


LETTER  XI. y 

Bishop  BramhalVs  Letter  to  Br. Bernard  concerning  the 
observation  of  the  Lord's  Day. 

Sir, 

I  went  yesterday  to  Leyden  with  Mr.  HonnyAvood  and 
Mr.  Sancroft,  to  bring  them  so  far  on  their  way  towards 
Utrecht ;  at  my  retiirne  hither,  I  met  with  youi'S  of  Aug.  -A) 
wherein  you  desire  my  judgment  concerning  the  Sabbath  or 
Lord^s  day,  -nhich  without  any  longe  preface  or  needlesse 
circuit  of  words  is  briefly  this :  first,  in  the  Sabbath  or  Lord's 
Day  something  is  morall,that  is,injoined  by  the  law  of  natm'e; 
namely,  that  some  time  be  set  apart  for  the  service  of 
Almighty  God.  This  is  perpetuall  and  immutable,  as  being 
grounded  upon  the  eternall  law  of  Justice,  and  this  the 
schooles  use  to  call  the  substance  of  the  commandement. 

Secondljr,  something  in  the  Sabbath  is  not  morall,  that  is, 
not  determined  by  the  law  of  nature,  but  injoined  by  the 
positive  Law  of  God  or  of  the  Church  j  as  the  time  and 
place  and  other  circumstances,  which  they  call  moduni 
sanctificandi,  or  the  manner  of  sanctil^dng  the  Sabbath. 
This  is  mutable  and  may  be  changed,  so  it  be  by  those  that 
have  competent  Authority  to  make  such  a  change  as  is  intro- 
duced. The  manner  of  sanctifjang  the  Sabbath  with  the 
time  and  many  other  circiunstances  was  prescribed  by  God 
to  the  J  ewes :  yet  not  so  precisely  in  all  respects  but  that 
many  things  were  left  to  the  determination  of  the  Jewish 
Chm-ch,  as  the  formes  of  their  hjTnns  and  prayers  and 
thanhsgiAdngs.  This  manner  of  sanctifying  the  Sabbath  as 
it  was  mutable  in  its  owne  nature,  so  it  was  actually  changed, 
and  particularly  as  to  the  circumstance  of  time  from  the 
seventh  day  to  the  first  day  of  the  weeke,  either  by  Christ  or 

y  [From  Bp.  Barlow's  INISS.  in  the  16,38,  to  which  it  seems  to  be  .a  sequel. 
Library  of  Queen's  Coll.  Oxford,  en-  Bp.  Barlow  lias  given  neither  the  time 
dorsed  as  above.  It  is  apparently  an  when  nor  the  place  whence  it  was  writ- 
extract  only,  and  relates  to  the  same  ten ;  but  the  former  is  fixed  by  the 
controversy  as  Dr.  Bramhall's  Uis-  observation  just  made,  and  the  latter 
course  upon  the  Sabbath  and  Lord's  appears  froiii  the  first  sentence  of  the 
Day(See  noteU,p.xxxiii.),  written  about  letter  itself  to  have  been  the  Hague.] 


LETTERS^  &C. 


xcix 


by  His  Apostles  inspired  by  tlie  Holy  Ghost :  •which  is  all 
one,  whether  Christ  imniediatly  in  His  owa  person  or 
mediatly  by  His  Apostles  inspii-ed  by  His  Spirit,  did  make 
this  change. 

The  reason  of  this  change  was  this,  that  as  the  celebration 
of  Sunday  being  the  first  day  of  the  creation,  doth  con- 
tinue the  memoriall  of  the  creation  as  well  as  Sattiu'day  or 
the  day  after  the  creation,  so  likewise  it  is  a  memoriall  of  the 
great  blessings  which  we  received  fi'om  Clmst  upon  this  day, 
upon  a  Sunday  He  was  born  for  us,  upon  a  Sunday  He  rose 
againe  from  the  dead;  upon  a  Sunday  He  sent  the  Holy 
Ghost;  and  the  Primitive  Christians  had  a  tradition  that 
upon  a  Sunday  He  should  come  againe  to  judge  the  quick 
and  the  dead :  upon  these  grounds  and  especially  in  memory 
of  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  being  the  new  creation  of  the 
world ;  the  Apostles  by  the  command  of  Christ  or  by  instinct 
of  the  Spirit  did  change  the  Sabbath  from  Sattiu-day  to 
Sunday.  So  we  see  there  was  a  sufficient  Authority  and 
sufficient  ground  for  doing  of  it.  Two  things  onely  remaine, 
one  is  to  shew  that  the  Apostles  did  change  it;  and  the 
second,  that  this  change  is  unalterable. 

For  the  first,  if  there  were  no  other  proofes  of  it,  yet  the 
perpetuall  and  universall  tradition  of  the  Catholick  Church, 
in  all  ages,  in  all  places,  is  proofe  sufficient.  The  Eastern, 
Western,  Southern,  and  Northern  Christians  have  all  observed 
it  from  their  first  matriculation  into  Chi-istianity.  It  is  an 
undoubted  rule,  that  whatsoever  hath  been  observed  every 
where,  allwaies,  and  by  all  Christians,  is  of  the  Institution 
of  Christ  or  of  His  Apostles;  but  the  observation  of  the 
Lord's  Day  hath  been  universal!  amonge  all  Christians,  and 
perpetuall  longe  before  thei-e  were  any  generaU  Councells; 
of  which  uniforme  and  universall  observation  no  man  can 
imagin  a  reason  but  the  command  or  direction  of  Christ  or 
of  His  Apostles. 

We  find  not  onely  the  footsteps  but  evident  proofes  of  this 
change  in  Holy  Scripture ;  as  where  it  is  called  expressly  the 
Lord's  Day  as  by  a  well-knowne  name.  Revel.  1.  10.  And 
where  it  is  related  as  a  common  duty  or  ordinary'  custome  of 
the  Primitive  Christians  to  meet  together  upon  Sunday  or 
the  "fii'st  day  of  the  week"  to  heare  the  word  preached,  and 
h  2 


c 


LETTERS,  &C. 


participate  of  tlie  Sacrament,  Acts  20,  7:  as  likemse  to  make 
gatherings  and  collections  for  tlie  poore  as  God  liad  blessed 
their  labours  the  foregoing  week,  1  Cor.  16.  2.  And  that 
this  "one  day  of  the  week"  (accordinge  to  the  Hebrew  idio- 
tisme)  or  this  "  first  day  of  the  Aveek"  was  the  Lord's  Day 
or  the  day  of  the  Lord's  Resurrection,  is  prooved  undeniable 
out  of  Mark  16,  2.  To  this  all  the  Fathers  of  the  first  ages 
do  beare  witnesse  unanimously. 

So  as  there  can  be  no  doubt  in  the  world  but  either  that 
Christ  or  His  Apostles,  or  Christ  and  His  Apostles,  He  as 
priucipall  Autliour,  they  as  His  Ministers,  did  either  change 
the  Sabbath  from  Sattm-day  to  Sunday,  or  superadde  Sunday 
to  Sattiu'day :  but  they  did  not  adde  Sundaj^  to  Satturday, 
that  is,  that  both  days  should  be  observed,  as  is  plaine  out  of 
St.  Paul,  Coll.  2.  16.  "Let  no  man  judge  you  in  meat  or 
drink,  or  in  respect  of  a  holyday,  or  of  the  new  moons,  or  of 
the  Sabbath  dayes,  which  are  a  shadow  of  things  to  come, 
but  the  body  is  of  Christ."  The  Ebionites  were  so  offended 
with  St.  Paul  for  this  manifest  declaration  of  himselfe  against 
the  Jewish  Sabbath,  that  they  refused  to  admitt  him.  So  the 
legall  obligation  to  Satturday  was  ceased  in  St.  Paul's  days, 
although  the  free  observation  of  it,  as  a  day  of  gratitude  to 
God,  lasted  long  after  in  the  Church  for  diverse  weighty 
reasons.  It  is  plain  then  Sunday  was  not  superadded  to 
Satturday :  but  the  Sabbath  changed  from  Sattui'day  to 
Sunday :  neither  is  it  anythinge  opposite  to  this  change,  that 
the  Jewish  Sabbath  was  to  continue  for  ever,  for  that  eternity 
was  onely  to  be  understood  duringe  the  continuance  of  the 
Jewish  Republick  :  and  the  Je\iish  Sabbath,  for  so  far  as  it  is 
morall,  doth  continue  of  time  for  ever  in  the  Lord's  Day. 
The  onely  doubt  remaininge  is  whether  the  day  may  be 
changed.  I  answer  No  :  for  two  reasons ;  fii'st  there  can  be 
no  sufficient  cause  to  [or?]  ground  of  such  a  change  to 
counterballance  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  and  new  creation 
of  the  world  and  aU  those  benefites  we  received  from  Cluist 
upon  this  day.  Secondly  there  can  be  no  sufficient  Authority 
to  abrogate  that  which  hath  been  instituted  by  Christ  and 
His  Apostles.  But  it  may  be  objected  that  the  Apostles  as 
chiefe  governors  of  the  Church,  did  sometimes  make  pruden- 
tiall  ordinances  which  were  locall  or  temporary,  and  might 


LETTERS,  &C. 


ci 


be  antiquated  in  time  or  abi'ogated  by  the  Cburcli.  I  doe 
acknowledge  it :  but  they  were  of  another  nature  then  this. 
This  without  all  restriction  of  time  or  place,  as  appeareth  by 
the  perpetuall  and  universall  tradition  of  the  CatlioUck 
Church.  Secondly  I  have  shewed  that  Sunday  was  not 
superadded  to  Satturday  as  a  new  festivall,  brought  ^  into  the 
Church  in  the  place  of  Satturday ;  as  we  see  by  all  those 
holy  duties  which  were  transferred  from  the  one  day  to  the 
other;  and  by  the  ceasing  of  the  legall  obligation  to  Sattur- 
day accordinge  to  St.  Paule.  So  the  Lord's  Day  doth  succeed 
the  Jewish  Sabbath  in  the  morall  duty  of  that  day  wliich  is 
eternall,  and  therefore  the  day  ought  to  continue  for  ever, 
as  the  duty  itselfe  doth  continue  for  ever,  and  as  the  Jewish 
Sabbath  was  to  be  eternall  to  the  Jewes  dmnng  the  state  of 
the  J ewish  RepubUck :  so  the  Lord's  Day  as  the  Christian 
Sabbath  ought  to  be  eternall  to  Christians,  during  the 
Christian  Republick.  This  is  briefly  and  succinctly  my 
sense. 


LETTER  XII.  [Rawdon 

Papers, 

From  the  Lord  Bishoj)  of  Derry  to  Mrs.  Bramhall.  No.xivn.] 
Sweet  Heart, 

When  I  came  first  to  this  city  I  thought  I  should  have  [See  Life, 
been  dismissed  within  a  fortnight.  But  this  coming  over  of  a.]"'' 
the  Irish  Commissioners,  and  the  exj^ectation  of  a  settlement, 
have  detained  me  thus  long.  They  meet  upon  Wednesday 
next,  and  it  is  believed  we  shall  have  both  a  cliief  governoiu' 
named,  and  council,  and  judges.  This  advantage  I  have 
made  of  my  stay  to  settle  all  my  temporals,  and  I  hope  John 
Forward's  also,  for  so  they  promise  me.  Audley  Mervine  ^ 
hath  disclaimed  foiu-teen  town-lands,  and  writes  down  to  the 
present  tenants  to  decline  possession.    Mr.  Roberts  acknow- 

^  [Dr.  Bramhall  apparently  intended  mens  "in  the  first  Parliament  sum- 
to  write  "  6a<  brought"  &c.]  moned  after  the  Restoration"  (Ber- 

"  ["He  was   afterwards    appointed  wick).  See  also  note  T,  p.  xxv,  and  the 

Speaker"  of  the  Irish  House  of  Com-  Archbishop's  will,  below  No.  XVI.] 


cii 


LETTERS^  &C. 


ledgeth  that  he  hath  no  right  to  ]\Iilough,  and  I  am  not  out 
of  hopes  to  get  some  reparation  for  want  of  it  so  long.  Upon 
ISIonday  sevenight  I  purpose  to  begin  my  voyage^  and  Sir 
James  Graham  ^'  with  me,  with  my  son  Thomas.  My  Lady 
of  Ormond  is  now  here.  Salute  all  my  friends.  Tell 
Mr.  Holmes,  if  he  will,  he  shall  go  along  with  me.  My 
blessings  on  my  daughters.    So  God  bless  us  all ! 

Your  very  loving  husband, 

JO.  DERENSIS. 

London, 
July  7,  1G60. 

Thus  superscribed  : — 
"  To  my  dearest  wyfc  Mrs.  Elenour  Bramhall  in  Yorkshire, 
at  Ripon." 


LETTER  XIII.  c 

The  Petition  of  the  Clergij  of  Ireland  to  Charles  II.,  to  be  pre- 
sented to  his  Majesty  by  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  then  Lord 
[See  Life,  Lieutenant. 

p.  xiii,  and 

No?xv.]  May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

The  Bishops  here  residing  have  thought  fit  to  present  the 
inclosed  Petition  to  his  Majesty.  It  was  occasioned  by  a 
letter  of  my  Lord  elect  Bishop  of  Cork  to  me  ^ ;  there  is  no- 
thing in  it  which  they  are  not  both  able  and  ready  to  justify. 
Since  it  was  subscribed,  we  have  received  a  copy  of  his 
Majesty's  gracious  letter  of  November  20th,  touching  the 
settling  of  impropriations,  tithes  formerly  invested  in  the 
Crown,  or  forfeited  lands,  which  were  held  of  the  Church 
upon  the  Bishops  or  churches  of  which  they  were  held.  By 
the  grace  of  God  we  shall  mesnage  his  Majesty's  bounty  with 
as  much  prudence  and  advantage  to  him  and  his  subjects  as 
is  possible.    These  were  the  main  requests  we  had  to  make 

^  [His  son-in-law.]  ^  [Michael  Boyle,  Dean  of  Cloyne, 

[Rawdon  Papers,  No.  xlviii.    See  afterwards  Archbishop  successively  of 

Carte's  Life  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  Dublhi  and  Armagh.] 
bk.  vi.  vol.  ii.  pp.  210,  &c.] 


LETTERS,  &C. 


ciii 


by  owe  agents.    They  Avill  admit  little  debate,  being  of  lesser 
moment,  as  the  union  of  lesser  benefices  to  make  a  compe- 
tency :  some  little  glebes  where  there  are  none,  one  free 
school  to  be  erected  in  eveiy  diocess  where  there  is  not  one 
already;   and  lastly,  one  uniform  table  of  tything  to  be 
estabhshed  throughout  the  kingdom.     Now  the  main  re- 
quests being  granted  already,  whether  it  will  be  needful  to 
send  agents  for  the  rest  I  leave  to  your  Lordship's  prudence. 
One  Bishop  and  one  Clerk  were  designed ;  either  my  Lord 
Elect  of  Down%  or  of  Cork,  for  the  Bishops,  and  either 
Dr.  Loftus  or  Mr.  Underwood  for  the  Clerks.    They  have 
one  request  more,  that  in  respect  benefices  are  of  so  small 
value  for  the  present,  and  their  churches  and  houses  almost 
all  down,  that  as  in  like  cases  hath  been  used,  his  IVIajesty 
would  be  graciously  pleased  to  remit  the  first-fruits  of  such 
\  persons  as  now  so  shall  be  admitted  to  any  li\ings  or  promo- 
I  tions  from  the  beginning  of  the  RebeUion  until  the  feast  of 
'  the  Nativity  of  Christ,  which  shall  be  in  the  year  of  oiu*  Lord 
1661,  that  is,  for  one  year  yet  to  come ;  and  in  lieu  thereof, 
they  do  assent  to  settle  an  equal  and  perfect  tax  (which 
hitherto  hath  been  neither  equal  nor  perfect)  of  all  ecclesias- 
tical benefices  and  dignities  throughout  the  kingdom,  to  the 
great  increase  of  his  Majesty's  revenue,  in  his  twentieth  parts 
and  in  his  first-fruits.    This  much  I  dare  undertake,  that  the 
Crown  shall  be  a  great  gainer  by  this,  I  had  almost  said, 
now  necessary  favour.  These  things  are  but  barely  proposed ; 
;  and  if  there  be  any  of  them  which  do  not  relish  well,  upon 
ji  the  least  intimation  they  shall  be  quickly  expunged.  Your 
|,  Excellency  seeth  that  the  Clergy  of  Ireland  know  no  mediator 
;  to  his  Majesty  but  yourself.    You  wUl  scarcely  find  a  staff  so 
!  hard  wherewith  to  drive  them  from  you.    Sir  James  Graham 
j  lives  in  hopes  until  he  receives  his  doom.    That  you  may  live 
I  long,  and  give  much,  and  die  holy,  and  inherit  Heaven,  is  the 
I  Dutch  proverb,  and  o\rr  prayer.    So  God  bless  us  ! 

Your  Excellency's  most  humble 

and  most  faithful  servant, 

JO.  DERENSIS, 
Elect.  Armach. 


'  [Jeremy  Taylor.] 


CIV 


LETTERS,  &C. 


May  it  please  your  Majesty — 
Your  orthodox  Clergy  tkrougtout  Ireland  have  taken  the 
boldness  to  present  unto  yon  their  unanimous  request  by  the 
Bishops  now  resident  in  DubHn,  and  craved  your  Royal 
licence  for  two  agents  from  them  to  come  over  and  represent 
the  low  state  of  the  Irish  Church,  and  such  means  as  seem 
to  them  conducible  to  the  happy  and  peaceable  settlement 
thereof.  Since  that  petition  was  signed,  they  have  received 
a  copy  of  your  gracious  letter  of  November  20th,  wherein 
you  have  both  satisfied  their  present,  and  prevented  their 
further,  desires ;  for  how  can  they  fear,  lest  you  should 
suffer  them  to  be  stripped  of  their  present  livehhoods,  who 
have  of  your  free  bounty  inlarged  their  means  out  of  your 
own  just  rights  to  enable  them  to  serve  God  and  His  Church 
and  your  Majesty  with  most  comfort.  For  this  singular 
grace  they  have  enjoined  me  to  present  their  most  humble 
thanks,  and  to  acknowledge  that  they  deserve  to  be  branded 
with  the  highest  note  of  extreme  ingratitude,  if  they  should 
cease  to  praise  God  for  you,  and  to  pour  out  their  daily 
prayers  to  the  throne  of  Grace  for  yom-  long  life  and  pros- 
perous reign  over  them,  and  to  do  their  uttermost  endeavours 
that,  imder  the  shadow  of  your  wings,  your  subjects  may  lead 
a  quiet  and  peaceable  Hfe  in  aU  godliness  and  honesty. 

Your  Majesty's  most  humble 

and  faithful  subject, 

JO.  DERENSIS, 
Electus  Armachanus. 

Dublin, 
December  5,  1660. 


[Rawdon  LETTER  XIV. 

Papers, 

No.  ixii.]    From  the  Lord  Primate  to  Sir  Edivard  Nicholas,  Secretary  of 

State. 

Honourable  Sir, 
I  am  commanded  ^  by  the  House  of  Peers  to  make  known 
unto  your  honor,  that  they  have  named  four  of  their  mem- 

f  [As  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Lords.] 


LETTERS,  &C. 


CV 


he  rs  to  be  tlieir  Agents  to  attend  his  sacred  Majesty  in 
England,  for  the  good  of  this  Church  and  Kingdom,  to  con- 
tinue there  so  long  as  his  Majesty  shall  Ucense  them,  and  the 
House  shall  judge  expedient,  which  they  do  therefore  repre- 
sent, that  no  other  person  or  persons  may  pretend  themselves 
to  be  qualified  as  agent  or  agents  to  negociate  public  affairs 
in  the  name  of  this  Kingdom,  except  such  others  as  shall 
he  employed  into  England  for  that  purpose,  by  the  Right 
Honorable  the  Lords  Justices  and  Council,  the  House  of 
Convocation,  and  the  House  of  Commons,  in  their  several 
and  distinct  capacities ;  which  being  all  that  is  commanded 
me  by  the  House,  I  crave  leave  to  subscribe, 

Yovjc  Honor's  most  humble 

and  obedient  servant, 

JO.  ARMACHANUS. 

Dublin, 
July  the  \Qth,  1661. 


LETTER  XV.  [Rawdon 

Papers, 

The  following  Letter  of  Primate  Bramhall  to  Charles  II.  is  ''"''''•^ 
transcribed  from  a  true  copy  taken  by  John  Coghill. 

May  it  please  youh  Majesty, 
The  Church  of  Ireland,  now  humble  suitors  unto  you  for 
the  remission  of  their  twentieth  parts  and  first-fruits  for  the 
time  past,  which  request  your  Majesty,  by  the  mediation  of 
my  Lord  Steward,  was  graciously  pleased  to  grant.    And  [The  Duke 
truly  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  it  should  be  so ;  first  in  mond.] 
jtistice,  for  they  have  received  nothing  out  of  those  dignities 
and  benefices  which  they  hold  in  title  only,  for  these  twenty 
years  past,  and  if  they  had  received  any  thing,  yet  few  or 
none  of  them  are  able  to  pay  any  thing  at  this  time  without 
their  utter  ruin;  and  "where  nothing  is  to  be  had,  even 
kings  lose  their  rights." 

e  ["Earls  of  Kildare  and  Mount-  missioners,  31  July,  16G1."  Journals 

Alexander,  John  Lord  Bishop  of  El-  of  the  House  of  Lords,  quoted  by  Ber- 

phin,  and  Lord  Kingston,  to  attend  his  wick.] 
Majesty  in  England  as  Lords  Com- 


CIV 


LETTERS,  &C. 


May  it  please  your  Majesty — 
Your  ortliodox  Clergy  througliout  Ireland  have  taken  the 
boldness  to  present  unto  you  their  unanimous  request  by  the 
Bishops  now  resident  in  DubUn,  and  craved  your  Royal 
licence  for  two  agents  from  them  to  come  over  and  represent 
the  low  state  of  the  Irish  CIiuitIi,  and  such  means  as  seem 
to  them  conducible  to  the  happy  and  peaceable  settlement 
thereof.  Since  that  petition  was  signed,  they  have  received 
a  copy  of  your  gracious  letter  of  November  20th,  wherein 
you  have  both  satisfied  their  present,  and  prevented  their 
further,  desires ;  for  how  can  they  fear,  lest  you  should 
suffer  them  to  be  stripped  of  their  present  livelihoods,  who 
have  of  your  free  bounty  inlarged  their  means  out  of  your 
own  just  rights  to  enable  them  to  serve  God  and  His  Chm'ch 
and  j'our  Majesty  with  most  comfort.  For  this  singular 
grace  they  have  enjoined  me  to  present  their  most  humble 
thanks,  and  to  acknowledge  that  they  deserve  to  be  branded 
with  the  highest  note  of  extreme  ingratitude,  if  they  should 
cease  to  praise  God  for  you,  and  to  pour  out  their  daily 
prayers  to  the  throne  of  Grace  for  your  long  life  and  pros- 
perous reign  over  them,  and  to  do  their  uttermost  endeavours 
that,  under  the  shadow  of  youi'  wings,  your  subjects  may  lead 
a  quiet  and  peaceable  life  in  all  godhness  and  honesty. 

Your  Majesty's  most  humble 

and  faithful  subject, 

JO.  DERENSIS, 
Electus  Armachanus. 

Dublin, 
December  5,  1660. 


[Rawdon  LETTER  XIV. 

Papers, 

No.  ixii.]    From  the  Lord  Primate  to  Sir  Edivard  Nicholas,  Secretary  of 

State. 

Honourable  Sir, 
I  am  commanded  ^  by  the  House  of  Peers  to  make  known 
vmto  your  honor,  that  they  have  named  four  of  their  mem- 

'  [As  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Lords.] 


LETTERS,  &C. 


CV 


hers  to  be  their  Agents  to  attend  his  sacred  Majesty  in 
England,  for  the  good  of  this  Chiu'ch  and  Kingdom,  to  con- 
tinue there  so  long  as  his  Majesty  shall  license  them,  and  the 
House  shall  judge  expedient,  which  they  do  therefore  repre- 
sent, that  no  other  person  or  persons  may  pretend  themselves 
to  be  qualified  as  agent  or  agents  to  negociate  public  affairs 
in  the  name  of  this  Kingdom,  except  such  others  as  shall 
l)c  employed  into  England  for  that  purpose,  by  the  Eight 
Honorable  the  Lords  Justices  and  Council,  the  Hovise  of 
Convocation,  and  the  House  of  Commons,  in  then*  several 
a)id  distinct  capacities ;  which  being  all  that  is  commanded 
me  by  the  House,  I  crave  leave  to  subscribe, 

Your  Honor's  most  humble 

and  obedient  servant, 

JO.  ARMACHANUS. 

Dublin, 
July  the  mil,  1661. 


LETTER  XV.  [Rawdon 

Papers, 

The  following  Letter  of  Primate  Bramhall  to  Charles  II.  is 
transcribed  from  a  true  copij  taken  by  John  Coghill. 

May  it  please  your  Majesty, 
The  Church  of  Ireland,  now  humble  suitors  unto  you  for 
the  remission  of  their  twentieth  parts  and  first-fruits  for  the 
time  past,  which  request  your  Majesty,  by  the  mediation  of 
my  Lord  Steward,  was  graciously  pleased  to  grant.    And  [The  Duke 
truly  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  it  should  be  so ;  first  in  mond.] 
jtistice,  for  they  have  received  nothing  out  of  those  dignities 
tod  benefices  which  they  hold  in  title  only,  for  these  twenty 
years  past,  and  if  they  had  received  any  thing,  yet  few  or 
none  of  them  are  able  to  pay  any  thing  at  this  time  without 
their  utter  ruin;  and  "where  nothing  is  to  be  had,  even 
kings  lose  their  rights." 

B  ["Earls  of  Kildare  and  Mount-  missioners,  31  July,  16C1."  Journals 

Alexander,  John  Lord  Bishop  of  El-  of  the  House  of  Lords,  quoted  by  Ber- 

phin,  and  Lord  Kingston,  to  attend  his  wick.] 
Majesty  in  England  as  Lords  Com- 


cvi 


LETTERS,  &C. 


And  yet,  because  they  are  not  willing  to  receive  this  great 
benefit  to  themselves  with  any  prejudice  to  your  Majesty,  or 
the  least  diminution  of  your  revenue,  they  offered  by  me  to 
settle  an  equal  and  universal  tax  of  all  ecclesiastical  prefer- 
ments throughout  Ireland,  whereas  now  some  few  of  them 
are  over-taxed,  a  great  many  of  them  are  altogether  untaxed, 
and  the  most  of  them  are  ludicrously  taxed,  so  as  to  make  them 
liable  to  the  name  of  twentieth  parts,  but  rarely  to  first-fruits. 
I  am  very  confident  that  such  an  equal  and  universal  tax  as 
is  ofi'ered  by  them,  will  double  or  treble  yoiu-  Majesty's  eccle- 
siastical revenue  every  way,  in  twentieth  parts,  in  fii'st-fruits, 
in  subsidies.  If  your  Majesty  be  pleased  to  impose  the  care 
of  this  great  work  upon  me  in  a  regal  visitation^,  I  wiU 
charge  or  biu'then  no  man  but  myself  in  the  execution 
thereof.  I  hope  to  make  you  such  a  tax  by  consent,  -ttithout 
any  noise  or  opposition,  and  to  settle  an  exact  hst  of  aU 
patronages  of  the  Crown,  which  are  now  smothered,  and  in  a 
great  part  usurped,  than  which  nothing  concerns  your  Majesty 
more,  to  maintain  and  preserve  the  dejiendance  of  your  sub- 
jects upon  yom'self ;  the  clergy  depending  much  upon  their 
patron,  and  the  people  iipon  the  clergy.  And  lastly,  I  doubt 
not  but  to  make  a  perfect  rentall  of  all  such  impropriations 
as  have  either  in  former  times  by  yoiu*  Royal  father  been  be- 
stowed upon  the  Church,  or  by  your  Majesty's  own  gi'ace  and 
bounty  are  now  to  be  restored  to  the  Chm'ch,  so  as  the  an- 
cient revenues  of  your  Crown  shall  be  upheld,  and  your  Ex- 
chequer sustain  no  prejudice.  But  if  yoiu"  Majesty  in  your 
high  prudence  shall  think  any  other  com'se  fitter  for  effecting 
this  design,  I  do  humbly  submit,  and  shall  most  readily  be 
subservient  in  any  way  which  your  Majesty  shall  approve. 

Now  I  beseech  your  Majesty  to  give  me  leave  to  add  a 
word  or  two  in  the  behalf  of  Sir  James  Graham,  whose  near 
relation  to  me  will  excuse  what  I  say,  whilst  I  contain  myself 
(which  I  hope  both  he  and  I  shall  always  do)  within  the 
bounds  of  modesty. 

He  seeth  your  Majesty's  bounties  thrown  abroad,  like 
medals  at  a  coronation,  for  those  that  can  catch  them,  and 

ii  [Sre  Lifp,p.xiii.,and  LetterXIIT;     tioned,  the  concluding  pages  of  Dr. 
and,  for  a  full  account  and  discussion  of     Vesey's  Life.] 
the  Archbishop's  projects  here  men- 


LETTERS,  &C. 


cvii 


whilst  you  are  doing  good  to  your  persecutors,  he  takes  the 
boldness  (with  the  good  thief  on  the  Cross)  to  step  in  for 
himself,  "  Lord,  remember  me."  If  his  suffering  hath  been 
more  than  his  acting,  it  was  for  want  of  power,  not  of  loyal 
duty,  wherein  he  hopeth  evermore  to  approve  himself  an 
equal  to  the  best  of  your  subjects.  The  Lords  Justices  here 
do  approve  him,  and  have  twice  recommended  him  into  Eng- 
land for  some  preferment.  And  it  is,  if  not  a  blemish,  yet 
some  little  shame  unto  him  to  see  others  of  his  countrymen 
daily  receive  marks  of  your  Royal  favour,  and  himself  to  miss 
them,  either  by  his  misfortune,  or,  if  he  should  still  be  silent 
untill  the  whole  act  be  concluded,  by  his  supine  negligence. 
I  am  confident  he  will  offer  nothing  to  yoiu"  Majesty  which 
may  in  the  least  degree  intrench  either  upon  your  honor  or 
your  interest,  or  your  engagements.  So  I  submit  him  and 
his  request  to  your  Majesty's  grace,  and  myself  to  your 
pardon  for  this  presumption ;  and  for  conclusion,  beg  this 
further  favoiu'  for  him,  that  yoiu*  Majesty  will  grant  him  a 
speedy  dispatch,  that  he  may  haste  back  hither  to  serve  you 
in  this  approaching  Parliament  K 

God  preserve  your  Majesty  long  in  health  and  happiness, 
for  the  welfare  of  your  kingdom  and  the  good  of  this  Church, 
which  is  the  incessant  prayer  of  your  Majesty's 

Most  loyal  and  obedient 

subject  and  servant, 

JO.  ARMACHANUS. 

INo  date.] 
Vera  copia,  per  me,  John  Coghill. 


LETTER  XVI.  k 

Hie  last  Will  and  Testament  of  Abp.  Bramhall. 

In  the  Name  of  God — Amen.  I,  John,  Lord  Archbishop 
of  Armagh,  Primate  and  Metropolitan  of  all  Ireland,  being  of 
perfect  sense  and  memory,  blessed  be  Almighty  God,  doe  in 

'  ["  Sir  James  Graham  sat  for  the  ^  [From  the  Introduction   to  the 

borough  of  Armagh  in  the  Parliament  Rawd.  Papers,  pp.  4 — 11,  the  original 

which  met  in  Dublin  in  May,  I6G1"  being  in  the  possession  of  the  Marquis 

(Berwick).]  of  Hastings.] 


cvi 


LETTERS,  &C. 


And  yet,  because  they  are  not  willing  to  receive  this  great 
benefit  to  themselves  with  any  prejudice  to  your  Majesty,  or 
the  least  diminution  of  your  revenue,  they  offered  by  me  to 
settle  an  equal  and  universal  tax  of  all  ecclesiastical  prefer- 
ments throughout  Ireland,  whereas  now  some  few  of  them 
are  over-taxed,  a  great  many  of  them  are  altogether  untaxed, 
and  the  most  of  them  are  ludicrously  taxed,  so  as  to  make  them 
liable  to  the  name  of  twentieth  parts,  but  rarely  to  first-fruits. 
I  am  very  confident  that  such  an  equal  and  universal  tax  as 
is  offered  by  them,  will  double  or  treble  joiw  Majesty's  eccle- 
siastical revenue  every  way,  in  twentieth  parts,  in  first-fruits, 
in  subsidies.  If  your  Majesty  be  pleased  to  impose  the  care 
of  this  great  work  tipon  me  in  a  regal  visitation^,  I  will 
charge  or  bm-theu  no  man  but  myself  in  the  execution 
thereof.  I  hope  to  make  you  such  a  tax  by  consent,  without 
any  noise  or  opposition,  and  to  settle  an  exact  list  of  aU 
patronages  of  the  Crown,  which  are  now  smothered,  and  in  a 
great  part  usurped,  than  which  nothing  concerns  your  Majesty 
more,  to  maintain  and  preserve  the  dependance  of  your  sub- 
jects upon  yom-self ;  the  clergy  depending  much  upon  their 
patron,  and  the  people  upon  the  clergy.  And  lastly,  I  doubt 
not  but  to  make  a  perfect  rentall  of  all  such  impropriations 
as  have  either  in  former  times  by  youi*  Royal  father  been  be- 
stowed upon  the  Church,  or  by  joux  Majesty's  own  grace  and 
bounty  are  now  to  be  restored  to  the  Chm-ch,  so  as  the  an- 
cient revenues  of  your  Crown  shall  be  upheld,  and  your  Ex- 
chequer sustain  no  prejudice.  But  if  your  Majesty  in  your 
high  prudence  shall  think  any  other  com-se  fitter  for  effecting 
this  design,  I  do  humbly  submit,  and  shall  most  readily  be 
subsendent  in  any  way  which  your  Majesty  shall  approve. 

Now  I  beseech  yoixr  Majesty  to  give  me  leave  to  add  a 
Avord  or  two  in  the  behalf  of  Sir  James  Graham,  whose  near 
relation  to  me  will  excuse  what  I  say,  whilst  I  contain  myself 
(which  I  hope  both  he  and  I  shall  always  do)  within  the 
bounds  of  modesty. 

He  seeth  yoiir  Majesty's  bounties  thrown  abroad,  like 
medals  at  a  coronation,  for  those  that  can  catch  them,  and 

ii  [See  Life, p.xiii., and  LetterXIII;     tioned,  the  concluding  pages  of  Dr. 
and,  for  a  full  account  and  discussion  of     Vesey's  Life.] 
the  Archbishop's  projects  here  men- 


LETTERS,  &C. 


cvii 


whilst  you  are  doing  good  to  your  persecutors,  lie  takes  the 
boldness  (with  the  good  thief  on  the  Cross)  to  step  in  for 
himself,  "  Lord,  remember  me."  If  his  suffering  hath  been 
more  than  his  acting,  it  was  for  Avant  of  power,  not  of  loyal 
duty,  wherein  he  hoj)eth  evermore  to  approve  himself  an 
equal  to  the  best  of  your  subjects.  The  Lords  Justices  here 
do  approve  him,  and  have  twice  recommended  him  into  Eng- 
land for  some  preferment.  And  it  is,  if  not  a  blemish,  yet 
some  little  shame  unto  him  to  see  others  of  his  countrymen 
daily  receive  marks  of  yoxu'  Royal  favour,  and  himself  to  miss 
them,  either  by  his  misfortime,  or,  if  he  should  still  be  silent 
untill  the  whole  act  be  concluded,  by  his  supine  negligence. 
I  am  confident  he  will  offer  nothing  to  your  Majesty  which 
may  in  the  least  degree  intrench  either  upon  yoiu-  honor  or 
your  interest,  or  your  engagements.  So  I  submit  him  and 
his  request  to  your  Majesty's  grace,  and  myself  to  your 
pardon  for  this  presumption ;  and  for  conclusion,  beg  this 
fm'ther  favoxu'  for  him,  that  yoiu"  Majesty  will  grant  him  a 
speedy  dispatch,  that  he  may  haste  back  hither  to  serve  you 
in  this  approaching  Parliament  K 

God  preserve  your  Majesty  long  in  health  and  happiness, 
for  the  welfare  of  your  kingdom  and  the  good  of  this  Church, 
which  is  the  incessant  prayer  of  your  Majesty's 

Most  loyal  and  obedient 

subject  and  servant, 

JO.  ARMACHANUS. 

INo  date.] 
Vera  copia,  per  jne,  John  Cogliill. 


LETTER  XVI.  k 

TJie  last  Will  and  Testament  of  Abp.  Bramhall. 

In  the  Name  of  God — Amen.  I,  John,  Lord  Archbishop 
of  Armagh,  Primate  and  Metropolitan  of  all  Ireland,  being  of 
perfect  sense  and  memory,  blessed  be  Almighty  God,  doe  in 

'  ["  Sir  James  Graham  sat  for  the  ^  [Prom  the  Introduction   to  the 

borough  of  Armagh  in  the  Parliament  Rawd.  Papers,  pp.  4 — 11,  the  original 

which  met  in  Duhlin  in  May,  1661"  being  in  the  possession  of  the  Marquis 

(Berwick).]  of  Hastings.] 


LETTERS,  &C. 


the  first  place  render  unto  His  Di^ane  IMajestie  my  humble 
and  hearty  tlianlts,  that  He  hath  permitted  me  with  mine  own 
eyes  to  see  His  salvation,  and  the  restitution  of  his  sacred 
Majestic  to  his  Royall  Crown,  and  the  Church  of  England 
to  its  former  gloiy,  than  which  I  doe  not  believe  that  the 
whole  world  hath  any  Chtu-ch  that  cometh  nearer  to  Apo- 
stolical truth,  both  in  doctrine  and  disciphne.  And  I  doe 
heartily  praise  God  That  ordained  me  to  be  bom  and  bred 
up  in  it,  and  pray  that  I  may  end  my  days  in  the  communion 
of  it.  And,  withal,  considering  with  myself  the  certainty  of 
my  dissolution,  but  the  uncertainty  of  the  hour  in  which  it 
shall  please  God  to  call  me ;  and  weighing  Avith  myself  that 
I  approach  to  that  time  which  is  the  ordinarj'  period  of  man's 
life,  three  score  years  and  ten ;  and  being  not  unmindful  of 
mine  o^ra  paralytical  infirmities,  as  having  seen  the  walls  of 
my  body  moulder  away  by  degrees ;  I  doe,  Avith  all  humble- 
nesse  and  resignation  of  myself,  make  this  my  last  wiU  and 
testament. 

In  the  first  place  I  render  up  my  soul  into  the  hands  of 
God,  That  gave  it,  humbly  beseeching  Him,  for  Christ  Jesus 
my  Saviour's  sake,  that  He  avUI  voiichsafe  to  accept  it,  not- 
withstanding all  my  frailties  and  infirmities,  into  His  celestial 
habitation,  which  He  hath  prepared  for  His  faithful  servants. 
Next,  I  do  bequeath  my  body  to  the  earth  of  which  it  was 
composed,  to  be  interred  with  Christian  decencie,  without 
worldly  pomp,  so  far  forth  as  it  may  be  conveniently  avoided, 
either  in  the  Parochial  Church  of  St.  Peter's,  Droghedah,  or 
in  the  Cathedral  Chm-ch  of  St.  Patrick,  at  Armagh,  at  the 
discretion  of  my  heir  and  executor  hereinafter  mentioned. 
Item,  I  will,  and  my  will  is,  that  so  many  blacke  freeze 
gownds  shall  be  bestoAved  upon  poor  men  and  poor  Avomen, 
as  wiU  make  up  the  number  of  my  years  which  I  have  lived 
in  this  transitory  life,  and  such  other  acts  of  charity  per- 
formed as  I  shall  give  directions  to  my  heir.  And  although 
I  cannot  in  present  settle  such  a  course  as  I  would  towards 
the  reparation  of  the  Cathedral  Chxirch  of  St.  Patrick's, 
Armagh,  and  the  Parochial  Church  of  St.  Peter's,  Drog- 
hedah ;  yet  it  is  my  firm  piu-pose  and  resolution  not  to  be 
wanting  to  either  of  them,  so  long  as  God  permits  me  to  Uve 
in  this  world ;  and  when  I  have  more  opportunity  to  adAdse 


LETTERS,  &C. 


cix 


with  my  friends,  to  prescribe  some  course  for  the  accom- 
plishing of  that  pious  Avorke.  Item,  I  will,  and  my  will  is, 
that  the  summe  of  five  hundred  pounds  out  of  the  arrears  of 
rent  due  to  me  out  of  the  Bishopricke  of  Derry,  be  given 
towards  the  reparation  of  the  said  two  churches,  over  and 
above  those  summes  which  I  shall  bestow  upon  them  in  my 
life-time.  And  although  I  found  all  the  churches  and 
mansion-houses  belonging  to  my  See  either  ruined  or  in- 
chning  to  ruin,  yet  I  have,  as  the  time  would  give  me  leave, 
repayred  the  house  at  Droghcda,  and  proAdded  timber  for  the 
house  at  Termon-feekan  with  a  full  pui'pose,  if  God  lend 
me  life  until  I  am  able  to  finish  it,  to  build  up  the  said 
house,  and  to  inclose  it  with  a  Parke  for  my  successor ;  find 
if  it  please  God  to  take  me  away  before  I  have  finished  this 
intention,  it  is  my  will,  that  all  the  timber,  iron,  boards,  and 
other  materials,  which  I  have  prepared  towards  it,  be  given 
to  my  successor  towards  the  perfecting  the  work.  Item,  I 
doe  further  give  unto  my  said  successor  the  hangings  of  the 
Presence  Chamber,  and  all  the  chairs  and  stools  and  tables 
in  it,  and  all  the  ranges  tlu'oughout  the  house  Avhere  I  found 
not  one.  Item,  my  will  is,  that  all  my  waged  servants  shall 
be  kept  together  in  my  last-mentioned  house  for  three  months 
'  after  my  death  in  decent  sorte,  thereby  to  inable  them  to 

I provide  for  themselves  in  other  service ;  and  at  theu*  departure 
they  shall  have  each  of  them  a  year's  wages,  as  a  token  of  my 
love  to  them,  and  mindfulnesse  of  them.  Item,  I  will,  and 
my  will  is,  and  I  do  hereby  strictly  injoyne  my  heir  and 
executor,  here  under-named,  to  satisfie  and  pay  all  the  just 
debts  which  I  shall  owe  at  the  time  of  my  death,  whether 
they  were  due  by  bill,  bond,  or  otherwise,  and  with  that 
speed  and  satisfaction  to  my  creditors  as  my  estate  shall  be 
able  to  bear;  and  that  the  articles  made  between  me  and 
Mr.  Bulkely,  Archdeacon  of  Dublin,  shall  be  made  good  for 
a  rent-charge,  to  be  paid  him  out  of  my  manour  of  Belgree, 
untill  my  heir  and  executor  shall  provide  for  him  another 
inheritance,  or  another  rent-charge  of  equal  value  to  that 

1  ["  Termon-fecliiii,  or  Terfeckan,"  the  county  of  Lowtli,  Barony  of  Fer- 

from  whence  Uslier  dates  a  letter  to  yard,  and  about  three  miles  and  a  half 

Bp.  Bramhall,  Aug.  10,  l(i39  (Uawd.  from  Droglieda.    Usher  was  the  last 

Papers,  No.  xxiii.),  is  ''a  palace  be-  Primate  who  made  it  his  residence." 

longing  to  the  See  of  Armagh  ;  it  is  in  Rawd.  Papers,  p.  61.  note.] 


cx 


LETTERS,  &C, 


■nliicli  lie  now  liolds.  Provided,  nevertlieless,  that  tliis  my 
intention  sliall  no  further  bind  my  heir  and  executor  than  I 
shall  give  Avarrant  for  by  another  codicill ;  because,  it  is  my 
meaning  to  see  what  use  Mr.  Bulkely,  Archdeacon  of  Dubhn, 
did  intend  or  desire  to  make  of  the  power  usiu'ped  from  his 
Majestj',  to  the  prejudice  of  me  and  my  heirs.  Item,  I  will, 
and  my  will  is,  that  my  dear  wife,  Ellinor  Bramhall,  shall 
have  and  enjoy  to  her  proper  use  and  behoofe,  for  her  life, 
all  my  plate  and  household  stuffe  and  utensils,  which  are  not 
otherwise  disposed  of  by  this  my  will,  free  from,  and  dis- 
charged of  all  debts,  and  other  incumbrances  whatsoever; 
and  after  her  death,  it  is  my  fm-ther  will,  that  the  same  be 
equally  divided  amongst  my  three  daughters,  if  they  be  hving 
at  the  time  of  her  deatli,  or  such  of  tliem  as  are  then  lining. 
Item,  I  doe  devise  and  bequeath  unto  my  son  and  heir  appa- 
rent. Sir  Thomas  Bramhall,  Barronett,  and  the  heirs  male  of 
his  body  issuing,  all  my  proper  and  personall  acquisitions, 
and  all  those  my  manoiu's,  towns,  lands,  and  hereditaments, 
of  and  in  Castletown,  Moylagh,  and  elsewhere,  in  the  county 
of  ]Meath,  with  all  the  appurtenances,  and  particularly  some 
lands  in  the  county  of  Meath,  which  I  purchased  jointly  Avith 
Robert  Maude,  Esq.,  and  such  other  lands  as  I  purchased  of 
Mr.  Cowse  and  Mr.  Roberts  in  the  manour  of  M^oylagh,  and 
of  and  in  the  manour  of  Belgree,  in  the  County  of  Dublin,  or 
Meath,  or  both  of  them ;  and  of  and  in  the  manour  of  tlie 
Omagh,  as  well  those  lands  which  are  now  possessed  by  me,  as 
those  lands  which  are  held  unjustly  from  me  by  Sir  Audley 
Mervin,  which  nothing  withholds  me  from  recovering  but  his 
present  priviledge  only ;  and  all  my  other  lands  in  the 
County  of  Tp-one,  which  are  likevase  held  from  me  unjustly 
by  the  said  Sii'  Audley  Mervin ;  the  remainder  thereof  to  the 
heirs  of  my  body  issuing,  the  remainder  thereof  to  my  right 
heirs  for  ever ;  charged,  nevertheless,  with  one  yearly  rent- 
charge  or  annual  summe  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds 
sterling,  Avith  power  to  distrain  as  aforesaid ;  [Avhich]  I  doe 
hereby  devise  and  bequeath  unto  mj^  said  Avife  dmnng  her 
life,  in  heu,  recompense,  and  full  satisfaction  of  all  dowers  or 
thii-ds  Avhich  she  may  challenge  or  demand  out  of  my  estate, 
either  real  or  personal,  other  than  what  I  have  herein  before 

[He  was  Speaker  of  the  Irish  House  of  Commons.] 


LETTERS,  &C. 


cxi 


devised  to  her.  Provided,  ahvays,  that  he  my  said  son  shall 
marry  with  the  consent  of  such  overseers  as  I  shall  hereafter 
name  in  this  my  last  will  and  testament.  Item,  I  do  hereby 
devise  and  bequeath  unto  my  loving  son-in-law.  Sir  James 
Graham,  Knight,  and  my  eldest  daughter  Isabella  Graham, 
alias  Bramhall,  his  wife,  the  summe  of  seven  hundred  pounds 
ster.,  which  with  other  moneys  he  hath  ah'eady  received,  and 
other  advantages  conferred  on  him,  I  hope  will  abundantly 
satisfie  him  for  his  wife's  portion.  Item,  I  do  hereby  devise 
and  bequeath  unto  my  two  younger  daughters  Jane  and 
Anne,  all  my  estate  in  the  lease  of  Drumi'agh,  in  the  County 
of  Tyi'one,  which  I  purchased  of  the  two  Lady  Leighs  long 
since;  and  likewise  whatsoever  other  leases  I  have  in  the 
County  of  Donnegal,  which  I  bestow  upon  them  for  their 
maintenance  untill  they  be  better  provided  for.  Item,  I  doe 
further  hereby  devise  and  bequeath  unto  my  said  second 
daughter,  Jane  Bramhall,  for  her  marriage  portion  the  sum 
of  jEISOO  ster.  payable  upon  her  marriage ;  and  I  do  likewise 
devise  and  bequeath  the  hke  marriage  portion  of  £1500  ster. 
unto  my  third  daughter  Anne  Bramhall,  payable  likewise  upon 
the  day  of  her  marriage.  And  I  do  further  will,  and  my  will 
is,  that  each  of  my  said  daughters  unmarried  shall  have  £20 
a  piece  yearly,  for  their  respective  maintenance,  from  my  said 
heir,  untill  their  respective  marriages ;  and  in  case  either  of 
my  said  daughters  unmarried  die  before  marriage,  in  such 
case,  that  the  portion  of  the  daughter  so  dying  before  mar- 
riage shall  be  divided  between  the  surviving  daughters  ;  and 
forasmuch  as  I  have  left  my  son,  Thomas  Bramhall,  an  estate 
able  to  bear  it,  and  he  is  not  yet  married,  it  is  my  meaning 
and  my  will,  that  as  well  his  wife's  portion,  as  all  my  real 
estate,  be  chargeable  with  the  said  portions  to  be  raised  to 
my  two  daughters.  Item,  the  better  to  inable  my  son, 
Thomas  Bramhall,  to  satisfie  the  said  debts  and  portions,  I 
will,  and  my  will  is,  that  the  said  Thomas  Bramhall,  his  heirs 
and  assigns,  shall  have  and  enjoy  all  the  lands  and  heredita- 
ments which  his  Majestic  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  bestow 
upon  me,  in  consideration  of  my  great  losses  svistained  in  the 
late,  or  as  a  bounty  for  my  services  as  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Peers  in  this  present.  Parliament.  Item,  I  do  hereby 
constitute  and   appoint  my  said  son,  Thomas  Bramhall, 


cxii  LETTERS,  &C. 

during  his  life,  my  sole  executor  of  this  my  last  will  and 
testament ;  and  from  and  after  his  death,  I  doe  constitute 
and  appoint  the  heirs  of  his  body  lawfully  begotten  executors 
of  my  said  will ;  and  for  want  of  such  heirs,  I  doe  constitute 
and  appoint  my  said  son-in-law  Sir  James  Graham  and  my  said 
three  daughters  executors  of  this  my  will.  Item,  I  will,  and  my 
will  is,  that  my  said  executor  or  executors  respectively,  shall 
and  may  recover,  have,  and  enjoy,  all  the  arrears  of  rent  due 
unto  me  out  of  my  late  Bishopricke  of  Derry,  out  of  which  I 
was  wrongfully  expelled  for  twenty  years  and  more,  which 
remains  due  unto  me  in  law  and  conscience.  Yet,  neverthe- 
less, my  will  is,  that  moderation  be  used  in  exacting  the 
said  arrears ;  and  that  no  person  be  compelled  to  pay  more 
than  three  years'  rent  at  the  highest ;  and  that  those  whose 
lauds  were  not  planted  till  of  late  be  yet  more  favourably 
used,  if  they  do  not  prove  obstinate  to  oppose  my  right,  which 
is  undeniable.  Lastly,  according  to  my  expectation  and  con- 
fidence in  my  said  wife  and  children,  I  doe  pray,  and  as  much 
as  in  me  lyeth  enjoyne  them,  to  observe  all  acts  of  love  one 
to  another,  and  to  avoid  all  imnatural  suites  and  contentions, 
and  to  rest  satisfied  with  this  my  will,  according  to  the  pur- 
port thereof,  and  my  true  meaning  therein  declared  as  afore- 
said. And  I  doe  hereby  constitute  the  Most  Honorable, 
and  my  singular  good  Lord,  His  Grace  James  Duke  of 
Ormond,  Lord  Lieutenant- General  of  Ireland,  and  the  Right 
Honorable  the  Earl  of  On-ery,  supervisors  of  this  my  last 
will  and  testament ;  and  intreat  them  to  accept  of  two  Rings, 
such  as  my  Executor  shall  present  to  them,  in  remembrance 
of  that  love  and  duty  which  I  ought  unto  them.  As  witness 
[i.e.  166|.]  my  hand  and  seal,  this  fifth  day  of  January,  1663. 

JO.  ARMACHANUS. 

Signed  and  sealed  and  published  in  the  presence  of 
Ja.  Grahame  and  John  Coyhill. 


LETTEKSj  &C. 


LETTER  XVII. 

Extract  from  the  Acts'^  of  the  Convocation  of  the  Irish  Church  [See  Life, 
in  1661,  containing  its  'Public  and  Solemn  Recognition'  q/'noteg.] 
Archbishop  BramhalVs  services. 

Decimo  tertio  Die  JuUj  1661". 
(After  granting  a  subsidj^  tlie  Convocation  jn'oceeds  as 

follows  : — ) 

"  Deinde  lijec  Sancta  Synodus,  apud  se  reputans  Ecclesiam 
Hibernicam,  supra  quam  dici  potest,  jam  olira  magna  et  nuper 
nova  variis  et  magnis  incrementis  aucta  beneficia  nactam 
esse,  a  mirifica   in   eam  beneficentia   Reverendissimi  in 


"  [After  the  preceding  pages  were  in 
print,  the  extract  above  given  from  the 
Acts  of  the  Irish  Convocation  of  1G6], 
hitherto  supposed  to  be  lost,  has  been 
received  through  the  kindness  of  Dr. 
Todd  of  Dublin.  It  is  taken  from  the 
MSS.  of  Archbishop  King  recently 
purchased  by  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
and  deposited  in  their  library. 

The  kindness  of  the  same  gentleman 
has  supplied  the  Editor  with  some  fur- 
ther information  relative  to  Archbishop 
Bramhall,  which  it  is  hoped  may  be 
allowably  inserted  in  this  place.  The 
figures  refer  to  the  pages  of  the  Life,  to 
which  the  information  in  each  case  re- 
lates. 

"  p.  iv.  line  4.  Mr.  Wandesforde  first 
presented  Mr.  Bramhall  to  the  School 
of  Kilbunie  by  Thirsk,  near  Kirkling- 
ton,  in  Yorksliire.  See  Comber's  Life 
of  Wandesforde,  p.  83. 

p.  vi.  1.  2.  Dr.  Bramhall  obtained 
the  Archdeaconry  of  Meath  by  jiatent 
dated  4th  March,  9  Car.  I.,  i.  e.  1()3J 
(Rolls,  9  Car.  I.  3rd  pt.  f ). 

ibid.  1.  18.  He  was  promoted  to  the 
Bishopric  of  Londonderry  by  warrant 
under  Privy  Seal  dated  at  Westminster 
9th  May  (1034),  patent  at  Dublin  24th 
May  (of  the  same  year),  and  writ  of  re- 
stitution and  mandate  of  consecration  of 
the  same  date  ( Rolls,  1 0  Car.  1. 2nd  pt,  f ). 

p.  vii.  1.  20.  It  ajipears  by  Bishop 
Downham's  Visitation  hook  in  the 
library  of  Trin.  Coll.  Dublin,  that  in 
1622  'the  Cathedral  church  of  St.  Co- 
lumb  at  Derry  had  not  so  much  as  any 
ruins  left,  neither  was  there  any  other 
Cathedral  or  parish  church  b\iilt  in- 
stead thereof  within  the  city  of 
Londonderry.'      In    1634  the  King 

BRAMHALL. 


granted  a  licence  to  the  Society  of  the 
Governors  and  Assistants  of  London 
of  the  new  plantation  in  Ulster  '  to  alit  n 
in  mortmain  to  Bishop  Bramhall,  and 
his  successors,  the  church  or  fabric  of  a 
church  lately  built  in  Deny,  together 
with  a  chancell,  a  Hl)rary,avestry-house, 
and  tower,  belonging  to  the  same,  and 
also  a  church-yard  and  place  of  burial 
lying  about  the  same,  to  the  end  they 
might  be  consecrated  and  dedicated  to 
the  service  of  God;  to  have  and  to  hold 
to  tlie  Bishop,  and  his  successors,  in 
frank-almoyne,'  together  with  a  clause 
for  the  use  of  the  inhabitants  and  of  the 
parish  of  Derry  alias  Templemore 
(Rolls,  10  Car.  1.  1st  pt.  d).  The 
Cathedral  was  finished  in  1633,  and  a 
stone  placed  over  the  door  with  the 
following  inscription, — 


1633 


IN.TEMPLO. 

VERVS.DEVS, 
EST.VERE.Q: 
CLEMENS. 


JF . STONES . COVLD . SPEAKE, 


THEN  .  LONDONS  .  PRAYSB 


SHOVLDE  .  SOVNDE  .  WHO 


BVILT.THIS  .  CHVRCH  .  AND. 


See  a  view  of  the  Cathedral  as  then 
built,  and  a  facsimile  of  this  inscription, 
in  the  Ordnance  Memoir  of  the  parish 
of  Templemore,  pp.  102, 103.  Dubl.  4to. 
1837. 

p.  viii.  1.  17.  Aug!  4,  1637,  Bp.Bram- 
hall  had  a  grant  of  lands  in  the  Co.  Ty- 
rone to  him  and  his  successors  from  the 
Crown  (Rolls,  13  Car.  I.  4th  pt.  f). 


cxiv 


LETTERS,  &C. 


Cliristo  Patris,  Joliannis  providcntia  divina  Arcliiepiscopi  Ar- 
maclianij  Primatis  et  Metropolitani  totius  Hibemia;,  liujusque 
Synodi  pra;sidis,  niliilque  se  liacteniis  gratitudinis  ei  piiblice 
rependisse,  nunc  rero  officii  sui  memor,  et  debiti  quo  eminen- 
tissime  sute  paternitati  diu  obstricta  est,  moram  dilatse  solu- 
tionis diutiorem  facere  non  potuit,  et  propterea  in  fidem  ma- 
joris  quam  sibi  debet  obsequii,  et  ut  gesta  sua,  egregia  et  sin- 
gularia,  omni  um  sermone  perpctuo  celebrentur,  et  ut  nulla 
imquam  jEtas  de  suis  laudibus  conticescat,  statuit  et  decrepit, 
pubUcam  et  solennem  ea  ex  parte  in  Scriptis  fieri  recogni- 
tionem,  non  ut  obbgationi  qua  est  beneficentise  sute  devincta 
uUa  ratione  satisfaciat,  sed  potius  ut  debitam  magnitudinem 
non  dissimulans  se  non  esse  solvendo  ac  perpetuo  debituram 
libcre  profiteretur.  lleverendis  igitm-  in  Christo  patribus  et 
[John  Les-  Episcopis,  Johanni  Cloglierensi,  Jeremise  Duncnsi,  et  Georgio 
Taylor,  and  Derensi,  istius  recognitionis  in  scriptis  confectioue  [m]  com- 
wlki^f      niiscrunt ;  et  ut  paratiores  essent  banc  rem  ipsis  commissam 


p.  xii.  1.  3.  lie  was  appointed  Arch- 
bishop of  Armagh  by  warrant  under 
Privy  Seal  dated  1st  Aug.  (IGGO)  at 
AVliitehall,  with  a  grant  of  the  mesne  pro- 
fits from  the  date  thereof(Rot.pat.Canc., 
12  Car.  JI.  2nd  pt.  f);  by  patent  dated 
18th.  January  (IGC^),  aiid  writ  of  re- 
stitution dated  tlie  same  day  (Rot.  ut 
supra,  dorso). 

p.  xix.  note  L  A  much  better  reason 
can  be  given  for  the  Calvinislic  turn  of 
the  Irish  Articles  than  that  assigned  by 
I^r.  Vesey:  for  many  divines,  who  were 
troublesome  inEnglandfromPuritanical 
opinions,  were  provided  for  in  the  Irish 
Church  to  get  them  out  of  the  way  ;  for 
example,  Travers  the  opponent  of 
Hool<er  was  made  Provost  of  Trinity 
College,  and  thus  the  Church  corrupted 
at  the  fountain  head.  See  Neal's  Hist, 
of  the  Puritans,  Brooke's  Puritans,  and 
Reid's  Hist,  of  the  Presbyterians,  for 
the  way  in  which  the  Irish  Church  was 
deluged  with  Puritanism." 

Through  the  same  channel  the  Editor 
has  been  enabled  also  to  procure  a  copy 
of  Dr.  Loftus's  Funeral  Oration,  men- 
tioned in  p.  iii.  ;  of  which  the  title  is  as 
follows,—"  Gni/io  Fiinehris,  liribilri  post 
Ext'i-las  Niiperi  R(  vereti<!is.-,iriii  in  CI,  risto 
Pa/risjohatmis  /IrcldepiscopiAnnacliavi, 
ToliusIIibrn,ia:I'nmalisei:>[flrnpnlltm7i, 
terra-  vjinrlatas  XI  I.  Dir  Jiilii  1603,  in 
Ecc/csid  Catliedrali  .S'.;.  i  t  Indivirlurr  Tri- 
vilulis  Dub/in.     Qnnm  effudil  Dudleius 


Lnfliisiiis  J.  U.  D.  Vic.  Gen.  Arm. 
DubUiiii  MDCLXIII."  It  contains  a 
highly  eulogistic  sketch  of  the  Primate's 
life  and  character,  written  however  ivith 
a  greater  appearance  of  reality  and  in 
a  more  impartial  tone  than  might  be 
expected  in  such  a  composition ;  but 
the  portrait  which  it  draws  is  so  en- 
tirely identical,  not  only  in  the  main 
outlines  but  even  in  the  more  minute 
features,  with  that  presented  in  Bp.  Tay- 
lor's Sermon,  as  to  render  it  superfluous 
to  give  both  to  the  reader.  For  minor 
details  in  matters  of  fact,  it  appears  from 
this'Oration'  (p.4),  that  Bramhall (who 
went  to  Cambridge  in  1608)  was,  at  the 
time  of  his  going  to  the  University,  in 
his  Kith  year,  and  at  the  time  of  his 
death  (June  25,  IGfiJ)  'not  quite  70,' — 
whence  it  would  follow  that  he  was  not 
born  later  than  J  593  (see  Life,  p.  iii. 
note  a).  It  appears  by  the  parish  re- 
gister of  Pontefract,  that  "John,  the 
son  of  Peter  Bramhall,  was  hapdixed  the 
18th  day  of  Nov.  1594."  Dr.  Loftus 
also  informs  us  that  the  Archbishop  had 
been  forty-fire  years  married  at  the 
time  of  his  death  (consequently  that  he 
married  in  ICilS),  and  that  he  had  in  all 
six  children,  ahhough  only  four  sur- 
vived him  (p.  32).  He  has  fallen 
however  into  the  same  error  with  Jer. 
Taylor  (see  above,  p.  Iviii),  in  stating 
(p.  6)  that  Dr.^  Bramhall' s  disputation 
at  Northallerton  was  with  three  Jesuits.] 


LETTERS,    &C.  CXV 

aggredi,  et  feliciori  nisu  absolvere,  multipliccs  ejus  ^irtutes, 
quibuscum  agendarum  rerum  experiential  consuetiido  miilto- 
rum  annorum  quam  habuit  cum  hac  Ecclcsia  ac  in  omni  vitk 
prudentia  conjuncta  essct,  recitarunt,  dixeruntque  nihil  Re- 
verendissinifE  paternitati  suaj  unquam  defuisse  in  rebus  Eccle- 
siae  procurandis,  et  promovendis,  vel  ex  prudentia,  vel  ex  diU- 
gcntia,  vcl  ex  fide  requisitum,  et  in  Ecclesiastical  discipliuje 
administratione  tam  exactam  justitise  normam  eum  semper 
esse  secutum  ut  nulla  sive  prsemio  Adrtus  nullum  sive  poena 
crimen  in  sua  Diocesi  vel  Provincia  relinquebatur.  Dixerunt 
etiam  se  non  minus  labentem  ac  prope  cadentem  Ecclesife 
disciplinam  prudentia  su;i  sustinuisse  quam  ejus  redditus  et 
proventus  sua  industria  promovisse;  posteriori  cnim  in  re 
nuUi  corporis  labori  nulli  animi  cautioni  pepercit,  unde  fuit 
quod  annul  dictse  Ecclcsia;  redditus  aucti  erant  ad  quadra- 
ginta  raillia  librarum  supra  antiquum  eorundem  valorem  ;  in 
I  prior :  vero,  id  est  Ecclesiasticam  disciplinam,  tanto  exarsit 
I  desiderio,  ut  in  eo  omnes  suas  curas  et  cogitationes  defigebat, 
,  unde  fuit,  quod  Canones  et  Constitutiones  Ecclesiasticaj, 
I  ipsius  prajcipue  mediante  labore,  anno  Domini  1G34,  editae 
I  sunt,  quibuscum  clcri  universi  luxuriae,  cupiditati,  atque  licen- 
I  tiae,  frsenum  quod  facile  excuti  non  posset  vinciebat.  Tunc 
i,  etiam  significatum  est  dictis  Reverendis  Patribus,  qua  mente 
semper  fuit  in  eos  qai  labe  SjTnoniacaj  pravitatis  infecti  sunt, 
et  quomodo  in  eos  exercuit  Canonicse  severitatis  ultionem ; 
etiam  si  enim,  inter  veniente  pecunia,  freqi^enter  beneficia 
Ecclesiastica  fuerant  acquisita  ante  primum  ejus  in  Hiberniam 
adventum,  ille  tamen  edoctus  non  minus  e  Sacris  Literis  quam 
Decretalibus  Gregorii  Epistolis  et  Sexto,  quod  simoniaca 
pestis  sui  magnitudine  alios  morbos  vincit,  sine  dilatione, 
mox  ut  ejus  signa  per  aliquam  personam  claruerunt,  de 
Ecclcsia  Dei  cam  eliminavit  et  e  gratiae  suae  benignitate  re- 
pulit.  Tunc  etiam  dictum  fuit,  laboriosam  negotiorum  molem 
Reverendissimae  suae  paternitati  nunc  temporis  incumbentem 
tam  gravem  esse  quod  omnem  posteritatis  fidem  superaret, 
post  enim  felicem  et  diu  exoptatum  ejus  in  Hiberniam  niiper 
reditum  banc  Ecclesiam  longe  alienam  a  pristino  suo  statu 
invenit;  alios  enim  csecis  crroribus  captos,  alios  tetra;  haireseos 
labe  infectos,  alios  fceda  scliismatis  contagione  laborantes,  ex 
iniquo  superstitionis  crrorisque  mancipio  liberare  et  ad  Ec- 
i  2 


cxvi 


LETTERS,  &C. 


clesiae  grcmuim  traducere  habet :  qiiibus  in  rebus  tantum  in 
dies  insudatj  nt  inde  in  fastigium  spe  nostra  erecta  expectan- 
diim  est,  quod  eminentite  suis  auspiciis  j  aetata  hsec  diu 
agitata  et  fere  aquis  immersa  Ecclesia  revdvescat,  consistat, 
et  plane  acquiescat".  Desidera^it  denique  dicta  Synodus  ab 
imis  cordis  \dsceribus,  ut  istum  Eeverendissimrun  patrem  qui 
in  tantum  auxit,  sublimuit,  profuit,  et  prsefuit  huic  Ecclesise, 
eum  incolumem  conservat  Deus,  ut  diutissime  iidem  prosit  et 
prsesit,  et  ut  ipse  qui  semel,  Deo  adjutore,  a  lateribus  ad 
marmora  traduxit  Hiberniae  Ecclesise  sedificium,  idem  nuper 
fere  dilapidatum,  a  marmoribus  ad  aurum  sanctiore  sedifica- 
tione  traducat,  in  solidum  et  splendidissimum  pietatis  suae 
monumentum  et  aeternam  Dei  gloriara." — 


LETTER  XVIII. 

From  the  Bishop  of  Derry  to  Sir  Richard  Browne,  Ambassador 
of  King  Charles  IL  at  Parisv. 

Sir, 

I  bumbly  tbanke  you  for  youi'  last  great  favour.  I  am 
mightily  asbamed  to  be  so  biu'tbensome  to  my  friends,  and 
[Life,p.x.]  as  low  as  my  condition  is  would  be  extremely  glad  to  meete 
with  any  opportunity  which  might  render  me  so  happy  as  to 
be  able  to  make  some  kind  of  acknowledgment.  I  beseech 
you  be  pleased  to  favour  me  with  the  conveiance  of  the 


"  [Dr.  Bramhall  seems  to  liave  been 
consulted  in  the  affairs  of  the  English 
Church  as  well  as  of  the  Irish,  although 
in  both  instances  he  failed  of  success  in 
the  measures  which  he  proposed.  It 
appears  from  a  letter  of  Lord  Claiyndon 
to  Dean  Barwick  (Life  of  Barwick, 
p.  424),  dated  Brussels,  July  8,  1G5!», 
that,  upon  a  difficulty  arising  in  the  ap- 
pointment of  English  Bishops  at  the 
Restoration  throiigh  the  want  of  Deans 
and  Chapters,  Dr.  Bramhall,  while  he 
"  seemed  to  wish  the  adoption  of  the 
Irish  way"  of  election  (viz.  by  patent 
from  the  Crown)  in  England  also,  urged 
t!ie  removal  of  the-  immediate  obstacle 
by  consecrating  Bishops  "  to  the  void 
Sees  in  Ireland,  and  thence  removing 


them  to  others  in  England."] 

P  [The  original  of  this  letter  is  in  the 
possession  of  Mr.Upcott,  who  has  kindly 
allowed  it  to  be  here  published.  LTnfor- 
tunately  it  was  not  received  until  too 
late  for  insertion  in  its  proper  place, 
viz.  between  Letters  VI.  and  VII.  It  is 
endorsed  by  Sir  Kichard  Browne  (the 
father-in-law  of  John  Evelyn)  as  "  from 
the  Bishop  of  Derry,  30th  June  1646," 
and  is  addressed  "  A  Monsieur  Monsieur 
Le  Chevalier  Browne,  Resident  du  Roy 
de  la  Grande  Br^taigne,  A  Paris." 
Under  the  signature  is  written  in  the 
handwriting  of  Evelyn,  "The  leanied 
Bip.  Bramhall:  after  the  K-gs  restaur. 
Primate  of  Ireland."! 


1 


LETTERS^  &C. 


CXVll 


enclosed  to  Mr.  Bough  and  to  preserve  liis  answer  for  me 
untill  you  lieare  wliere  I  am  settled,  which  I  thinke  for  some 
short  while  will  be  at  Liege.  I  expect  no  more  letters 
out  of  Spainei.  The  onely  satisfaction  which  I  have  there 
is  that  I  must  expect  none  untill  the  [leases  proove  clearer  ^] 
He  writes  to  me  that  by  September  he  may  know  a  certainty 
of  it.  And  God  bless  him  from  the  Jesuits,  And  I  say  God 
bless  me  from  so  much  cunning  and  unthankfullness  as  I  ha^'e 
mett  yv^^  in  this  business. 

I  beseech  you  present  my  humble  respects  to  my  good 
Lady  and  your  pretty  daughter**.  So  God  AUmighty  bless  us. 

Your  most  faithfull,  and  assured  servante, 
JOH.  DERENSIS. 

June  30,  1646. 

[A'o  place  named.    BramhaWs  usual  residence  duriny  the  time  was  at' /fnttcerp.'\ 

I  write  no  newes  hence  because  I  dare  not  putt  my  sickle 
into  my  good  neighbours'  affaires. 

[See  Life  p.  xi.  note  P.  p.  xxii.  haiiclwriting  bad,  but   the  characters 

lU  iiiarks  at  the  end  of  note  U.  p.  xxxvi.  seem   most   nearly   to  resemble  the 

and  Letter  IL]  words  above  given.] 

r  [This  clau-e  is  almost  illegible  in        °  [Afterwards  the  wife  of  Evelyn.] 
the  original,  the  ink  being  pale,  and  the 


'TnOMNHMONETMA. 


I'OSITO  QUOD  HABUBAT  MORTALI;, 
DIERUM  AC  yAMM  SATUR, 
vEVUM  AGIT  IN  GLORIA 

JOANNES  BRAMHALLUS. 

IN    TilKOLOGIA    PROFESSOR    SIMUL   JJT    PRIMAS  ; 

QUI  STRAFFORDIO  debuit 

QUOB  DERRUNSIS  SEDIS  FACTUS  SIT  OENAMENTUM, 
CAROLO,  QUOD  ARMACHAN^  DECUS, 
AT  Sini  QUOD  UTRAMQUE  DIGNITATEM  ET  MERUIT  ET  AUXIT. 
VER^  EEHGIONIS  IN  IIIBEKNIA 
ERAT  ET  SACERDOS,  ET  SACRIFICIUM,  SED  ET  STATOR. 
SUB  EJUS  AUSPICIIS  TAM  r.5:i.IClTER  MILITAVIT  ECCLESIA, 
UT  VEL  HIC  TRIUMPHANTE.M  FACILE  DIXERIS. 
CIVILES  INTER  DISCORDIAS, 
PROSPERO  REGNI  PRINCIPISQUE  STATU 
DEIQUE  CULTU  UNA  COLLAPSIS, 
IPSE  ETIAM  CECIDIT 
(nEQUE  ENIM  ALITER  POTUIT  PERIRe)  : 
CUM  IIS  RKSURREXIT,  CUM  IISDEM  VICTURUS, 
QUAM  DIU  VEL  MONARCUIA  VEL  PIETAS  FUTURE  SINT  SUPEKSTITES  : 
PCENAS  A  REBELLIBUS  SUBIIT,  SED  INVIDIA  DIGNAS  : 
IIONORE  PLECTEBATUR,  OSTRACISMO  INSIGNITUS, 
UM  IN  ILLO  ECCLESIA  ANGLICANA  VEL  EXULARET  VEL  PEREGRINARETUR. 
AT  NON  TAM  VICTUS  QUAM  IN  POSTERUM  PROVIDEKS 
FORTUNE  POTIUS  QUAM  HOSTI  CESSIT  ; 
MOKE  PEANE  PARTUICO,  FUGIENS  JACULABATUR, 
NISI  QUOD  EADEM  SAGITTA 
ET  VULNERA  ET  MEDELAM  MEDITATUS  SIT. 
PAPISTIC^E  CALVINISTICiEQUE  SUPERSTITIONIS, 
6IMUL  ET  ATIIEISMI,  MALLEUS  :  ^ 
KOMAM  ET  GENEVAM  SUBEGIT, 
QUODQUE  MAGIS  IIERCULEUM  EST, 
IIOBBESIUJI  QUOVXS,  VEL  SUO,  LEVIATUANE  MONSTKOSIOEEM 
PERDOMUIT  ; 

INFULAMQUE  TOT  INTERTEXTAM  LAUREIS  ^TiTERNlTATI  CONSECRAVIT. 
VIATOR  NE  BRAMIIALI.UM  QU.ICRITES 
INTER  SAXA  ET  HUDERA,  PEKITUUA  TEMPOUIS  TROPU^A  ; 
ILLE  IN  LITERARUM  MONUMENTIS  SUA  SIBI  STRUXIT  MARMORA, 
LONG^VIORA  JJGYPTIACIS,  ET  SUPRA  PYRAMIDAS  MIRANDA  : 
SETIIUM  NOSTRUM  NON  ALI/E  DECENT  COLUMNS, 
QUAM  QU.E  SCIENTIAM  ET  VERITATEM    DILUVIO  VINDICENT  ; 
UJE  CURISTIANUM  DECENT  ALCIDEM  ; 
HAS  CUM  DEMUM  STATUISSET, 
KELIGIOSAS  LITES  LONGUM  JUSSIT  FACESCERE, 
ET  MILITIA  PROBE  FUNCTUS  CESSIT  QUIETl. 
NOBIS  ET  SERIS  NEPOTIBUS 
MERITO  INSCRIBAMUS  LICET  LITERARIIS  HIS  COLUMMS 

NON  ULTRA. 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH 

FOR  THE  PEACE  OF  THE  CIIUllCII ; 

OR, 

AN  EPISTLE 

FROM  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIEIIE. 

COUNSELLOR  IN  ORDINARY  TO  THE  KING  OF  FRANCE, 

TO    THE  KING    OF    GREAT  BRITAIN, 

TO  INVITE  niS  MAJESTY 

TO  EMBRACE  THE  CATHOLIC  FAITH. 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH 


FOR  THE  PEACE  OF  THE  CHURCH,  &c. 


Sir, 

The  wisdom  of  God's  counsels  differs  widely  from  the  [The  true 
judgment  formed  of  it  by  the  skill  of  those  men,  who  ^^^""1^1^^ 
are  destitute  of  the  knoAvledge  of  His  grace.  One  sort,  ^J^^j^J^'^*^ 
who  know  neither  God  nor  His  providence,  look  upon  all  pany  man's 
the  events  of  human  life  as  if  they  happened  by  chance.  '''^^"^ 
They  imagine,  that  what  we  call  prosperity  or  adversity 
hath  no  other  cause  than  accident,  and  the  influence  which 
each  man's  prudence  or  imprudence  exerts  upon  the  guidance 
of  his  hfe.  Others,  who  acknowledge  a  Divine  proA-idence, 
but  only  after  the  manner  that  God  hath  manifested  it  to  the 
world  by  the  instructions  and  judgments  of  His  Law,  think, 
that  all  the  goods,  which  heap  prosperities  upon  them,  are 
the  effects  and  the  testimonies  of  the  favour  wherewith  God 
cherisheth  those  that  are  His ;  and  that  the  ills,  which 
oppress  man's  life  with  miseries,  are  arguments  of  the  anger 
and  hatred  of  God  upon  those  He  handles  after  that  manner. 
But  Christians,  to  whom  God  hath  revealed  by  the  Gospel  the 
2  counsel  of  His  mercy  in  Jesus  Christ,  know,  that  in  His 
Cross,  on  which,  for  satisfying  the  justice  of  the  Law,  He 
hath  borne  the  penalty  of  our  sins,  He  hath  also  changed, 
for  those  He  calls  to  His  communion,  the  use  of  afflictions ; 
and  that  He  employs  them  first  to  humble  them,  and  to  make 
them  acknowledge  their  sin,  that  they  may  desire  deliverance 
from  it,  to  the  end  they  may  come  by  this  way  to  the  faith  of 
His  grace,  which  doth  deliver  them;  and,  when  they  are 
entered  into  communion  Avith  Him  by  faith,  that  the  exercise 
of  the  same  afflictions  accomplisheth  in  them  the  work  of  His 
grace,  in  giving  them,  by  the  consolation  He  affords  in  their 
patience,  the  hope  of  the  glorious  happiness  which  He  hath 
promised  them,  and  which  transpoi'ts  all  their  affections  with 


cxxu 


Tin;  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR; 


love  of  Him.    Those,  therefore,  tliat  have  this  faith  and  tliis 
hope,  are  of  a  judgment  far  differing  from  the  opinion  of 
men  of  the  world,  upon  the  issue  of  the  goods  and  the  evils 
which  accompany  man's  life. 
[The  evils      Considering,  Sir,  the  present  fortune  of  your  Serene  Majesty, 
RebeiUon^*  f^i'  removed  from  the  majestic  condition  of  your  birth,  I 
lariy^ex™'"  ^^mble  myself  with  you  in  the  sight  of  the  powerful  Hand  of 
plained.]    Gcd,  Who  is  the  only  Judge  and  only  Master  of  monarchs, 
to  ascend  by  the  steps,  whereto  the  Gospel  leads  us,  even  into 
the  counsel  of  His  infinite  mercy.    And  I  find  there,  that  the 
catastrophe  of  this  great  calamity,  which  environs  you,  is  a 
work  of  the  wisdom  of  the  King  of  Kings,  Who  desires  to 
shew  in  you,  whom  he  hath  honotu-ed  with  His  unction  and 
His  image,  a  wonderful  effect  of  His  grace,  and  of  His  power. 
I  say,  Sii',  that  under  the  cloak  of  the  so  many  sad  adventm'es, 
which  you  experience  by  revolutions  so  strange  that  all  the 
universe  doth  shudder  at  them,  the  King  of  Heaven  and  of 
earth.  Who  hath  humbled  Himself  for  you  infinitely  more 
low  than  you  are,  draweth  Himself  near  unto  you.    He  comes 
to  take  you  by  the  hand,  not  only  to  re-establish  you  in  your 
throne,  but  to  make  you  to  sit  in  His,  that  you  may  reign  with 
Him  eternally,  after  you  have  employed  the  sceptre,  which 
He  shall  put  again  into  yom'  hand,  to  re-estabhsh  His 
Kingdom  among  your  subjects. 
[1.  Their       It  is  very  easy  for  me.  Sir,  to  give  you  a  reason  of  this 
2.  theirtru'e  judgment  I  make  of  that  of  God  upon  your  sacred  Person, 
eaSiy''^'  unfold  unto  you,  not  only  the  causes  and  the  effects 

traced.]     of  the  ill  which  is  come  upon  you,  but  also  the  way,  the  use, 
and  the  success  of  the  remedy,  which  the  Hand  of  God  will 
give  you,  to  accomplish  in  you  this  work  of  His  mercy. 
[1.  Their      If  we  seek  the  cause  for  which,  as  we  see,  the  hand  of  God 
visible'in^  hath  made  itself  so  grievously  heavy  upon  the  sacred  head  of 
Its  effects.]  ^jjg  King  your  father,  and  which  pursues,  yet  after  him,  yom- 
Royal  Person  with  so  many  sinister  accidents ;  which  hath 
caused  this  great  desolation  to  come  upon  all  your  kingdoms, 
this  confusion,  and  this  subversion  of  their  peace  and  former 
prosperity,  this  change  into  which  they  have  so  bUndly 
precipitated  themselves,  to  part  Avith  the  form  of  government 
that  God  had  estabUshed  amongst  them,  under  Avhich  they 
had  lived  so  happily  for  so  many  ages  past,  and  become  sla\  es 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  JIILLETIERE,  &C.  CXXiii 


of  tlie  yoke  wliicli  the  armed  hand  of  a  tyrant  hath  put  upon 
tlieii'  head  under  the  false  name  of  Hberty ; — ^it  will  be  very 
easy  for  us  to  find  the  cause  of  this,  and  to  detect  it  by  its 
effects. 

You  are  not  ignorant,  Sir,  and  all  the  world  knows  it  with  [The  mo- 
you,  that  the  matter,  for  which  this  parricidal  Parhament  parliament 
hath  so  cruelly  persecuted  the  King  your  father,  hath  been  }"g^^'"^'"° 
the  ecclesiastical  government,  of  which  it  desu'ed  to  change  pass.] 
the  form  by  the  abohtion  of  the  Episcopate,  and  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  Liturgy  and  the  ceremonies,  through  which  the 
Protestants  of  your  kingdom  had  yet  retained  some  image  of 
the  Catholic  Church.  Those,  whom  they  call  Puritans  and 
Presbyterians,  who  desii'e  to  live  under  the  form  of  the 
Genevan  discipline,  could  not  endure  the  form  of  that  an- 
cient Order,  which  the  Royal  authority  had  retained  as 
instituted  by  Divine  avithority,  and  as  for  this  very  thing 
necessary,  for  its  conformity,  to  preserve  in  Christian  states 
the  form  of  a  monarchical  government.  From  thence  it  has 
come  to  pass  that  the  Puritan  and  Presbyterian  faction  hath 
conceived,  and  always  kept  in  its  breast,  an  implacable  hatred 
against  monarchical  government,  by  reason  of  their  aversion 
to  the  Episcopal.  The  prudence  of  King  James,  your 
Majesty's  grandfather.  Sir,  having  judiciously  taken  notice  of 
this,  did  as  wisely  warn  his  posterity,  by  an  express  book%  to 
take  heed  of  it.  And  this  King,  who  knew  Church,  as  well 
as  State  matters,  foreseeing  the  inconvenience  that  might 
arise  from  it,  when  expressing  with  his  hps  that  which 
touched  him  at  the  heart,  had  this  familiar  speech, '  No  Bishop, 
no  King^ which  is  become  a  lamentable  prophecy  under  his 
successor.  But,  O  good  God  !  what  a  successor !  Such  an 
one,  certainly,  that  there  was  neither  cause  nor  pretext 
capable  of  stirring  up  the  hatred  of  subjects  against  a  King 
so  merciful,  so  just,  and  so  loyal,  so  amiable  to  his  people,  so 
3  venerable  to  his  neighbours ;  save  this  only  prejudice,  with 
which  the  Puritan  faction  had  imbued  them,  in  making  them 
believe,  •  that  under  that  ancient  form  of  government  and 

"  [Tlie  book  intended  appears  to  be  ton  Court,  pp.  36.  84.  Lend.  1625;  and 

the  BaatXmhu  Aiipoy,  lib.  ii.    See  pp.  Archbp.   \\  illiams'  "  Great  Britain's 

147 — 149.  ap.  Jacob!  Regis  Oper.,  ed.  Salomon,"  or  Funeral  Sermon  for  King 

Montac.  Lond.  1619.]  James   the   First,   in  Lord  Sjmcrs' 

•>  [Sec  Dr.  Barlow's  Confer,  at  Hanip-  Tracts,  vol.  ii.  p.  16.] 


cxxiv 


THE  VICTOllY  or  TRUTH  ;  OR, 


semice  tlie  King  and  the  Bisliops  liad  an  intention  to  re- 
establish in  the  realm  the  Catholic  religion.    This  is  the 
poison,  which  the  Pvu'itan  faction  hath  inspired  into  the 
hearts  of  the  people,  to  fill  them  with  hatred  against  a  king 
so  worthy  of  love.  And  this  republican  Parliament,  seeking  to 
raise  itself  to  a  sovereign  authority  by  the  annihilation  of  that 
of  the  King,  hath  not  thought  any  occasion  more  favourable 
to  its  design,  than  to  put  on  the  garb  of  Pvuitan  opinions,  that 
it  might  arrive  at  the  accomplishment  of  its  desires;  which  it 
has  done  at  last  by  the  sacrilegious  parricide  of  its  Arch- 
bishop and  of  its  King. 
[The  mo.      This  sui'ely,  Sii*,  is  the  grand  work  of  man's  malice,  and  the 
God  very    Devil's  cunning,  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  ills,  that  are 
^miTttin""  fallei^i  upon  your  cro-mi  and  person  by  the  pitiful  fate  of  that 
them  to  be  succession  which  ought  to  have  befallen  you.    But  assuredly 

brought  to  .      .  .  ... 

pass.]       the  justice  and  wisdom  of  God  in  this  conjuncture  hath  other 
bearings. 

[i.Themo-  Every  one  knows  that  this  Archbishop,  noiuished  in  the 
justice  and  schism  from  the  Catholic  Church,  had  no  other  thought  nor 
wisdom ;    inclination  than  to  reunite  in  one  body  the  people  diAdded 

towards       .  j  r  i 

Arch-  into  sects  among  themselves,  as  well  as  from  the  Church, 
Laud^]     and  to  make  himself  chief  head  of  this  schismatical  body. 

And  we  see  God  hath  permitted,  that  his  own  people,  divided 
against  itself,  hath  caused  his  head  to  be  cut  off. 
gowards       The  King,  otherwise  accomphshed  in  all  royal  and  moral 
Chadesthe  virtues,  did  use  in  the  schism,  by  the  law  of  his  predecessors. 
First.]       ^jjg  authority  which  God  had  given  him  in  temporal  matters, 
for  governing  of  spiritual,  and  called  himself  their  head.  It 
is  for  this  reason,  that  God,  chastising  in  his  person  the  fault 
of  his  predecessors,  has  designed,  by  the  tragical  spectacle  of 
an  unheard-of  death,  in  a  King  no  less  innocent  than  lawful, 
to  let  us  know,  that  so  strange  an  effect  of  His  anger  hath 
had  no  other  object,  than  to  instruct  all  other  princes  that 
are  in  the  schism,  with  what  severity  God  wiU  revenge  His 
glory,  for  the  injury  done  to  the  unity  and  to  the  authority 
of  His  Church. 

[2. The  mo-  But  if  such  is  the  end  of  Divine  justice  and  wisdom 
merc>^;^iz.  bringing  about  your  ill  fortune,  His  mercy.  Sir,  reaches 
g°rate"the'  "^^^h  farther ;  and  this  is  the  end  that  concerns  you.  For 
necessary   God  makes  it  here  plainly  appear  unto  your  Majesty,  that 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIEUE,  &C. 


CXXV 


the  Reformation,  which  tlie  authoi's  of  the  schism  in  this  conse- 
latter  age  have  pretended  to  make,  hath  been  in  reality  the^p?fn.° 
(under  the  pretext  of  so  fair  an  outside)  nothing  else  than  the  Re-*^ 
entire  ruin,  as  well  of  the  faith  and  form  of  the  Church,  as  of  formation.] 
the  Order  itself  instituted  by  God  for  the  governing  of  men. 
This  is  the  lesson  which  God  sets  before  your  eyes  in  the 
history  of  this  sad  revolution,  which  hath  given  you  the 
wound,  the  feeling  whereof  is  to  be  your  instruction.  You 
shall  see.  Sir,  by  all  the  circumstances  of  these  tragical 
resxJts,  which  have  produced  the  trouble,  and  changed  the 
form  of  your  estates,  and  which  have  ravished  from  you  the 
crown;  that  the  new  religion,  which  your  predecessors  em- 
braced after  the  schism,  is  their  only  efficient  cause,  by  the 
very  maxims  and  foundations  of  the  scheme,  which  its  authors 
have  called  the  Reformation  of  the  Church. 

Their  new  opinions  did  very  easily  insinuate  themselves  [Thatthese 
under  this  outward  colour  through  the  clefts  of  the  schism  are'seif-de- 
iuto  the  spirit  of  the  Bishops,  who  had  rendered  themselves  structive,] 
guilty  of  it.    But  neither  they  themselves  that  received  this 
novelty,  nor  the  kings  that  authorized  it,  did  think  they 
were  charging  themselves  with  Uriah's  packet,  and  embracing  [asam.  xi. 
a  religion,  which  would  abolish  both  the  authority  of  Bishops 
and  the  sovereignty  of  kings.    For  men  are  always  blind  in 
the  works  of  darkness,  which  they  do  by  the  instinct  of  that 
Spirit,  who  is  ever  disguising  himself  as  an  Angel  of  Light  p  Cor.  xi. 
that  he  may  induce  them  to  commit  them.     And  their 
passions,  which  do  blind  them,  do  insensibly  draw  them  into 
precipices  of  mishaps,  whereof  neither  the  steepness  nor  the 
depth      by  them  discerned.    Certainl}^,  Avhosoever  should 
have  demanded  of  Peter  Martyr  himself  and  Martin  Bucer, 
who  carried  Cabin's  Reformation  into  England,  whether 
they  went  there  to  bring  in  the  Brownists'  opinions,  who, 
by  the  maxims  they  received  from  their  hands,  did  a  little 
after  devise  a  more  exact  Purity  by  the  motions  which  they 
suppose  the  Holy  Ghost  suggests  unto  them,  from  whence  it 
is  that  they  esteem  themselves  more  reformed  Pm'itans ; — 
whosoever  likewise  should  have  enquired  of  them,  whether 
they  came  to  sow  there  the  seed  of  indifference  to  all  religioiis 
opinions,  and  of  the  extinction  of  all  ecclesiastical  discipbne, 
of  all  rule  and  form  of  a  common  faith,  according  to  the 


CXXVl 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR, 


determination  of  the  Independents ; — whosoever,  lastly, 
should  have  asked  them,  whether  the  Sword  of  the  Word 
they  carried  in  their  months  was  to  cut  off  the  heads  of  4 
kings  and  Bishops,  in  order  to  give  a  form  altogether  new 
as  well  to  the  Kingdom  as  to  the  Church ; — what  would  they 
have  answered  ?  Tliey  would  have  sworn,  without  doubt,  with 
their  hands  upon  the  volume  of  the  new  Gospel  they  carried 
with  them,  that  their  thoughts  were  farther  distant  from  these 
intentions  than  the  earth  is  from  hell.  And  nevertheless  it 
is  a  thing  no  ways  to  be  doubted  of,  and  altogether  apparent 
at  present,  that  Calvin,  Martyr,  and  Bucer,  and  the  Bishops 
who  admitted  their  Reformation,  and  the  kings  who  au- 
thorized it,  have  brought  in,  by  the  maxims  upon  which  it 
is  founded,  not  only  the  Protestants,  but  also  the  Brownists, 
and  the  Independents.  The  Bishops  that  received  this  Re- 
formation, saw  not  that  it  would  engender  the  sect  of  the 
Presbyterians,  enemies  to  tlie  Hierarchy  of  the  Church,  and 
to  all  the  order  of  its  institutions,  as  well  in  its  ser\ice  as  in 
its  government,  and  woiild  ruin  their  authority  in  order  to 
abolish  royalty  itself.  But  neither  did  Calvin,  nor  ]\Iartyr, 
nor  Bucer,  know  any  better,  that  from  the  maxims  of  their 
Reformation  would  spring  up  necessarily  the  Brownists  and 
the  Independents,  who  would  ruin  their  Reformation  by  in- 
troducing an  indifference  concerning  all  opinion  in  religion, 
[is' the  This  it  is.  Sir,  which  the  history  of  what  has  happened  in 
which  God  the  progress  of  this  Reformation  (the  knowledge  whereof  your 
feach"by"  Majesty  at  this  present  moment  carries  engraven  in  your  heart 
what  He  jjy  ygjy  bitter  feelings)  represents  unto  our  eyes,  to  the  end 
mitted  to  all  the  world  may  see  its  nature  and  genius  by  the  effects  of 
happen.]  .^^  maxims.  I  will  represent  them.  Sir,  to  the  eyes  of  your 
Majesty;  and,  by  a  demonstration  so  lively  and  evident, that 
no  reason  can  contradict  it,  j^ou  shall  see,  that  the  pain  you 
suffer,  and  under  which  your  estate  groans,  is  the  true  effect, 
as  it  is  the  very  piinishment,  of  the  sins  your  fathers  com- 
mitted and  transmitted  unto  you,  then,  when  under  the  pre- 
text of  this  blind  Reformation  they  abandoned  the  faith  of 
the  Church  and  her  communion.  For  it  is  after  this  manner 
that  the  just  vengeance  of  God  punislieth  sin  by  itself,  and 
that  its  own  natural  consequences  become  the  punishment  it 
deserves.    This  religion,  for  which  the  Bishops,  the  kings. 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  icC.  CXXvii 


und  the  people  forsook  the  Churcli,  hath  destroyed  the 
Bishops,  and  the  kings,  and  reduced  the  people — without 
Bishops,  without  kings, — to  live  without  form  of  govei'nment, 
and  without  discipline  in  religion,  under  the  tyranny  of  a 
monster,  who,  Avitliout  being  either  king  or  Bishop,  attributes 
to  himself  all  authority  both  in  state  and  in  religion.  And 
this.  Sir,  I  set  forth  unto  your  Majesty  to  make  you  under- 
stand, that  this  terrible  work  of  the  Hand  of  God,  which 
afHicts  you  after  this  manner,  is  nevertheless  a  judgment  of 
His  mercy  for  you :  for  you  may  see  He  sends  you  not  this 
trouble,  but  to  make  you  perceive  the  sin,  whereof  it  is  the 
offspring,  in  order  to  withdraw  you  from  both  the  one  and 
the  other,  through  the  knowledge  which  He  gives  you  of  the 
hoiTor  you  should  have  for  the  cause,  by  the  pain  jou  experi- 
ence from  its  effect.  You  shall  see  it,  Sir,  clearly  enough,  by 
the  consequents  of  the  maxims,  upon  which  the  authors  of 
the  Reformation,  which  your  fathers  embraced,  have  laid  its 
foundations. 

The  foundations  of  the  Reformation  of  Calvin  are  laid  upon  [xho 
these  two  maxims,  which  he,  and  all  those  Avho,  like  himself,  "pon'which 
have  forsaken  the  Church,  have  dehvered  as  indubitable  to 
the  people  which  have  followed  them.  is  founded.] 

The  first  is, — That  the  Church  was  fallen  into  ruin  and  [l.l 
desolation,  by  error  in  its  faith,  by  idolatry  in  its  service, 
and  by  tyi'anny  in  its  government. 

The  second.  That  to  reform  and  re-establisli  it  in  its  [ll] 
original  purity,  the  faith  of  its  doctrine,  of  its  serrice,  and 
of  its  government,  was  to  be  reduced  to  the  only  precepts 
of  the  Scripture,  of  the  sense  whereof  every  belie^'cr  ouglit 
to  be  judge,  for  his  own  proper  salvation,  by  the  light  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  which  guides  him. 

They  saw,  that,  unless  they  laid  down  tliese  maxims  as 
grounds  of  reformation,  they  could  not  pretend  for  it  any 
which  might  oblige  them  to  forsake  the  Church,  that  they 
had  a  mind  to  leave,  in  order  to  frame  a  contrary  party,  and 
make  war  against  her.  For  they  could  not  deny  the  Chm*ch 
from  which  they  separated,  the  title  of  the  True  Church, 
unless  by  accusing  it,  as  they  have  done,  of  error,  idolatrv, 
and  tjranny :  and  even  when  they  had  assumed  that  this 
accuastion  was  true,  they  could  not  bring  in  the  necessity  of 


CXXVlll 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH;  OR, 


a  separation  from  licr,  in  order  to  accomplish  their  Reforma- 
tion, unless  by  excluding  the  authority  of  Tradition,  and  of 
the  judgment  of  the  Chiu'ch,  and  by  reducing  the  rule  of  the 
Reformation  to  the  Scripture  alone,  interpreted  by  every 
man's  judgment. 

[Their  sue-     Your  Majesty,  Sir,  shall  now  see,  that  from  those  maxims, 
corfse-      "which  the  Bishops  of  yom'  realm  (already  become  schismatics)  5 
quences.]  received  as  the  grounds  of  the  Reformation  which  they  ad- 
mitted, there  was  first  of  aU  formed  the  sect  of  Puritan-Pres- 
byterians against  the  Pi'otestant-Episcopahans,  who  could  not 
stand  against  them  upon  the  foundation  of  these  maxiiiis  : 
and  that  next  to  them  the  Brownists,  who  are  more  reformed 
Puritans,  did  raise  themselves  upon  the  same  foundations; 
who  ]m\e  since  begotten  the  Independents  for  the  ov  erthrow 
of  the  Presbyterians,  by  the  same  reasons  by  which  these 
had  overthrown  the  Protestants  and  Episcopacy,  and  with 
Episcopacy  Royalty  itself:  in  such  sort,  that  all  this  dreadful 
disorder,  which  makes  your  Kingdoms  to  be  a  chaos  of 
lamentable  confusion,  wherein  your  authority  finds  itself 
extinct,  comes  from  these  principles  of  reformation,  which 
are  the  natm'al  source  thereof. 
[The^        That  this  is  so,  your  Majestj^,  Sir,  may  clearly  perceive. 
Protestant  Wlicu  the  Bisliops  Consented  to  these  principles  of  reforma- 
Bishops.]   ^-Q^^  ^Yiey  abandoned  by  them  the  faith  of  the  Catholic  Church 
concerning  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  concerning  Transub- 
stantiation  in  the  Holy  Eucharist,  concerning  the  niunber 
and  Adrtue  of  the  seven  Sacraments,  concerning  Justification 
by  righteousness  real  and  inherent  in  the  faithful,  and  con- 
cerning their  Merits,  and  the  Invocation  of  Saints ;  concern- 
ing Prayer  for  the  Dead  and  Pm-gatory,  concerning  the  au- 
thority of  the  Pope,  and  the  adhering  of  all  the  faithful  to  the 
See  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome.    But  they  retained,  nevertheless, 
the  Episcopal  dignity  and  authoritj^,  with  a  part  of  the 
Liturgy  and  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  CathoHc  Church. 
[The  Puri-     But  the  Puritan-Prcsbj'terians  have  cast  away  all  form 
terians!]^^'  ^f  Hicrarclij^,  and  community  of  Liturgy  and  of  ceremonies 
with  the  Chm-ch  of  Rome,  as  pernicious  remainders  of  the 
Papal  tyranny  and  idolatry,  as  they  caU  them.    That  they 
might  oppose  themselves,  according  to  the  first  maxim  of 
their  Reformation,  to  both  of  these,  they  have  brouglit 


AN  EPISTLK  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIEHE^  &C.  CXxix 

ill  a  form  of  government  altogether  novels  and  composed  a 
form  of  service  altogether  new.  And  thereupon  they  have 
had  so  much  advantage  against  the  Protestants  in  combating 
them  upon  the  grounds  of  their  common  principles^  and  in 
stii-ring  up  against  them  the  people  heated  with  the  zeal  of 
reformation,  that  it  was  impossible  for  these  to  stand,  if  the 
Puritans  could  but  once  be  supported  by  the  authority  of 
Parliament  against  the  authority  of  the  King,  v/ho  was  the 
only  support  of  the  Protestant  cau.se,  and  that  not  by  reason- 
ing, but  by  command.  For  reasoning,  by  their  principles, 
was  all  for  the  Puritans  against  the  Protestants.  CovJd  they, 
without  Tradition,  and  by  the  Holy  Scripture  alone,  inter- 
preted by  the  judgment  of  every  one,  establish  Episcopal 
dignity,  and  its  authority,  with  distinction  and  superiority  of 
power  above  the  other  Pastors  and  Ministers?  They  could 
do  so  well  enough,  doubtless,  by  the  authority  of  the  Holy 
Scriptui'e,  assisted  by  Tradition,  which  declares  its  lawful  sense. 
But  in  doing  this,  the  victory  which  it  gives  them  obligeth 
them  to  consent  likewise  to  the  authority  and  primacy  of  the 
Pope  for  the  government  of  the  Univ  ersal  Church,  as  founded 
in  the  primacy  St.  Peter  received  in  the  college  of  the 
Apostles,  as  well  for  the  form  of  the  government  of  the  Uni- 
versal Church,  as  for  that  of  every  particular  Church,  from 
whence  every  Bishop  derives  his  authority.  It  must  needs 
be,  then,  either  that  the  Protestants  abandon  Episcopacy  as 
a  seed  of  tyranny,  and  become  Presbyterians ;  or  that,  in 
retaining  it,  they  enter  again  into  the  communion  of  the 
Pope,  and  of  the  Bishops  who  adhere  to  him.  For  it  is  quite 
unnecessaiy  to  say  here,  that  their  division  alone  makes  it 
impossible  for  them  to  stand,  for  the  reason  v>iiich  the  great 
Bishop  and  Martyr  St.  Cjqirian  gives  to  all  Bishops,  when  he  fDeUnitat. 
declares  the  obligation  under  which  they  lie  to  '  retain  firmly  cyprian.'^''' 
the  Unity  of  the  Church  by  the  indivisible  Unity  of  Epi-  Oi'  P-io«-] 
scopacy,  whereof  every  one  doth  solidly  possess  his  share;' 
whereupon  he  admonisheth  them,  that  '  if  any  one  shall 
separate  himself,  it  will  happen  unto  him,  as  to  a  beam  torn 
from  the  body  of  the  sun,  which  will  have  no  more  part, 
through  its  division,  in  the  unity  of  the  light  which  dwells 
in  the  body  :  as  to  a  bough  broken  from  the  tree,  which  will 
spring  no  more,  having  no  more  share  in  the  sap  which 

BRAMIIALL.  Iv 


cxxx 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR, 


abides  iu  the  trunk  and  in  the  root  of  the  tree :  as  to  a 
riAodet  cut  off  from  the  fountain,  Avhich  will  dry  up,  having 
no  more  to  do  with  the  coiu-se  of  the  water  which  runs  from 
the  spring.'  This  it  is,  Sir,  which  your  Bishops  also  cannot 
avoid.  It  must  needs  be,  that,  being  separated  from  the 
Mother-Church,  they  be  extinguished  and  vanish  away  and 
disappear,  as  it  has  come  to  pass.  It  must  needs  be,  that 
theii*  very  punishment  should  be  the  natvu-al  consequence  of 
the  ground  itself  of  theii"  error, — that  then-  i?eF0RMATiON 
should  make  them  lose  their  /orm. 
[The  But  if  the  Puritans  have  had  this  advantage  over  the 

liiownists.]  pj.Q^gg^r^j^t;g  |-|jg  commou  principles  of  their  Reformation, 
that  which  the  same  principles  ha^'e  giA  en  the  Brownists,  in  c 
accomplishing  their  separation  from  them,  against  the  Pm'itans 
of  the  Genevan  discipline,  in  the  more  exact  Purity,  which 
their  spirit,  as  interpreter  of  the  Scripture,  suggests  unto 
them,  is  yet  more  great.  Behold  how  they  combat  the  one 
party  against  the  other,  and  the  victory  of  the  last.  The 
Puritans  of  the  Genevan  disciphne  have  defined  certain 
Articles  of  Faith,  and  from  them  formed  their  Confession, 
to  which  they  oblige  all  those  whom  they  receive  into  their 
communion.  But  this  law,  which  prescribes  by  authority  a 
common  belief  among  all  the  communicants,  cannot  agree 
with  the  judgment  that  every  believer  can  and  ought  to 
make  of  the  sense  of  the  Scriptm'es,  by  the  assistance  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  according  to  the  second  common  maxim  of  their 
Reformation.  For,  if  one  supposes  this  ti'ue,  no  other  autho- 
rity can  bear  rule  over  the  conscience,  nor  prescribe  it  any 
thing  beyond  the  sentiments  which  the  Spirit  suggests  to  it 
in  the  interpreting  of  the  Scriptvire.  And  thereupon  the 
Brownists  assail  in  turn  the  Presbyterians  by  all  the  same 
authorities,  upon  which  these  have  founded  theii'  authority  to 
separate  themselves  from  the  Church  and  renounce  its  deter- 
minations :  and  maintain,  that  to  oblige  the  faith  of  faith- 
ful men  to  a  formiilary  of  confession,  Avhich  can  have  no 
other  than  a  human  authority,  is  to  bring  them  anew  under 
the  Papal  tyranny,  from  -which  the  Holy  Ghost  hath  set  them 
free.  Against  this  the  Cahdnists  have  no  reply,  which  doth 
not  pierce  their  own  bosom  with  their  own  hand,  and  which 
is  not  their  own  condemnation  pronounced  by  their  own  lips. 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  CXXxi 


For  they  can  answer  nothing  pertinently,  if  they  do  not  bor- 
row the  reasons  the  Cliurch  hath  against  themselves.  So 
God,  perpetual  Pi'otector  of  His  Church,  causes  her  enemies 
to  pronounce  her  victory  with  their  own  mouths :  whilst  they, 
that  issued  from  the  teeth  and  the  mouth  of  the  Serpent  to  [Rev.  xvi. 
make  war  upon  her,  do  wage  it  among  themselves,  and  kill 
one  another. 

From  these  Brownists,  as  your  Majesty,  Sir,  knoM  s  too  [The  indc- 
weU,  are  come  the  Independents,  Avho  have  not  arisen,  but  and'^Crom- 
since  the  advantage  the  Pm-itan-Presbyterians  had  over  the  ^"^"-^ 
Protestants  by  the  authority  of  the  Parliamentarians.  It  is 
these  that  have  produced  this  false  prophet  of  blood  and 
slaughter,  to  end  this  last  act  of  infernal  reformation,  which 
he  himself  preaches  to  his  Mussulmans  with  his  sword  in  his 
hand,  after  he  hath  broken  the  Cross,  and  changed  the 
Episcopal  crozier  into  a  murderer's  axe.  Hy  this  same  spirit 
of  the  Brownists,  with  which  he  hath  been  originally  imbued, 
using  reasoning  deduced  from  the  fundamental  maxims  of 
the  reformation  common  to  them  all,  he  combats  the  Presby- 
terians with  much  more  advantage  than  they  had  combated 
the  Protestants.  Wlience  he  promises  himself  to  make  them 
all  submit  to  his  own  opinion,  which  is  an  indifference  of  all 
opinion  in  religion.  And  this  will  fall  out  -without  doiUit 
according  to  his  own  mind,  if  they  will  follow  out  the  conse- 
quences of  their  own  maxims ;  upon  the  authority  of  which 
he  gi\  es  liberty  to  every  man  to  believe  and  prophesy  that 
which  they  think  the  Spirit  suggests  to  them.  He  thinks, 
that  in  making  these  people,  separated  from  the  Church, 
taste  this  unrestrained  hberty  of  conscience,  he  shall  rally  all 
these  different  sects  into  one  body,  to  set  them  against  the 
Body  of  the  Catholic  Church,  to  the  end  he  may  destroy  the 
Pope,  and  the  Bishops  that  guide  her,  and  may  exterminate 
the  kings  that  defend  her.  He  calls  this  the  great  work  of 
God.  He  assures  its  success  to  all  them  that  follow  him,  by 
the  revelation  which  he  makes  them  believe  God  gives  him  at 
his  fasts,  his  prayers,  and  his  reading  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
And  it  is  no  marvel  he  can  assemble  such  a  number  of  fol- 
lowers by  reasoning  upon  their  maxims ;  for,  after  that  they 
had  already  produced  these  different  bodies  of  battalions, 
reformed  and  reforming,  even  to  infinity,  Protestants,  Pres- 
k  2 


cxxxiv 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR, 


[Joimviii.  the  imposture  and  deceit  wliicli  '  tlie  father  of  hes'  hath 
'^^'^         hidden  under  these  baits;  which  they  themselves,  whom  he 
made  the  first  instruments  and  authors  of  the  division  of  the 
Church,  did  not  perceive,  and  Avould  have  abhorred  it  had 
they  known  it  would  have  been  such  ? 
[itsori-        Here  then  truly  is  the  great  work  of  God,  whereof  this 
plafnir'^'"^  false  Prophet  understands  not  the  reason,  wdien  he  speaks  of 
convicted      thus.    God  hath  certainly  done  this  work.   And  God  hath 

by  Its  final      .     ^  ^  .  . 

termina-  raised  Up  himself,  to  put  this  confusion  among  those  who 
(iependcn-  bave  forsaken  the  unity  of  the  Church  in  dividing  themselves 
^"^'■^  into  a  thousand  sects,  of  which  they  acknowledge  now  that 
no  one  can  call  itself  the  Church.  For  the  sect  of  the  Pro- 
testants cannot  pretend  thereto,  since  it  no  more  even  sub- 
sists :  but  one  sees  it  to  have  justly  perished  by  the  very 
same  maxims  that  separated  it  from  the  Cliurch ;  and  that 
the  Presbyterians,  which  seduced  it  therefrom,  have  now  de- 
stroyed it.  Nor  the  sect  of  the  Presbyterians; — which  is 
under  the  yoke  of  the  Independents,  who  cut  its  throat  -with 
the  same  sword  wherewith  itself  warred  against  the  Church : 
for  they  reduce  it,  by  its  own  maxims,  to  renounce  all  disci- 
pline, all  government,  all  law,  and  all  ride  of  unity,  and  by 
[Gen.  ix.  conscqxience  all  form  of  the  Church.  This  cursed  Ham  then 
^^'^  hath  discovered  the  filtliiness  of  his  father,  that  is  to  say,  of 
the  first  author  of  this  pretended  Reformation,  who  being 
drunk  with  the  wine  of  his  error  did  not  himself  know  it.  8 
But,  if  God  pleases,  the  impudence  of  this  brazen  face,  who 
hath  lost  all  modesty,  being  not  afraid  to  discover,  by  his  In- 
dependence,  the  foundations  of  this  preposterous  Reformation, 
shall  now  touch  his  brethren  with  compunction  and  shame, 
that  they  may  turn  their  back  upon  their  common  father. 
He  will  cause  the  Presbyterians  and  Protestants  to  under- 
stand, that  it  A^  as  the  spirit  of  senselessness  and  error,  which 
made  Ijuther  conceive  and  undertake  the  design  of  dividing 
the  Church,  under  pretext  of  a  false  reformation.  And 
thence  they  will  perceive  (if  they  can  but  come  to  themselves) 
that  men  neither  ought  to  desire,  nor  are  able  truly  or  legi- 
timately, to  accomplish  a  reformation,  unless  in  the  union  and 
by  the  consent  of  tlie  Chnrch,  and  by  the  rule  of  Tradition, 
which  she  hath  received  from  the  Apostles,  and  preserved  by 
a  continued  succession. 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  JI.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE^  &C.  CXXXV 


As  God,  Sir,  cbaws  liglit  out  of  darkness,  so  yoiu-  Majesty  [This  con- 
sees,  that  out  of  your  calamity  He  makes  your  salvation  to  more  plain 
come.  But  this  is  not  for  your  good  alone.  That  which  He  fni^n  En"", 
designs  to  do  in  yoiu"  person.  He  designs  to  do  in  all  your  i^'?'^' .'^^^ 

"  ^  1.  >  o      ^  principal 

Kingdoms  by  your  person ;  and  not  only  in  all  your  King-  sanctuary 
doms,  bvit  in  all  places,  and  towards  all  those,  who  arefoima- 
separated  from  the  Church,  as  your  Kingdoms  are.  That 
which  is  peculiar  to  yourself  in  this  matter,  is,  that,  being 
the  greatest  King  of  the  party  divided  from  the  Church,  and 
your  Kingdoms  the  greatest  and  most  flovu'ishing  estate  that 
hath  received  this  novel  religion,  where  it  hath  found  its 
most  powerful  sanctuary,  and  where  it  hath  planted  its  most 
eminent  and  most  assured  abode ;  they  are  likewise  the  very 
place  Avhere  God  hath  brought  it  into  this  confusion,  in  de- 
stroying it  by  the  different  sects  which  it  hath  itself  there 
engendered,  that  all  the  world  may  know  the  spirit  of  error, 
whence  it  hath  taken  its  original.  For  all  the  world  at  pre- 
sent sees  what  is  this  spirit,  and  its  nature :  whether  it  is 
the  Spirit  of  Christ,  the  spirit  of  peace  and  truth;  or  the 
Spirit  of  Satan,  the  spirit  of  trouble  and  error ;  which  hath 
raised  the  trouble  and  error  that  rules  at  present  in  your 
Kingdoms. 

Since,  then,  such  is  the  spirit  of  this  new  Reformation,  and  [The  Re- 
of  its  maxims ;  since  such  are  its  consequences,  which  have  at  being  seifl 
this  day  discovered  it,  and  made  it  evident :  who  is  that  man  necessarily 
that  can  defend  it  ?  that  can  retain  it  in  his  conscience  ?  that  heretical.  ] 
can  have  repose  and  comfort  in  his  soul,  while  adhering  to  it  ? 
There  is  no  more  need  of  disputations  or  arguments  to  con- 
fute it ;  it  is  confuted  by  itself, — according  to  the  character 
by  which  the  Spirit  of  God  marks  out  to  us  the  heretic 
through  the  pen  of  the  Apostle  St.  Paul,  who  commands 
us  to  depart  from  such  for  these  reasons;  "He  has,"  saith  [Tit.  iii.io, 
he,  "  a  perverted  spirit,  he  is  condemned  by  himself."    This  ^"'^''^ 
is  the  image  that  all  the  world  doth  see  at  present  in  this 
Reformation,  and  in  its  genius. 

There  remains,  however,  one  thing  still  to  do,  in  order  to  [2.Thetrue 
apply  this  remedy  of  salvation  to  the  conscience  of  the  people  theseevi*is: 
whom  this  error"  hath  seduced.    There  is  no  more  needed  mani^fe«ta 
than  to  anoint  the  wound  the  scorpion  hath  made,  with  the       '^y  * 

'  public  con- 

oil  wherein  it  hath  been  bruised.    For  the  way  to  heal  them  ferencc,  of 


CXXXVl 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR, 


tiie  two     is  now  very  easy,  by  reason  their  Reformation  hatli  received 

<rreat  points  ././.; 

in  which  such  a  miserable  success.  There  is  nothing  more  easy,  under 
formation  these  circumstances,  than  to  make  the  people  perceive,  by 
vicTe'd  1°"'  refutation  of  their  Pastors  upon  the  very  grounds  and 
[First.]  maxims  of  their  Reformation,  that  they  have  neither  Church 
nor  Faith ;  that,  T^'hilst  they  have  supposed  (contrary  to  the 
[Matt.  xvi.  promise  of  Jesus  Christ)  that  the  Church  was  fallen  into 
^^'■^  ruin,  they  have  not  been  able  under  pretence  of  reforming 
her  to  form  another,  which  should  possess  the  conditions  of 
the  true  Church,  but  only  an  infinity  of  sects,  diverse  and 
mutually  contradictory,  none  of  which  can  be  the  Chui'ch; 
that,  in  rejecting  the  authority  of  Tradition  as  interpreter  of 
the  Scripture,  and  the  judgment  of  the  Chm'ch  as  the  decla- 
I'ation  of  tlieir  Faith,  they  have  abandoned  the  unity  of  the 
Faith,  in  order  each  one  to  rest  conceitedly  in  his  own  senti- 
ments, through  the  different  opinions  they  have  conceived; 
conduct,  which  of  necessity  must  bririg  them,  as  has  actually 
come  to  pass,  into  an  independence  of  all  rule,  and  an  in- 
difference towards  all  opinion  in  religion. 
[Second.]  And  as  the  being  ashamed  to  accuse  the  Church  of  error 
in  all  ages,  hath  from  the  beginning  caused  the  authors  of 
this  reformation  to  allow,  that  the  Church  remained  pure  in 
faith  dtu'ing  the  time  of  the  four  first  general  Councils ;  they 
have  afforded  us  a  way  by  this  to  disabuse  the  people,  whom 
they  do  abuse,  when  they  accuse  the  Chiu-ch  at  this  day  of 
error  in  the  heads  of  her  faith,  which  they  have  rejected. 
For  they  can  no  longer  avoid  falling  into  a  manifest  incon-  9 
sistency  touching  the  sentiments  which  they  impute  to  the 
ancient  Fathers  in  those  points  of  faith,  which  are  in  contro- 
versy between  us.  They  cannot  brand  the  Clau'ch  at  this 
day  with  holding  a  diflcrent  opinion  in  faith  from  the  ancient 
Church,  without  cutting  their  own  throats  with  tlieir  own  in- 
consistencies upon  the  opinions  which  they  attribute  to  the 
Fathers. 

There  is  then  nothing  more  to  do  for  the  informing  the 
people,  that  are  separated  from  the  Church,  of  the  truth,  and 
for  the  obliging  them  to  enter  again  into  her  commimion, 
than  to  make  them  understand  the  cheat  wherewith  they  have 
been  surprised  under  the  name  of  reformation,  l)y  convicting 
tlteir  ministers,  in  their  presence,  of  an  evident  inconsistency 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  CXXXVU 

with  tliemselves,  by  the  consequences  of  tlie  fundamental 
maxims  of  their  Reformation  :  from  Avhence  results  an  indu- 
bitable demonstration,  that  it  proceeds  from  the  spirit  of  lying 
and  error. 

If  it  please  your  Majesty,  Sir,  to  employ  this  way  for  your  [Such  a 
instruction,  and  the  satisfaction  of  your  conscience,  that  your  easy  under 
conversion  and  return  to  the  Church  may  both  open  the  P^sent 
liearts,  and  the  way,  for  all  the  rest  to  follow  your  example,  stances.] 
you  cannot  do  it  more  solemnly,  or  more  commodiously, 
than  in  the  place  wherein  you  are  at  present.  We  have  in  [Piuis.] 
this  place  <^five  ministers  of  the  communion  that  is  separated 
from  the  Catholic  Church,  Avho  have  gotten  themselves  as 
much  credit  and  authority,  through  their  esteem  for  compe- 
tencjr  and  reputation  for  zeal,  as  any  others  in  their  whole 
body.  Your  Majesty,  Sir,  may  easily  obtain  of  the  King 
your  good  brother  and  friend,  that  they  be  called,  by  his 
authority,  to  come  (with  all  those  of  their  communion  with 
whom  they  would  be  assisted)  and  appear  in  presence  of 
Monsieur  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  and  Monsieur  his  Coad- 
jutor, and  the  Catholic  doctors,  whom  they  shall  please  to 
bring  Avith  them :  and  there,  Sii',  your  Majesty  being  pre- 
sent, to  speak  and  answer,  with  all  security  and  hberty, 
whatever  their  wit  and  their  conscience  may  suggest  to 
them  upon  the  evident  inconsistencies  between  the  principles 
and  the  consequences  of  their  Reformation ;  inconsistencies, 
which  prove  against  them,  that,  in  all  their  different  sects 
•which  have  forsaken  the  Church  under  this  pretext,  there  is 
neither  Church  nor  Faith;  and  that  upon  the  points  of 
Faith,  wherein  they  have  accused  the  Church  of  error,  and 
thereupon  have  taken  occasion  to  separate  themseh  es  fi'om 
her,  they  have  equally  separated  themselves  from  the  com- 
mvmion  of  the  Chui'ch  of  all  ages :  so  that  they  cannot  even 
accuse  us  of  diversity  of  opinion  from  the  ancient  Chui'ch, 
without  falling  yet   again  into  an  e^ddent  inconsistency 

"  [At  the  date  of  tlie  original  publi-  Jifc^trczat.  See  the  list  of  the  Reformed 

cation  of  the  'Victory  of  Trulli'  (A.D.  ^linisfers  and  Churches  in  France,  prc- 

1601),  and  for  some  time  jirevious,  the  scnted  to  the  Synod  of  Alen?  on  A.D. 

pastors  of  tlie  Calvinist  coiigrci^ation  at  lli.j",  in  Quicke's  "Synodicon  in  Gallia 

Charenton  (near  Paris),  tliei'i  five  in  Kcformata,"  vol  ii.  p.  386,— the  article 

number,  were  >IM.  ImIhuukI  Aubirtin,  upon  Le  Faucheur  in  Quieke,  ibid. 

Jean  Daille,  Charles  Dreliiieimrt  the  p.  ;'.] 8,— and  his  Life  with  those  of  the 

elder,  Miclicl  Le  Fauelieiir,  and  .lean  other  ministers  above  named  in  Bayle.] 


cxxxviii 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR, 


with  themselves,  as  Avell  as  with  the  ancieut  Fathers,  and 
with  us. 

[The  Pro-  These  ministers,  Sir,  will  not  be  ahle  to  refuse  consent 
ministors  either  to  the  desire  of  your  Majesty,  or  to  the  commandment 
either'  Kiug  your  good  brother,  to  do  their  duty  both  to  their 

honestly,]  charge  and  to  their  conscience,  without  witnessing  by  their 
refusal  the  open  abandonment  which  they  make  of  their  cause, 
and  the  condemnation  which  tliey  themselves  pronounce  of 
it  in  their  hearts.  But  they  will  choose  (as  I  think)  rather  to 
present  themselves  ingenuously,  in  order  to  yield  to  the 
truth  which  they  cannot  contradict,  than  to  incur  the  blame 
of  being  acknowledged  formal  enemies  of  the  peace  and  re- 
union of  the  Church,  through  the  perverseness  of  an  obstinate 
faith.  I  know  not  how  to  believe,  that  they  would  love 
rather  to  fling  themselves  headlong,  with  their  people,  into  the 
confusion  and  disorder  of  independency,  and  indifference  of 
all  opinion  in  rehgion,  than  to  acknowledge  the  en-or  and 
blindness  of  those  who  were  the  first  egressors  from  the 
Church  by  these  maxims,  and  who  have  cast  their  followers, 
by  the  consequences  of  them,  into  this  abyss  of  irreligion, 
whereinto  we  see  them  at  this  present  time  fallen.  And 
[oreffectu-  should  the  ministers  allow  themselves  to  be  carried  astray  into 
so  perverse  a  thought,  I  do  no  ways  believe  that  in  France 
tlie  people  would  follow  them,  and  adhere  to  their  opinions, 
[and  there-  For  this  reasou  it  is.  Sir,  that  I  dare  to  hope  that  the 
WvViHnoT  ministers  who  are  in  Paris,  being  obliged  by  the  desire  of 
refuse  to    jq^^  Maiestv,  and  the  wiU  of  their  Sovereign,  to  submit  to 

assist  at  it.]      _  .  .  . 

this  law,  which  their  own  conscience  imposes  on  them  for  the 
satisfaction  of  their  own  people  (for  the  people  will  have  no 
less  zeal,  and  will  be  no  less  desirous,  to  see  the  success  of 
the  appearance  of  their  ministers,  and  of  the  answer  which 
they  shall  have  it  in  their  power  to  make),  will  yield  to  it, 
and  will  choose  rather  by  so  doing  to  walk  in  the  way  of 
honom'  and  good  conscience,  than  basely  to  appear  deserters, 
at  one  and  the  same  time,  both  of  their  cause,  and  of  good 
faith. 

[whatso-       Whatsoever  comes  to  pass.  Sir,  and  whatsoever  they  do,  lo 

ever  tliey  .  . 

do,  the  whether  they  follow  the  motion  of  the  Spirit  of  Peace  and 
of  th"^'""^  Truth,  or  whether  the  Spirit  of  Pride  suggests  unto  them  to 
t^hrou'"™'^'  ^'^'oi'i       %  hoih  the  one  and  the  other ;  your  Majesty  will 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  L/V  MILLETIERE,  &C.  CXXxix 


in  every  case  have  the  full  satisfaction  of  departing  from  the  him,  of  all 
error,  which  you  shall  see  forsaken  or  condemned  by  its  own  separated 
ministers ;  and  of  entering  into  the  Chm'cli,  which  is  the  wn^^c'el^' 
"Pillar  of  Tnith/'  and  the  "Rock  of  Ages,"  against  which  you  ^^niy  fol- 
see  all  the  vessels  of  different  sects,  running  before  every  wind  [i  Tim.  iii. 
of  doctrine,  through  the  trickery  of  them  that  conduct  them,  xxvi.  4.' 
break  themselves  and  make  shipwreck.    And  then,  when  j-enclerin".] 
your  Majesty  shall  have  entered  into  the  Church  after  this 
manner,  and  when  all  the  world  shall  see,  that  the  desire  to 
glorify  God  by  searching  for  the  truth,  by  the  repose  of 
your  conscience,  and  by  love  of  yowc  salvation,  shall  have 
been  your  whole  motive  therein ;  you  need  not  doubt.  Sir, 
but  that  your  example  will  make  the  like  impression  in  all 
those,  whose  souls  are  touched  with  the  fear  of  God,  but  whom 
the  treacherous  semblance  of  piety  retains  in  the  error,  that 
has  assumed  its  mask.    You  need  not  doubt,  Sir,  but  that, 
for  so  much  as  God  hath  elevated  your  Majesty  in  birth  and 
eminent  dignity  above  the  rest  that  are  in  the  communion 
wherein  you  have  lived,  they  all,  seeing  these  circumstances 
of  yoiu-  change  and  entrance  into  the  Sanctuary  of  the 
Church  upon  the  wings  of  the  victory  of  truth,  which  alone 
carries  you  thither,  will  be  stirred  up  to  give  glory  to  God 
for  the  same  reasons  for  which  you  will  have  rendered  it 
to  Him. 

It  concerns  you  then,  Sii',  to  make  your  entrance  by  this 
path,  and  to  avail  yourself  of  this  means  to  make  your  way 
thither,  to  the  end  your  conversion  and  return  to  the  Church 
bring  to  her,  with  you,  by  this  solemn  conviction  of  the  error 
which  hath  dismembered  her,  not  only  the  nations  which  the 
division  of  your  fathers  hath  torn  from  her,  but  also  all  the 
rest  whom  a  similar  cause  hath  separated.  For  by  the  power, 
which  truth  hath  upon  the  conscience  of  men  when  it  is 
apparent,  there  is  no  doubt  but  it  will  come  to  pass  after  this 
manner.  "When  the  people  shall  see  that  the  ministers,  when 
summoned  into  the  presence  of  your  Majesty,  either  by  their 
avowal  of  the  truth,  or  by  their  refusal  to  appear,  shall  have 
been  themselves  the  ministers  of  yom*  conversion,  every  one 
will  enter  upon  the  examination  of  the  causes  and  reasons  of 
the  truth,  that  has  persuaded  you  thereto,  which  will  have 
no  less  power  to  make  a  like  impression  upon  their  souls  by 


cxl 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR, 


[The  ac- 
company- 
ing; treatise 
of  the 
Author's, 
adopting 
the  mode 
of  argu- 
ment re- 
commend- 
ed, intend- 
ed to  fur- 
ther this 
purpose.] 


the  same  means.  For  wlietlier  the  ministers  do  sincerely 
j  ield  to  the  truth,  which  they  will  not  know  how  to  contra- 
dict, or  whether  they  condemn  themselves  by  their  rejection 
of  an  ingenuous  mode  of  procedure,  the  event  of  their  con- 
vocation will  be  alike  and  universal  in  all  places,  where  the 
same  way  to  call  back  the  people  to  the  Church  shall  be 
practised  : — there  are  no  ministers  in  France  will  know  what 
to  ansv.  cr,  Avhere  those  of  Paris  shall  be  dumb ; — no  others 
Avill  dispute  precedence  with  them  concerning  competency. — 
But  if  they  are  wanting  in  the  duty  of  a  good  conscience, 
you  maj'  easily  meet  many  more  ingenuous,  who  will  not 
refuse  to  acknowledge  the  truth.  By  this  way  the  people, 
who  seek  nothing  but  theu*  salvation,  and  who  have  no  in- 
terest more  precious,  will  be  ravished  to  see  themselves  in 
consequence,  by  a  plain,  solid,  and  sincere  instruction  upon 
the  true  understanding  of  the  subjects  of  the  Catholic  faith, 
drawn  out  of  this  labyrinth  of  disputes,  which  are  given  them 
as  matter  of  reformation,  but  are  no  less  enemies  to  piety 
than  to  Christian  cliaritj^ 

For  this  pui'jjose.  Sir, — desiring  to  be  assisting  to  the  de- 
sign of  making  the  people  see,  by  the  comdction  of  their 
ministers,  that,  being  separated  from  the  Church  under  this 
pretext  of  reformation,  they  are  left  by  that  means  without 
Faith  and  without  Church;  and  that,  when  one  persuades 
them,  that  in  the  controverted  questions  of  Faith  the  present 
Church  teaches  contrary  to  what  the  ancient  Chui'ch  hath 
behoved,  those  that  accuse  her  of  so  doing  cannot  do  it  but 
by  a  formal  contradicting  both  of  the  Holy  Fathers  and  of 
themselves,  which  is  an  inevitable  proof  of  falsehood  and 
error: — I  here  put  forth  into  the  light  a  little  treatise 
wherein  these  two  truths  are  rendered  e\ident. 


''  ["La  Victoire  <le  la  Vi-ritt"  pour  la 
Paix  de  rEglise,  an  Roy  do  la  Grande 
Bittagne.  Pour  convicr  Sa  ^iJajestc 
d'embrasscr  la  Foy  Catliolique.  Par 
M.  de  la  Milletiere,  Conscillcr  Ordi- 
naire du  Koy  cn  scs  Conseils."  Paris 
]().>!  :— of  which  this  Epistle  forniudtlic 
Dedication,  and  which  consisted  besides 
of  a  treatise  "  S\ir  la  Controverse  de  la 
Transubstantiation  decidee  par  le  pro- 
pre  glaive  dont  le  Ministre  Aubcrtin  a 
coupe  la  gorge  a  son  liercsie  cn  son 
'Anatomic',"  and  a  "Pricve  et  Evi- 


dente  Demonstration,  pour  faire  voir 
aux  Protcstans  qu'ils  out  ny  I'Eglise 
ny  la  Foy."  A  second  letter  to  the 
King  is  added  at  the  end  of  the  vo- 
lume in  the  copy  which  is  in  the  Bod- 
leian Library,  l)ut  does  not  appear  to 
have  fn-nied  part  of  tlie  original  work, 
as  neither  J5ranihall,  nor  La  jMilletiere 
in  the  preceding  parts,  take  any  notice 
of  it ;  it  is  entitled  "  Second  Discours, 
Politique,  Chrestien,  et  Catholique. 
An  Roy  de  la  Grande  Bretagne,  pour 
reprcsenter  a  Sa  JLajeste,  qu'  ctant 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M,  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


cxli 


Tliey  have  undertaken  no  controversy  of  greater  import-  [its  imme- 
ancc,  according  to  their  own  opinion,  than  tliat  of  Transub-  jcct,  Tian- 
stantiation  in  the  Holy  Sacrament  of  the  Eucharist.  They  '"on^'J"'''" 
accuse  us  of  having  introduced,  by  the  truth  of  this  change, 
the  necessity  of  adoring  Jesus  Christ  in  this  Sacrament,  or 
this  Sacrament,  which  we  maintain  to  be  Jesus  Christ 
Himself.  They  impute  unto  us,  that  in  this  we  have  altered 
the  faith  of  the  ancient  Chrn-ch,  to  Avhich,  they  say,  both  this 
change,  and  the  adoration  of  tlxe  Sacrament,  have  been  nu- 
ll known.  They  make  this  the  principal  cause,  nay,  e^  en  the 
only  necessary  cause  of  their  separation  from  us.  And  being 
unable  to  deny,  that  the  whole  ancient  Church  did  solemnly 
offer  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Jesus  Christ  to 
God  His  Father,  according  to  His  institvition,  in  the  Holy 
Eucharist,  they  cloak  fm-ther  their  difference  upon  this  sub- 
ject from  the  ancient  Church,  and  from  us,  with  this,  that 
the  ancient  Church  did  not  believe  (as  they  presume)  Tran- 
substantiation  with  us,  nor  by  consequence  the  Sacrifice,  as 
we  do;  saying  that,  upon  this  subject,  as  they  reject  what 
we  beUeve  of  Transubstantiation,  so  they  have  for  the  same 
reason  abolished  likeAvise  the  Sacrifice,  which  the  Church  at 
tliis  present  time  celebrates. 

I  have  made  it  e^ddent.  Sir,  that  the  Faith  of  the  Church  at  [Summary 
this  day  is  conformable  to  the  ancient  concerning  this  change,  if,,!'!',  ^™" 
in  a  book^,  which  I  have  published  upon  the  subject,  against  '^^^^^l^^^^ 
the  defences  brought  by  minister  Aubertin  upon  the  passages  step.] 


Catholique  il  rentrera  dans  ses  etats,  et 
qu'il  n'y  rentrera  jamais  autremeut." 
J\o  place  or  date ;  but  WTilten  before 
Croiuwell  was  recognised  by  France  as 
I'iolector,  i.  e.  not  later  than  A.  D. 
lii.jk  The  author's  right  and  full 
iijiint',  as  it  ajMRars  in  the  title-pages  of 
hi.  (.llu  r  v,  ui  ks,  i,  Theophile  Brachet, 
Sii  ur  .Ic  la  Millriic'ie.  The  erroneous 
s[ji_lling — .Militicre,  which  exists  in  all 
the  separate  editions  of  Bramhall's 
Answer  that  the  Editor  has  seen,  as  well 
as  in  the  folio  edition  of  his  Works,  ap- 
pears to  have  originated  with  Bramhall 
himself,  as  it  is  employed  by  him  in  all 
his  other  treatises  wherein  he  has  occa- 
sion to  mention  his  name.] 

c  [The  original  French  edition  of  M. 
Aubertin  De  Eucharistia  was  published 
in  1633,  under  the  title  of  "  L'Eucharis- 


tie  de  I'Ancienne  Eglise."  Its  positions 
were  assailed  by  La  Milk'tie.  e  in  a  trea- 
tise entitled  "  La  Paix  de  I'Knglise  fon- 
dee  sur  la  Verite  de  la  Foi  Catholique 
pour  la  Transubstantiation  au  S.  Sacre- 
ment  de  I'Eucharistie,  on  toutes  les  re- 
sponses et  les  objections  du  Sienr  Au- 
bertin en  son  livre  de  I'Eucliaristie 
sont  refutees."  Paris  ltil(j.  (Nice- 
ron,  Memoires,  &c.  &c.  torn.  xli.  artic. 
Milletiere)  ;  to  which  Aubertin  replied 
in  liis  "Anatoniie  du  livre  publie  par 
Le  Sieur  de  la  .Milletiere  pour  la  Tran- 
substantiation." Charenton  IGiS, — 
published  without  name,  but  from  its 
contents  obviously  Aubertin's,  and 
spoken  of  as  his  by  Niceron  (Memoires 
&c.  &'c.  artic.  Aubertin,  torn,  xxxvi.  p. 

and  by  La  ^ililletiere  him.self  in 
his  "  Victoire  de  la  Verite" — title-page.] 


cxlii 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR^ 


of  the  lioly  Fathers  in  his  book  of  the  Eucharist.  I  have  re- 
duced the  demonstration  of  this  truth  to  this  point,  viz. 
that  all  the  holy  Fathers  have  believed,  that  by  the  change, 
which  intervenes  in  this  Sacrament,  it  is  rendered  the  same 
Flesh  and  the  same  Blood  of  Jesus  Christ,  received  by  the 
[John  vi.  mouths  of  bclicvers,  whereof  Jesus  Christ  speaks  in  St.  John, 
^^'^  where  he  commands  us  to  'eat  and  drink  them,  that  we  may 
have  eternal  life.'  This  minister  hath  not  been  able  to  con- 
tradict this  truth,  except  in  formally  contradicting  the  sense, 
Avhicli  the  authors  of  his  opinion,  before  him,  have  attributed 
to  the  Fathers,  as  conformable  to  their  own,  and  in  making 
the  sense  of  the  Fathers  formally  contrary  to  that  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  that  which  he  attributes  to  them  formally  con- 
trary to  the  true  sense  which  they  bear,  and  which  they 
[Second  enouuce  in  clear  and  express  words.  I  have  convinced  him 
s-tep.]  ^£  ^i^ig  ^j^g  proof  of  an  evident  demonstration  in  this  little 
treatise and  if  he  be  called  upon  to  reply  to  this  conviction, 
the  truth  will  be  found  to  be  victorious,  either  by  his  good  or 
by  his  bad  faith.  But, — as  their  consciences  continually  tell 
them,  and  prick  them  for  having  introduced,  by  their  Re- 
formation, an  equal  contrariety  in  all  opinions  to  the  Faith  of 
the  Chiu"ch  of  all  ages, — when  they  see  themselves  reduced  to 
this  extremitj^,  they  throw  themselves  into  the  intrenchment 
of  their  fundamental  maxims,  admitting,  namely,  of  no  Rule 
of  Faith,  but  that  of  the  Scripture  interpreted  by  every  man's 
[Third  reason.  Upon  that  I  have  cou\'inced  them  by  a  demonstra- 
•^'^'P'^  tion^  without  reply,  that  by  the  scheme  of  their  Reformation, 
founded  upon  the  use  of  this  rule,  they  have  lost  for  them- 
selves both  the  Church  and  the  Faith.  And  this  they  must 
acknowledge  if  they  be  called  to  answer  thereto,  or,  if  not, 
the  truth  will  preserve  its  advantage  by  the  rejection  they 
Avill  make  of  it. 

I  most  humbly  entreat  your  Majesty,  Sir,  that  you  will  be 
pleased  to  let  this  little  work  have  the  glory  to  appear  to  the 
world  under  your  august  name,  for  a  prop  which  will  be  able 
to  aid  your  faith,  as  an  instrument  of  the  truth,  the  victory 

f  [The  discourse  upon  Transuhstan-  stration,    &c."    above   mentioned  as 

tiation,  which  formed  the  first  and  larger  subjoined  to  the  "  Victoire  de  la  Ve- 

part  of  the  "Victoire  de  la  Verite.'']  rite."] 
[The  "  Brieve  et  Evidente  Demon- 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  Cxliii 

whereof  ouglit  happily  to  gain  you  to  the  Church ;  and,  by 
gaining  you  thereto,  to  bring  with  you  her  peace,  and  the 
re-union  to  her  of  all  the  parties  that  are  divided  from  her. 
For  assuredly  this  grace  of  Heaven  is  not  far  from  us,  if  we 
ourselves  do  not  draw  back  from  it. 

And  I  am  certain,  that  if  it  please  the  prudence  of  the  [Probable 
Bishops,  whom  the  Holy  Ghost  hath  established  for  the  f  "cTs  of'the 
guidance  of  the  Chui-ch  (as  I  hope  well  that  it  will  please 
them),  to  avail  themselves,  towards  the  people  that  have  ence.] 
abandoned  their  Crosier,  of  the  way  that  I  propose  and  pre- 
sent to  your  Majesty;  they  will  see,  without  much  trouble, 
and  in  a  little  time,  the  strayed  sheep  returning  to  them,  by 
the  very  hand  of  those  who  keep  them  withdi-awn  from  their 
sheep-folds.  For  in  effect,  when  the  evidence  of  this  demon- 
strated truth  shall  once  have  established  itself  (by  the  sweet- 
ness of  the  amicable  conferences,  wherein  it  ought  to  be 
handled  with  all  sincerity  and  liberty)  in  the  spirit  of  all  our 
separated  brethren,  as  Avell  ministers  as  people,  they  will  con- 
sent with  joy  to  re-enter  into  the  Catholic  Church.  And  so 
much  the  more  willingly,  that,  for  the  same  reasons  which 
support  the  truth  of  her  Faith,  when  acknowledged  conform- 
ably to  the  Tradition  of  all  ages,  they  will  acknowledge  her 
also,  in  all  her  parts,  to  be  the  true  Seed  from  which  the 
Holy  Spirit  hath  caused  piety  and  charity  to  spring,  flourish, 
and  fructify  in  believers.  From  whence  it  follows  for  the 
same  reason,  that  the  true  and  legitimate  reformation,  which 
all  good  people  in  the  Chiu-ch  desire  in  the  Chm-ch,  doth  de- 
pend upon  nothing  else  than  the  understanding  and  practice 
of  these  same  truths,  by  the  duty  which  they  point  out  to  all 
believers  in  the  diff'erent  vocations  whereto  God  calls  them : 
12  in  aU  which  [vocations]  the  end  that  is  proposed  them,  is  no 
other,  than  to  hve  united  among  themselves  and  mth  Jesus 
Christ  by  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  in  order  to  serve  God 
under  the  obedience  of  the  government  which  He  hath  put 
into  the  hands  of  the  Bishops,  who  feed  the  Flock  with  an 
unanimous  consent  under  the  authority  of  the  single  Chair 
of  St.  Peter,  established  at  Rome  by  the  two  Coryphaei  of  the 
Apostles,  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  from  which  whosoever 
separates  himself,  is  a  schismatic  and  out  of  the  communion 
of  the  Church. 


cxlvi 


THE  A'ICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  OR^ 


"vrnting  ^,  the  rules  of  tlieii*  Covenant  by  tlie  very  maxims  of 
their  reformation.  God  hath  delivered  them  into  his  hands, 
and  imposed  upon  them  the  yoke  of  his  absolute  doniination. 
They  must  now  submit  to  the  laws  of  his  Independency,  and 
of  liis  Commonwealth,  the  name  whereof  serA  es  for  a  mask 
to  his  tyi'anny. 

[in  the  But  God  hath  dehvered  you,  Sir,  therefrom ;  and  by  an 
deliver-  instance  of  His  Providential  guidance,  full  of  awe  and 
ow^n  per-'*  wonder,  He  hath  withdrawn  your  sacred  person  from  a 
son.]  thousand  dangers,  wherewith  it  was  threatened  by  the  fury 
and  cruelty  of  this  monster,  who  spared  neither  the  strength 
of  iron,  nor  the  preciousness  of  gold,  to  find  the  means  of 
Adolently  taking  away  your  Hfe.  You  have  seen.  Sir,  descend 
upon  your  head,  the  anger  of  God,  Who,  in  the  phrase  of 
[Jobxii.i8.  Scripture,  "looseth  the  belt  of  kings,  and  binds  their  reins 
with  thongs."  You  have  seen  His  arm,  armed  with  His 
rage,  defeat  your  armies.  Combating  at  their  head,  you 
have  done  bravely,  with  your  hand  and  with  your  courage, 
all  that  the  generosity  of  a  vahant  and  magnanimous 
prince  could  do,  to  associate  victory  with  the  justice  of 
your  arms.  You  have  there  shed  your  own  blood,  and  seen 
that  of  your  faithful  subjects  stream  through  the  fields 
strewn  with  their  bodies.  Your  valoiu',  and  their  unfearful 
hearts,  had  for  a  time  gotten  the  advantage  of  the  great 
number  of  your  enemies,  who  found  themselves  on  the  point 
of  turning  their  backs ;  but  the  chance  of  arms  turning 
in  an  instant  to  their  side,  this  ill-hap,  fatal  to  your  crown, 
ra\dshed  from  you  in  this  last  conflict,  according  to  human 
appearance,  both  the  means  and  the  hope  of  recovering 
[isa.  iv.f.]  iti.  But  God  hath  means  unknown  to  men,  and  "His 
ways  are  not  our  waj^s."  It  is  in  our  weakness  that  He 
magnifies  His  strength,  and  in  our  loAvhness  that  He  makes 
His  height  to  be  seen.  Then,  when  He  had  thus  deprived 
you  of  your  forces,  and  had  stripped  you  of  all  human  means 
of  safety.  He  came  to  you  with  another  countenance,  and 


"  [The  letters  of  Cromwell  to  the 
Scotch  ministers,  &c.  (Thurloe's  State 
Papers,  vol.  i.  pp.  1 58,  &c.),  were  printed 
in  Edinburgh  A.  D.  1650,  immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Dunbar,  so  that  La 


MilletiSre  might  have  seen  them  in 
1651.] 

'  [Compare  Clarendon's  account  of 
the  battle  of  Worcester,  Hist,  of  the 
Rebell.,  bk.  xiii.  vol.  iii.  pp.  527,  528.] 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  Cxlvii 

armed  you  vnih  a  sense,  a  hardiness,  and  a  resolution,  wliich 
were  above  tlie  spirit  of  a  man,  to  support  you  in  the  plan 
which  you  made  choice  of  for  your  security.  You  resolved 
to  seek  it  by  exposing  yourself  alone  in  the  sohtariness  of 
the  ways,  and  in  the  desert  of  the  forests,  to  the  hazard  of 
a  thousand  sad  accidents;  after  you  had  hidden  all  the 
marks  of  that  majesty,  which  is  born  Avith  you,  under  a  form 
borrowed  from  the  most  base  condition,  that  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  which  owe  you  after  God  the  second  homage,  might 
not  know  who  you  truly  were.  You  have  passed  after  this 
manner,  mthout  astonishment,  and  without  fear,  across  a 
thousand  objects,  which  at  every  step  presented  their  images 
to  your  mind.  It  is  there,  that  you  have  perceived  that 
God  had  encamped  His  Angels  about  you,  for  your  giiard, 
and  for  your  defence.  It  is  there,  that  He  has  made  of  a 
simple  peasant  and  an  infii-m  woman,  the  very  Angels  of 
His  assistance,  that  He  might  be  joux  guide ;  giving  to  the 
simplicity  of  the  one,  and  to  the  frailty  of  the  other,  the 
prudence  and  the  resolution  necessary  to  conduct  you,  with 
as  much  judgment  as  integrity,  and  to  bring  you — as  a 
stranger,  and  one  unknown,  the  object  of  every  man's  con- 
tempt and  neglect, — into  the  capital  city  of  your  ancestors' 
inheritance.  It  is  there,  that,  when  you  had  reason  to 
fear  (on  accoimt  of  the  orders  set  forth  against  your  life, 
and  for  your  discovery)  the  meeting  so  many  faces  looking 
upon  yours,  the  Hand  of  God  hath  held  the  eyes  of  aU  those 
who  would  have  had  the  heart  to  hm't  you ;  and  He  hath 
opened  them,  so  as  to  recognise  you,  to  him  alone,  who, 
without  being  anticipated  either  by  your  foresight  or  by  your 
expectation,  became  the  Angel  of  your  guidance,  to  make 
you  cross  the  seas  and  descend  upon  our  shores,  and  to 
restore  you  again  to  the  eyes  of  the  Queen  your  dear  mother, 
to  whom  your  presence  hath  caused  a  greater  cessation  of 
grief  and  a  greater  increase  of  joy,  than  happened  at  your 
birth 

God  hath  then  after  this  manner.  Sir,  made  you  to  return 

k  [This  rhetorical  account  of  the  from  that  given  by  Clarendon, —  Hist. 
King's  escape  is  apparently  founded  of  the  Rcbell.,  bk.  xiii.  vol.  iii.  pp.  533. 
upon  a  difterent  version  of  the  facts  550.] 


cxlviii 


THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH;  OR^ 


[His  tern-  hither  into  the  bosom,  wherein  your  Majesty  began  yoiu'  hfe, 
fo^Wsspf-'^  to  the  end  He  may  give  you  a  new  hfe  by  your  being  bom 
verance'^'-^  again  into  the  spiritual  bosom  of  your  Eternal  Mother.  You 
enforced    gee  the  guidance  and  the  counsel  of  God,  who  calls  you  to 

bv  the  tears  ,     °  , 

of  his  Him  by  a  caU  so  marvellous,  havmg  heard  the  prayers  and 
Queen'  VOWS,  the  sighs  and  tears,  of  this  Cathohc  princess,  to  give 
Henrietta,]  j^g^.  ^j^g  j^y  seeing  you  rendered  a  partaker  of  the  greatest  14 
blessing  that  she  hath  received  from  God,  and  which  she 
hath  unceasingly  implored  for  you  ever  since  your  birth. 
Daughter,  as  she  is,  of  the  Great  Henry,  the  glory  of  the 
most  Christian  Kings,  she  implores  of  God  for  you  the  in- 
heritance of  that  grace  which  he  received  from  His  hand. 
Who  caused  him  at  one  and  the  same  time  both  to  enter  the 
Church,  and  to  obtain  his  throne.  Her  faith  implores  it, 
her  patience  hopes  it,  and  her  piety  will  obtain  it.  This  is 
the  consolation  she  sighs  after,  to  restore  her  from  so  many 
bitter  afflictions,  which  she  hath  sucked  in  drop  by  drop, 
and  which  the  Hand  of  God  hath  poured  upon  her,  in  His 
Son's  Chalice,  by  which  He  proves  the  constancy  of  those 
who  love  Him. 

[by  the  To  the  tears  of  this  desolate  Princess,  I  add,  Su',  the  inno- 
martyidom  ^^^^  ijiood  poured  out  before  God  by  the  King  your  father, 
King"^'  whom  I  think  I  may  be  able  without  fear  to  style  l)lessed. 
Charles     YoT,  if  we  look  uDon  the  cause  of  his  death,  he  hath  been 

the  First  1 

persecuted  and  crucUy  slain,  when  he  was  able  to  avoid  the 
one  and  the  other  from  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  if  he  would 
ha^e  submitted  his  conscience  to  their  Covenant,  and  con- 
sented to  the  abolition  of  Episcopacy.  But  he  hath  loved 
rather  to  glorify  God  by  the  confession  of  a  good  conscience, 
and  for  the  support  of  a  dignity  which  he  hath  believed  to 
have  been  instituted  ])y  God,  according  to  the  opinion  of  the 
Cathohc  Faith.  Certainly  we  ought  to  beUeve,  that  it  is  to 
this  Faith,  which  he  hath  preferred  before  the  greatest  tilings 
in  the  world,  to  which  we  must  ascribe,  and  acknoAvledge  for 
the  fruits  thereof,  the  piety,  the  humility,  the  patience,  the 
constancy,  the  resignation  to  the  Will  of  God,  the  submission 
even  to  that  of  men  for  the  love  of  God,  which  we  have  seen 
in  him,  and  which  his  persecution,  his  suffering,  his  prison, 
his  unworthy  treatment,  his  trial  as  a  criminal,  his  degrada- 
tion, his  condemnation,  the  horror  and  the  cruelty  of  his 


AN  EPISTLE  or  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIEUE,  &C. 


cxlix 


punislimentj  like  to  which  the  sun  did  never  yet  see  an 
example  on  the  earth,  have  rendered  more  illustrious  and 
more  bright-shining  than  the  light  of  the  sun  itself.  We 
may  say,  that  the  firmness  of  this  faith  hath  been  in  his 
heart  a  secret  work  of  God,  to  re-unite  him,  in  this  trial  of 
the  last  moments  of  his  life,  to  His  Catholic  Church,  to 
the  number  of  His  faithful  Elect,  'many  of  whom'  (saith 
St,  Augustin)  '  in-vdsibly  belong  to  the  Chiirch,  though  they  [De  Bapt. 
are  not  rendered  members  of  it  visibly.'  And  we  ought  natisUib.v, 
to  believe,  that  this  Crown,  which  he  hath  gained  by  the  ?^^p  J^™" 
constancy  of  his  faith,  hath  been  woven  for  him  by  the  Hands  f  ] 
of  Jesus  Christ,  the  King  of  Kings,  hearing  with  favour  the 
prayer  and  intercession  of  the  blessed  Queen  his  grand- 
mother, who  hath  in  the  same  manner  shed  her  blood,  and 
given  up  her  soul  into  the  hands  of  God,  by  one  and  the  same 
punishment,  with  a  faith  and  constancy  not  to  be  imitated, 
for  the  Catholic  faith,  which  was  the  one  primary  cause  of 
the  hatred  and  persecution  she  received  from  her  people,  and 
from  her  most  near  kinswoman,  the  succession  of  whose 
crown  belonged  to  her.  For  the  prayer  of  the  blessed  Mar- 
tyrs in  Heaven  tends  to  obtain  continually  of  God,  by  Jesus 
Christ,  the  fulfilment  of  the  same  grace  they  have  received 
here  below,  imploring  it  for  those  that  have  need  thereof,  to 
the  end  that  their  own  faith  may  be  also  consummated  by  a 
perfect  charity. 

It  is  this  grace.  Sir,  which  you  will  experience,  when  [by  the  in- 

-» r  •     i       1    n  1  i   •      1     1  ■      /••II  tercession 

your  Majesty  shall  have  attamed  this  faith  by  your  re-  of  Queen 

union  wdth  the  Chiu'ch.    You  will  feel  hkewise  the  effect  sco'fiami.] 

of  the  prayers  and  intercession  this  glorious  Princess  makes 

to  God  for  you  by  Jesus  Christ ;   to  the  end,  that  when 

He  shall  have  restored  you  to  His  Church,  the  tlu'one, 

that  was  unjustly  rent  away  both  from  her  and  from  you, 

may  be  restored  to  you  in  the  midst  of  yovu*  subjects,  there 

to  re-establish,  by  the  same  grace,  the  Kingdom  of  Jesus 

Christ. 

To  these  prayers,  which  all  the  Angels,  and  all  the 
Saints  which  are  in  the  Church,  in  Heaven  and  in  earth, 
make  to  God  for  your  Majesty,  I  join.  Sir,  my  vows 
and  my  supplications,  with  this  testimony  of  my  devotion 
to  yom-  most  humble  service,  in  a  subject  which  I  liaAC 


C  THE  VICTORY  OF  TRUTH  ;  &C. 

deemed  the  most  important,  and  the  most  worthy  to  gain 
me  the  honour  of  your  Majesty's  favour,  and  that  of  styling 
myself, 

Sir, 

Your  Majesty's  most  humble,  most  faithful, 
and  most  obedient  Servant, 


La  MILLETIERE. 


THE  WORKS 

OF 

ARCHBISHOP  BRAMHALL. 


PART  THE  FIEST; 

CONTAINING 

THE  DISCOUESES  AGAINST  THE  ROMANISTS. 


DISCOURSE  L 


AN  ANSWER 

TO 

M.   DE  LA  MILLETIEEE 

HIS  IMPERTINENT  DEDICATION  OF  HIS  IMAGINARY  TRIUMPH ; 

OR 

HIS  EPISTLE 
TO  THE  KING  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN, 

WHEREIN  HE  INVITETH  HIS  MAJESTY 

TO   FORSAKE  THE    CHURCH    OF  ENGLAND, 

AND 

TO  EMBRACE  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  RELIGION. 


BY  JOHN  BRAMHALL,  D.D. 

LORD  DISIIOr  OF  DEURY. 


BRAMIIALT.. 


B 


CONTENTS. 

Page 


[Of  the  treatise  upon  Transubstantiation  in  La  Milletiere's  "Vic- 
toire  de  la  V6rite."]    .         .         .         .         .         .         .  7 

No  differences  in  the  Church  directly  about  the  Sacrament  [of  the  Lord's 

Supper]  for  the  first  800  years ;  .....  8 

Yet  different  observations ;  .....  9 

And  different  expressions.  .  .  .  .  .10 

The  first  difference  about  the  Presence  of  Christ  in  the  Sacrament,  in  the  days 
of  Bertram  and  Paschasius,  not  long  before  the  year  900  ;  but  the  new 
article  of  Transubstantiation  not  suflficiently  concocted  in  the  days  of 
Berengarius,  after  the  year  1050.  .  .  .  .  .II 

The  first  determination  of  the  manner  of  the  Presence  [by  the  introduction 
of  Transubstantiation],  in  the  Council  of  the  Lateran,  in  the  days  of 
Innocent  the  Third,  after  the  year  1200.  .  .  .  .14 

It  opened  a  floodgate  to  a  deluge  of  controversies.     .  .  .  .  ib. 

Two  further  differences  have  flowed  from  this  bold  determination  of  the 
manner  of  the  Presence : 

I.  The  detention  of  the  Cup  from  the  laity ; 
II.  The  adoration  of  the  Sacrament.  ....  20 

Against  multiplying  of  questions  and  controversies.  .  .  .23 

The  occasion  of  this  Discourse,  the  Preface  and  Epistle  Dedica- 
tory [of  La  Milletiere's  "  Victoire  de  la  Verite"] .        .         .  23 

The  indiscretion  of  the  Author  [La  Milletifire]  in  presenting  such  a  treatise 
to  the  world  under  the  protection  of  his  Majesty  [Charles  the  Second] 
without  his  license  and  against  his  conscience ;  .  .  .24 

And  to  no  purpose ;  for  the  King  is  already  a  better  Catholic  than 

himself.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

It  is  not  lawful  to  add  to  the  old  Creed.      .  .  .  .25 

What  are  additions  to  the  Creed,  and  what  are  only  explications.    .  ib. 
Crosses  are  not  always  punishments,  but  sometimes  corrections,  or  trials.     .  27 
Which  the  Author  presently  forgets.  .  .  .  .  ib. 

Better  grounds  of  the  sufferings  of  his  Majesty  [Charles  the  First] 

than  those  of  the  Author.      .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

TheAuthor'srashcensureupontheArchbishopof  Canterbury  [Laud].  28 
Sovereigns  may  be  taken  away  for  the  sins  of  their  subjects.  .  29 

Not  above  two  or  three  of  our  Princes  called  Heads  of  the  Church :  .  ib. 

That  is,  only  political  Heads.  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  Christian  Emperors  political  Heads.  .  .  .30 

The  old  Kings  of  England  political  Heads.  .  .  .  ib. 

B  2 


IV 


CONTENTS. 


Page 


Neither  King  Charles  [the  First],  King  James  [the  First],  nor 

Queen  EHzaheth,  styled  Heads  of  the  Church.  .  .  31 

Tlie  Autlior's  satisfaction,  to  persuade  tlie  Pope  to  leave  that  vain  title.  32 
Hatred  of  Episcopacy  not  the  true  cause  why  the  Parliament  persecuted  the 

King.     .........  33 

The  true  causes  of  the  trouhles  of  England :  viz.  some  feigned  jealousies  and 

fears,     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

I.  That  the  King  purposed  to  reduce  the  free  English  subject  to  a 

condition  of  absolute  slavery  under  an  arbitrary  government,  .  ib. 
II.  That  he  meant  to  apostate  from  the  Protestant  religion  toPopcry;  34 
And  the  privy  purse  and  subtle  counsels  of  a  certain  Bishop  [Card. 

Richelieu].      .  •  .  .  .  .  .35 

We  are  only  accused  of  schism.         .  .  .  .  .  .36 

The  reply  to  that  accusation  added  at  the  conclusion  of  this  Answer 
in  a  Discourse  by  itself  [viz.  The  Vindication  of  the  Church  of 
England,  &c.  Discourse  ii.  Part  i.]     .  .  .  •  ib. 

Presbyterians  and  Brownists  have  been  Rome's  best  friends:  .  .  ib. 

They  may  send  their  own  answer.  .  .  .  .  ib. 

Tlie  English  Reformation  not  the  ruin  of  the  civil  government.        .  .  37 

 not  Calvinistical.  .  .  .  .38 

Reformation,  is  sometimes  necessary ;        .  .  .  .40 

 ,notagrceabletoallpersons,  especially  the  Court  of  Rome;  ib. 

 ,  there  is  danger  in ;      .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

 ,  the  right  rule  of.         ....  .  41 

Our  Reformation  not  the  ruin  of  Faith,  Church,  or  Commonwealth,  ib. 
Our  first  supposed  '  maxim'  ;  viz.  That  the  Church  was  fallen  to  ruin  and 

desolation,  and  become  guilty  of  idolatry  and  tyranny.  .  .  42 

The  Catholic  Church  cannot  come  to  ruin,  or  be  guilty  of  idolatry 

or  tyranny.       .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

Catholic  and  Roman  not  convertibles.        .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  Roman  Church  itself  not  absolutely  fallen  to  ruin.      .  .  43 

Whether  the  Roman  Church  be  guilty  of  idolatry.  .  .  ib. 

The  Roman  Court  most  tyrannical.  .  .  .  .47 

Our  second  supposed  '  maxim' ;  viz.  That  the  only  way  to  reform  the  Faith, 
and  Liturgy,  aud  government  of  the  Church,  is  to  conform  them  to 
the  dictates  of  Holy  Scripture,  of  the  sense  whereof  any  private  Christian 
ought  to  be  judge  by  the  light  of  the  Spirit,  excluding  Tradition  and  the 
public  judgment  of  the  Church.  .  .  .  .  .48 

It  is  much  mistaken.         .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

I.  The  Scripture  the  rule  of  supernatural  truths.   .  .  .49 

II.  Who  are  the  proper  expounders  of  Scripture  and  how  far  ;       .  ib, 
viz:  Every  Christian  keeping  himself  mthin  the  bounds  of  due 

obedience  and  submission  to  liis  lawful  superiors,  with  a 
judgment  of  (/«4crc/ioJ! ;    .  .  .  .  .50 

The  pastors  of  the  Church,  with  a  judgment  of  rf;>ee/!on  ;    .  ib. 

The  chief  pastors,  with  a  judgment  of  ^'in-i«&/zo;!.  .  ib. 

III.  The  manner  of  expoimding  Scripture; 

[viz:  by  means  of,  and  with  authority  proportioned  to,  the 

requisite  qualifications  for  the  task.]        .  .  .  ib. 

This  is  conformable  to  the  doctrine  and  practice  of  our  Church.     .  52 


CONTENTS.  V 
Page 

The  English  Church  an  enemy  to  upstart,  not  to  Apostolical,  Traditions.  .  53 
What  articles  of  the  new  Roman  Creed  we  have  renounced.  .  .  54 

Of  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass ;         .  .  .  .  ib. 

Of  Transubstantiation ;      .  .  .  .  .  .55 

Of  Seven  Sacraments ;       .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

Of  Justification ;    .  .  .  .  .  .56 

Of  Merits;  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

Of  Invocation  of  Saints ;     .  .  .  .  .  .57 

Of  Prayer  for  the  dead  with  Purgatorj';     .  .  .  .59 

Of  the  authority  of  the  Pope.         .  .  .  .  .60 

Whether  human  laws  bind  the  conscience.    .  .  .  .  .61 

The  Author  a  little  enthusiastical.      .  .  .  .  .  .  v  62 

The  Romanists  require  submission  to  their  Church  as  necessaiy  to  salvation;  63 

Yet  cannot  agree  among  themselves  what  this  Roman  Church  is.  .  ib. 
The  English  Church  not  perished.     .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  Author's  vain  dreams.     .  .  .  .  .  .  .64 

His  vainer  proposition  of  a  conference :         .  .  .  .  .65 

The  King  of  England  desires  no  such  conference;  .  .  67 

If  he  should,  he  had  neither  reason  nor  need  to  desert  his  English 

clergy ;  .......  ib. 

Such  a  conference  not  fit  to  be  granted  by  the  King  of  France;      .  ib. 

Nor  to  be  accepted  by  the  ministers  of  the  Reformed  Church 

[of  France]  ;    .  .  .  .  .  .  .68 

Nor  could  any  sucli  success  be  expected  from  it.     .  .  .  ib. 

The  Author's  impertinence  and  sauciness  with  the  King,  in  dictating 
to  him  what  he  should  or  would  do  in  a  case  which  is  never 
likely  to  be.      .  .  .  .  .  ,  ,69 

His  pen  overruns  his  wit.    .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  Author's  improper  choice  of  a  patron  for  his  treatise  of  Transub- 
stantiation.        ........  70 

His  unskilfulness,  or  his  unfortunateness,  in  his  'Demonstration.'     .  .  ib. 

The  great  advantage  of  the  Protestant  above  the  Roman  Catholic 

in  the  choice  of  his  foundation.  .  .  .  .71 

The  Author's  'Demonstration' requited  upon  himself.       .  .  72 

His  Majesty's  apostacy  is  not  the  way  to  his  restitution.       .  .  .73 

The  obligation  of  the  Scots  to  his  Majesty,  the  greatest  of  any  subjects'  in  the 

known  world :     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .74 

Their  treachery ;     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  loyal  Scots  excepted :    .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  disloyal  Scots  deciphered.        .  .  .  .  .75 

No  hope  from  that  party,  until  they  repent.  .  .  .  ib. 

God  must  not  be  limited  to  time  or  means  of  deliverance.     .  .  .76 

His  Majesty's  escape  out  of  England  almost  miraculous  ;     .  .  .  ib. 

And  seems  to  presage  that  God  hath  sometliing  to  do  with  him.  .  77 
Prayers  and  tears  the  proper  aims  of  women,  .  .  .  .  ib. 

Especially  of  mothers;      ...  .  .  ib. 

Yet  not  so  powerful  as  his  father's  intercession,  now  in  Heaven.  .  ib. 
The  Author's  instance  of  Henry  the  Great  not  pertinent.      .  .  .  ib. 

The  just  commendation  of  King  Charleii  [tlit-  I'iistJ.  .  .  .  ib. 

It  is  gross  impudence  to  feign  that  lie  died  a  Roman  Catholic.       .  78 


vi 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

The  Author's  confession  [that  he  did  so,]  confutes  his  'Demonstra- 
tion,' that  Protestants  have  no  Faith.    .  ,  .  .78 
The  Author's  intelligence  as  good  in  Heaven  as  upon  earth.  .  .  79 
No  Faith  sufficient  armour  against  bloody  attempts.          .  .  ib. 
The  Author  much  fallen  [in  the  latter  end  of  his  treatise]  from  liis  former 

charity  in  seeking  the  reunion  of  Christendom.    .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  way  to  a  general  accommodation.  ,  .  .  .  .80 


DISCOURSE  1. 


TO 

M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE» 

HIS  IMPERTINENT  DEDICATION  OF  HIS  IMAGINARY  TRIUJIPH. 
[First  printed  at  the  Hague,  A.  D.  1653.] 


SiK, 

You  miglit  long  have  disputed  your  question  of  Transub-  [of  the 
stantiation  witli  your  learned  adversary,  and  proclaimed  your  |[pon*xran- 
own  triumph  on  a  silver  trumpet  to  the  world,  before  any  substantia- 
member  of  the  Chm-ch  of  England  had  interposed  in  this  Miiietiere's 
present  exigence  of  our  affairs.    I  know  no  necessity  that  tie^ia'°"^^ 
Christians  must  be  hke  cocks,  that,  '  when  one  crows,  all  the  ^  '^"tc."] 
rest  must  crow  for  company''.'    Monsieur  Aubertin  will  not 
want  a  surviving  friend to  teach  you  what  it  is  '  to  sound  a 


a  [Theophile  Brachet,  Sieur  de  la 
Milletiere,  was  originally  a  member  of 
the  French  Reformed  congregations,  and 
sufficiently  distinguished  among  them 
to  be  selected  as  a  deputy  and  secretary 
to  the  Assembly  of  La  Rochelle  in  1()'21. 
He  entered  subsequently  into  the  plans 
of  Cardinal  Richelieu  for  tlie  union  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  and  Reformed 
Churches  in  France,  —  published  a 
great  number  of  letters,  pamphlets,  and 
treatises  upon  the  doctrines  in  dispute 
between  them,  assimilating  gradually  to 
the  Roman  Catholic  tenets, — was  sus- 
pended in  consequence  by  the  Synod  of 
Alen9on  in  1637,  and  expelled  by  that  of 
Charenton  in  1615,  from  the  Reformed 
communion,  —  and  finally  became  a 
Roman  Catholic  "  of  necessity,  that  he 
miglit  be  of  some  religion."  "  He  w£s 
a  vain  and  shallow  man,  full  of  himself, 
and  persuaded  that  nothing  approached 


to  his  own  merit  and  capacity  ;"  and, 
after  his  change  of  religion,  "was  per- 
petually playing  the  missionary,  and 
seeking  conferences,  although  he  was 
always  handled  in  them  with  a  severity 
sufficient  to  have  damped  his  courage, 
had  he  not  been  gifted  with  a  perversity 
which  nothing  could  conquer"  (Benoit, 
Hist,  del' Edit  de  Nantes,  tom.  ii.  liv.lO. 
pp.  514,  516).  The  work  to  which 
Bramhall  replied  seems  fully  to  bear  out 
the  truth  of  this  sketch  of  his  character. 
— See  the  article  '  Milletiere'  in  Bayle, 
and  notes  b  audc,  pp.  10,  11,  (marginal 
paging,)  of  La  Miiietiere's  Epistle  pre- 
fbced  to  this  volume.] 

Plut.  [The  Editor  caimot  find  this 
saying  in  Plutarch.] 

[Edmund  Aubertin  (Albertimis)  was 
one  of  the  many  celebrated  theologians 
who  adorned  the  French  Reformed  con- 
gregations in  the  seventeenth  centurj'. 


8 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY's  ANSWER  TO 


triumph  before  you  have  gained  the  victory -i.'  He  was  no 
fool  that  desired  no  other  epitaph  on  his  tomb  than  this, 
"  Here  hes  the  author  of  this  sentence,  Prurigo  disputandi 
scabies  Ecclesice — The  itch  of  disputing  is  the  scab  of  the 
Church^." 

Having  viewed  all  j^our  strength  with  a  single  eye,  I  find 
not  one  of  your  arguments  that  comes  home  to  Transubstan- 
tiation,  but  only  to  a  true  Real  Presence ;  which  no  genuine 
son  of  the  Church  of  England  did  ever  deny,  no,  nor  your 
adversary  himself.    Christ  said,  "  This  is  My  Body what 
He  said,  we  do  steadfastly  beheve.    He  said  not,  after  this  or 
that  manner,  neque  con,  neque  sub,  neque  trans.    And  there- 
fore we  place  it  among  the  opinions  of  the  schools,  not  among 
the  articles  of  our  Faith.    The  Holy  Eucharist,  which  is  the 
Sacrament  of  peace  and  unity,  ought  not  to  be  made  the  ic 
matter  of  strife  and  contention. 
|.Cor^xi.      There  wanted  not  abixses  in  the  administration  of  this 
No  cHiicr-   Sacramcnt  in  the  most  pure  and  primitive  times  :  as  profane- 
the  Church  ^^^^^  ^^^^  uncliaritableness  among  the  Corinthians.  The 
abmu'fhe    ^i^^onians,  and  Menandrians,  and  some  other  such  imps  of 
Sacrament  Satan,  unworthy  the  name  of  Clu-istians,  did  wholly  forbear 
Lord's      the  use  of  the  Eucharist ;  but  it  was  not  for  any  difference 
forX'  first  ^^o^t  the  Sacrament  itself,  but  about  the  Natural  Body  of 
800 years;  Christ;  they  held,  that  His  Flesh,  and  Blood,  and  Passion, 
were  not  true  and  real,  but  imaginary  and  phantastical, 
things  ^    Tlie  Manichees  did  forbear  the  Cup;  but  it  was  not 
for  any  difference  about  the  Sacrament  itself :  they  made  two 
Gods, — a  good  God,  whom  they  called  ^w?  or  Light,  and  an 
evil  God,  whom  they  termed  Skotc;  or  Darkness ;  which  evil 
God,  they  said,  did  make  some  creatiu'es  of  the  dreg  or  more 


He  was  born  at  Chalons  sur  Marne 
in  1595,  and  became  a  minister  of 
the  congregation  Charenton  in 
1631,  where  he  remained  until  his 
death.  He  is  princii)ally  known  as 
the  author  of  a  learned  and  laborious 
treatise  upon  the  subject  of  Transub- 
stantiation,  first  published  in  French  at 
Geneva  in  1633,  and  republished  after 
his  death  in  Latin  with  the  autlior's 
improvements  by  Blondel,  Daventrise 
1655.  He  died  April  5th,  1652,  be- 
tween the  publication  of  La  Milleti6re"s 
bcok    and   Bramhall's  Answer.  —  See 


notes  a  and  c  to  La  MilletiSre's  Epistle, 
pp.  9  and  11,  and  the  article  Aubertin 
in  Bayle.] 

[Platon.  Lys.  c.  6.  ii.  205.  D.  The- 
a^tet.  c.  56.  i.  164.  C] 

"  Sir  Henry  Wotton.  [See  Walton's 
Life  and  Wordsworth's  note,  Ecclcs. 
Biogr.  vol.  iv.  p.  101.  3rd  edit.] 

f  Theodoret  [Dialog,  iii.  torn.  iv.  P.  i. 
p.  231.  ed.  Schulze;  tanquam]  ex 
Ignatio  [scil.  in  Epist.  ad  Smyni.  §  6. 
inter  Patr.  Apost.  torn.  ii.  p.  412.  cd. 
Jacobsou]. 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  JI.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


9 


feculent  parts  of  the  matter,  which  were  evil  and  impure ;  Discouf 
and  among  these  evil  creatures  they  esteemed  wine,  which  — 


they  called  'the  gall  of  the  Dragon? for  this  cause,  not  upon 
any  other  scruple,  they  wholly  abstained  from  the  Cup'>,  or 
used  water  in  the  place  of  wine  ;  Avhich  Epiphanius  recordeth 
among  the  errors  of  the  Ebionites  and  Tatians',  and 
St.  Augustine  of  the  Aquarians''.  Still  we  do  not  find  any 
clashing,  either  in  word  or  WTiting,  directly  about  this 
Sacrament  in  the  universal  Church  of  Christ,  much  less 
abo^it  the  Presence  of  Christ  in  the  Sacrament.  "  Negue 
ullus  veterutn  disputat  contra  hunc  errorem  primis  sexcentis 
annis^." 

The  first  that  are  supposed  by  Bellarmine  to  have  broached 
any  error  in  the  Church  about  the  Real  Presence,  were  the 
Iconomaclii,  after  700  years ; — " primi  qui  veritatem  Corporis 
Domini  in  Eucharistia  in  qumstionem  vocdrunt,  fuerunt  Icono- 
machi  post  annum  Domini  700"^ — only  because  they  called 
the  Bread  and  Wine  the  image  of  Clu'ist's  Body".  This  is  as 
great  a  mistake  as  the  former.  Their  difference  was  merely 
about  images,  not  at  all  about  the  Eucharist.  So  much 
Vazquez"  confesseth;  that,  "in  his  judgment,  they  were  not 
to  be  numbered  "nith  those  who  deny  the  Presence  of  Chi'ist 
in  the  Eucharist." 

We  may  well  find  different  obseiTationsP  in  those  days  :  as  yet  difier- 
one  Ch\irch  consecrating  leavened  bread,  another  imleavened ;  vationsT'^' 
one  Chm'ch  making  use  of  pm'e  vrine,  another  of  wine  mixed 
mth  water ;  one  Chm'ch  admitting  infants  to  the  Communion, 
another  not  admitting  them :  but  without  controversies,  or 
censures,  or  animosity  one  against  the  other.  We  find  no 
debates  or  disputes  concerning  the  Presence  of  Christ's  Body 
in  the  Sacrament,  and  much  less  concerning  the  manner  of 
His  Presence,  for  the  first  800  years. 

8  ["Fel    Principum   tenebrarum."  cap.  1.  [Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  456.  A.] 

August,  de  Mor.  Manich.  c.  44.  torn.  i.  "  Bellarm.  Ibid.  [B.] 

p.  732.  C]  "  Synod.  Concil.  Nicsen.  Secund.  act. 

"  Leon.  M.  Serm.  iv.  Dc  Quadrages.  vi.  [torn.  iii.  ap.  Labb.  Concil.  torn.  vii. 

[c.  5.  torn.  i.  p.  217.  ed.  Quesncl.]  p.  44.5.] 

'  Adv.  Haeres.  xxx.  [§  16.  p.  142.  °  [In  Tert.  Part.  D.  Thoniffi.  Qu.  75. 

A]  ;  xlvi.  [§  2.  p.  392.  A.  torn.  i.  ed.  Art.  1.]  Disput.  clxxix.  c.  1.  [num.  9.] 

Petav.  Paris.  1622.]  p  [Bingbam's   Orig.   Eccles.  book 

^  Lib.  de  Hseres.  c.  Ixiv.  [torn.  viii.  p.  xv.  chap.  2.  §  5,  6,  7.  chap.  4.  §  7. 

20.  G.]  vol.  V.  pp.  40-51.  171—179.  Lend. 

'  Bellarm.  De  Sacram.  Euchar.  lib.  i.  1810.] 


10 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part  Yet  all  the  time  we  find  as  diiFerent  expressions  among 
and  differ-  those  primitive  Fathers'!,  as  among  our  modern  writers  at  this 
sions"^'^^^  day :  some  calling  the  Sacrament  '  the  Sign  of  Christ's 
Body' — 'the  Figure  of  His  Body' — 'the  Symbol  of  His 
Body* — 'the  Mystery  of  His  Body' — 'the  Exemplar/  'Type/ 
and  'Representation,  of  His  Body  saying  'that  the  Elements 
do  not  recede  from  their  fii'st  nature*/  others  naming  it  'the 
true  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ',' — '  changed,  not  in  shape,  but 
in  nature"/  yea,  doubting  not  to  say,  that  in  this  Sacrament 


^  [Albertin.  De  Euchar.  lib.  ii.  in 
answer  to  Bellarm.  De  Sacrara.  Euchar. 

lib.  ii  Bp.  Cosin's  Schol.   Hist,  of 

Transubstaut.  chapters  5.  and  6 — Jar. 
Taylor  on  the  Real  Pres.  §  12.  vol.  x. 
pp.  59,  &c. — Johnson's  Unbloody  Sacri- 
fice, chap.  2.  subsect.  to  sect.  1.  pp.  145, 
&c.] 

[Signum.  August.  De  Doctr.  Christ, 
lib.  iii.  c.  9.  §  13.  torn.  iii.  P.  i.  p.  49. 
B.C.  Adv.  Adimant.  xii.  §  3.  torn.  viii.  p. 
124.  E.  Adv.  Maxiniin.  lib.  ii.  c.  22. 
§  3.  torn.  viii.  p.  725.  F.  Figura. 
Tertull.  Adv.  Marcion.  lib.  iii.  c.  19. 
p.  494.  A.  lib.  iv.  c.  40.  p.  571.  B.  C. 
Paris  1634.— Ambros.  (?)  De  Sacram. 
lib.  iv.  c.  5.  §21.  torn.  ii.  p.  371.  B.— 
August,  in  Ps.  3.  §  1.  torn.  iv.  p.  7.  E. — 
Gaudent.  Brix.  De  Pasch.  Observat. 
Tract.  2.  ap.  Biblioth.  Patr.  torn.  iv. 
p.  807.  E.— Ephraem.  Syr.  De  Nat. 
Dei  Curios,  non  Scrutand.  p.  681.  Col. 
1603.— Bedae  Comment,  in  Luc.  22. 
lib.  vi.  tom.  v.  p.  424 ;  in  Ps.  3.  tom. 
viii.  p.  324.  Imago.  Ambros.  De  Offic. 
lib.  i.  c.  48.  §  248.  tom.  ii.  p.  63.  B.  C. 
— Gelas.  De  Duab.  Natur.  ap.  Biblioth. 
Patr.  tom.  v.  P.  iii.  p.  671.  B.  Sym- 
bolum.  Victor  Antioch.  in  Marc.  c.  1 4. 
ap.  Biblioth.  Patr.  tom.  iv.  p.  330.  F. 
Mysterium.  Chrys.  (?)  Opus  Iniperf. 
Hom.  xi.  p.  Ixiii.  D,  in  fin.  tom.  vi.  ed. 
Moutfauc— Hilar.  De  Trinit.  lib.  vii''. 
p.  58.  B.  Paris.  1572. — Hiercn.  in  Ezek. 
41.  tom.  ii.  p.  998. — Comment,  (vulg. 
Ambros.)  in  1  Cor.  xi.  19.  in  Append. 

ad  Ambros.  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  149.  F  

Facund.  Hermian.  Pro  Trib.  Capit.  lib. 
i.x.  c.  5.  p.  144.  B.  ed.  Sirmond.  Typus. 
Hieron.  In  Jerem.  31.  tom.  i.  p.  678. — 
Jovinian.  ap.  Hieron.  Adv.  Jovin.  lib.  ii. 
tom.  iv.  P.  ii.  p.  198. — Comment,  (vulg. 
Ambros.)  in  1  Cor.  xi.  26.  ut  supra  p. 
149.  D. — Capit.  Martin.  Episc.  Bracar. 
cap.  Iv.  ap.  Labb.  Concil.  tom.  v.  p.  91 1. 
Similitudo.  August.  Epist.  xcviii.  §  9. 
tom.  ii.  p.  267.  F.— Ambros.  (?)  De 


Sacram.  lib.  iv.  c.  4.  §  20.  tom.ii.  pp.370. 
C.  371.  A.  lib.  vi.  c.  1.  §  ibid.  3.  4.  p.  380. 
A.B. — Gelas.DeDuab.  Natur.  ut  supra. 
Reprasentatio.  "In  quo"  (pane)  "ipsum 
Corpus  Suum  repreEsenlat."  Tertull. 
Adv.  Marcion.  lib.  i.  c.  14.  p.  440.  A. 
Paris.  1634.  —  "  Ut  .  .  .  Ipse  quoque 
veritatem  Sui  Corporis  et  Sanguinis 
repreesentaret."  Hieron.  in  Matth.  26. 
tom.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  128.  Eikwc — 'SvfiPoKov 
— MvaT-ijpiOV  —  'Ai'Ti'tuttos — Tviros :  see 
the  passages  collected  from  the  Greek 
Fathers    by    Suicer,    Thesaur.  sub 

'  ["  OuSe  yap  .  .  .  fjLvariKo.  ain^oXa 
T?)S  o'lKiias  e^iVroTai  <p6aea>s."  Theo- 
doret.  Dial.  ii.  tom.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  126.  ed. 
Schulze. — "Th  irapi  toiv  inaTwv  Ka/iffa- 
v6iJ.evov  Xafia  XpiaTou  .  .  .  Tijs  oiV6j)Tiji 
ovaias  ovK  ejiVraTai."  Ephraem. 
Antioch.  Patriarch,  ap.  Phot.  Biblioth. 
Cod.  ccxxix.  p.  252.  ed.  Bekker. — "Esse 
-non  desinit.  .  .  .  natiira  panis  et  vini." 

Gelas.  De  Duab.  Natur.  ut  supra  

"Nalura  panis  permansit"  (post  sanctifi- 
cationem).  Chrys.  ad  Caesarium.  Op. 
tom.  iii.  p.  744.  C.  ed.  Montfaueon.] 

'  \_'"Tb  Tiiiiov  AvTov  2«5/u.a  Kol  A(/ua 
aA7j6cDs  Xan^avovTfs"  Act.  Concil.  Ni- 
cacn.  Primi  in  Gelas.  Cyzic.  Hist.  lib.  ii. 
c.  30.  ap.  Labb.  Concil.  tom.  ii.  p.  234. — 
"  Nunc  enim  et  Ipsius  Domini  profes- 
sione  et  nostra  fide  vere  Caro  est  et  vere 
Snnguis  est."  Hilar.  De  Trinit.  lib.  viii. 
p.  58.  D.  Paris.  1572.— "Fera"  (Christi) 
"  Caro  .  .  quam  accipinius,  et  verus  Ejus 
po/us  est."  Ambros.  (?)  De  Sacram. 
lib.  vi.  c.  1.  §  1.  p.  380.] 

"  ["  Panis  .  .  .  710)1  effigie  sed  nalitra 
mutatus."  Serm.  Arnold.  Abbatis  (vulg. 
Cyprian.)  inter  Op.  ejus  p.  40.  in  Ap- 
pend, ad  Cyprian.  Op. — "Benedictione 
etiam  natura  mutatur."  Ambros.  lib. 
de  Mysteriis  c.  ix.  §  50.  tom.  ii.  p. 
338.  D ;  and  again  ibid.  §  52.  p.  339. 
C] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIEKE,  &C. 


11 


'  we  see  Christ' — '  we  touch  Christ' — 'we  eat  Christ*/ — 'that  Discourse 

we  fasten  our  teeth  in  His  very  Flesh,  and  make  our  tongues  '-  

red  in  His  Bloody.'  Yet,  notwithstanding,  there  were  no 
questions,  no  quarrels,  no  contentions  amongst  them ;  there 
needed  no  Councils  to  order  them,  no  conferences  to  reconcile 
them ;  because  they  contented  themselves  to  believe  what 
Clnist  had  said, — "  Tliis  is  My  Body," — without  presuming  on 
their  own  heads  to  determine  the  manner  how  it  is  His  Body; 
neither  weigliing  all  their  own  words  so  exactly  before  any 
controversy  was  raised,  nor  expounding  the  sayings  of  other 
men  contrary  to  the  analogy  of  Faith. 

The  fii'st  doubt  about  the  Presence  of  Christ's  Body  in  The  first 
the  Sacrament  seems  to  have  been  moved  not  long  before  the  about  the 
year  900  in  the  days  of  Bertram  and  Paschasius ;  but  the  chri^"?^^ 
controversy  was  not  well  formed,  nor  tliis  new  article  of  Sacra- 

'  ment. 
Transubstantiation  sufficiently  concocted,  in  the  days  of 

Berengarius,  after  the  year  1050 ;  as  appeareth  by  the  gross 

mistaking  and  mistating  of  the  qiiestion  on  both  sides.  First 

Berengarius,  if  we  may  trust  his  adversaries,  knew  no  mean 

between  a  naked  figure  or  empty  sign  of  Christ's  Presence 

and  a  corporeal  or  local  Presence^,  and  afterwards  fell  into 

another  extreme  of  impanation  ^ :  on  the  other  side,  the  Pope 


'  ["  'iSoi/  Aurbv  &pai,  hvTov  airrrj, 
AuTdiv  iadUis-  .  .  .  khrhs  5€  'Y.avT6v  aoi 
5iSw(TiV,  oiiK  ISflv  fk6vov,  kwh.  koX 
a\l/aa6ai  Koi  <paye7v  Kai  Kafie'iv  evSov." 
Chi-ys.  Horn,  in  Matth.  Ixxxii  (al. 
Ixxxiii).  toni.  ii.  p.  514. — "Ov  rh  liidTiov 
n6vov,  aWh  Kol  ScS/uo"  oux'  'io'Te 
a^aaBai  ixovuv,  aW  SiaTe  koI  (payrjyai 
Kol  (ii<popr\Qrivai."  Id.  Horn,  in  Matth. 
1  (al.  li).  torn.  ii.  p.  322. — h^aaBat 
Tov'iiinaTos  XpiffTov."  Basil. De  Bap- 
tism, lib.  ii.  Qu.  3.  torn.  i.  p.  677.  D. 
Paris.  1618. — "Christus,  noster  (qui 
Corpus  Ejus  contmgimus)  panis."  Cy- 
prian. Serm.  de  Orat.  Domin.  Op.  p. 
147.  —  "  Certus  quod  Agyium  Ipsum 
integre  comedas."  Ephraem.  Syr.  De 
Nat.  Dei  Curios,  non  Scrut.  p.  682.  Col. 
1603.— See  also  note  y.] 

^  ["OuK  IZiiv  Ahrhti  n6vov  napiax^ 
ro7s  iTriBv/jLovcriv,  aWa  itol  ciipaaBat  ko! 
(payfiv  Kal  f^n-^|a(  tovs  oSd^ras  7fj 
2opK(."      Chrys.  Horn,  in  Job.  xlvi 

(al.  xlv).  torn.  ii.  p.  746  "  'Cls  ttjj 

Bflus  Ko!  axpOLVTOu  irKfvpas  i(pairT6iJ.(voi 
Tols  x^^^''<^'^>  ovTwrov  awTTipiov  A'lfiaTos 
IxiiaKa^wpLiv."   Id,  Iloni.  v.  (ix.  Mout- 


fauc.)  de  Poenitentia.  torn.  vi.  p.  791. 
— "  T))ti  yhuaaav  ttjv  (poiPKrao/xivriv 
A't/xari  ipptKuSeffrdTC/!."  Id.  Horn,  in 
Matth.  Ixxxii  (al.  Ixxxiii).  torn.  ii.  p. 
514 — "  ndvras  fKtivip  rip  rt/i'itp  ipoivia- 
(TOfievovs  Alfxari."  Id.  De  Sacerdot.  lib. 
iii.  torn.  vi.  p.  15. — "  Cruci  hferemus, 
Sangui/iem  suginnis,  et  intra  Ipsius  Re- 
deniptoris  nostri  vulnera  fgimus  lin- 
guam  ;  quo"  {Sanguine)  "  interius  ex- 
teriusque  r«inea<i  .  .  ."  Serm.  Arnold. 
Abbat.  ut  supra,  p.  41.] 

2  [Such  is  the  representation  of  his 
principal  adversaries,  Adebiiann  (Epist. 
ad  Berengar.  ap.  Biblioth.  Patr.  torn.  xi. ), 
Guitmmid  (De  Verit.  Corp.  et  Sang. 
Christi  in  Euchar.,  ibid.),  Lanfranc 
(Lib.  de  Sacram.  Euchar.  adv.  Beren- 
gar., ibid.),  and  Alger  (De  Sacram. 
adv.  Berengar.,  ibid.  tom.  xii.)  ;  but 
Bp.  Cosin  (Hist,  of  Transubstant.  c.  7. 
§  5. )  gives  a  far  more  favourable  view 
of  his  opinions,  as  implied  in  the  few 
words  of  his  own  preserved  by  Lan- 
franc] 

'  [Giiitmund,  as  above,  p.  351.  E.] 


12 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part   and  the  Council  made  no  diiference  between  consiibstantia- 

 '■  tion  and  transubstantiation, — they  understood  nothing  of  the  17 

spiritual  or  indi\isible  being  of  the  Flesh  and  Blood  of  Christ 
in  the  Sacrament ;  as  appeareth  by  that  ignorant  and  '  Caper- 
[Johnvi.52.  naiticaP  retractation  and  abjuration,  which  they  impose  upon 
Berengarius,  penned  by  Umbertus  a  Cardinal,  approved  by 
Pope  Nicholas  and  a  Council : — "Ego  Berengarius  ^c.''" — "I 
Berengarius  do  consent  to  the  Holy  Roman  Apostolic  See, 
and  profess,  with  my  mouth  and  my  heart,  to  hold  the  same 
Faith  of  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  with  Pope 
Nicholas  and  this  holy  Synod,  &c. and  what  the  Faith  of 
Pope  Nicholas  and  this  Synod  was,  follows  in  the  next  words ; 
"  That  the  Bread  and  Wine,  which  are  set  upon  the  Altar, 
after  Consecration  are  not  only  the  Sacrament,  but  the  very 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ."  This  seems  to  favour  consub- 
stantiation,  rather  than  transubstantiation.  If  the  Bread 
and  Wine  be  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ,  then  they  remain 
Bread  and  Wine  stiU ;  if  the  Bread  be  not  only  the  Sacra- 
ment, but  also  the  thing  of  the  Sacrament,  if  it  be  both  the 
sign  and  the  thing  signified,  how  is  it  now  to  be  made 
nothing  ? 

It  follows  in  the  retractation ;  "  That  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
["nonso-  Clu'ist  is  sensibly,  not  only  in  the  sacrament,  but  in  truth, 
meiit^o  swi  handled  and  broken  by  the  hand  of  the  Priest,  and  bruised 
tate'^']"  teeth  of  the  faithful."  If  it  be  even  so,  there  needs  no 

more  but  feel  and  be  satisfied.  To  this  they  made  Berengarius 
swear  "  by  the  Consubstantial  Trinity  and  the  Holy  Gospels," 
and  acciu'se  and  anathematize  all  those  who  held  the  contrary; 
yet  these  words  did  so  much  scandahze  and  offend  the 
Glosser  upon  Gratian,  that  he  could  not  forbear  to  admonish 
[" nisi sa?^e  the  reader,  that  "unless  he  understood  those  words  in  a 
ui^e  ^igas  gQ^jjjj  sense,  he  would  fall  into  a  greater  heresy  than  that  of 
Berengarius t^."  Not  without  reason,  for  the  most  favourable 
of  the  Schoolmen  ^  do  confess,  that  these  words  are  not  pro- 
perly and  literally  true,  but  figuratively  and  metonymically, 
understanding  the  thing  containing  by  the  thing  contained ; 


h  Ex  Act.  Syn.  Rom.  sub  Nicol. 
Secund.  [A.D.  1059.  ap.  Labb.  Conoil. 
torn.  ix.  p.  1101.] 

''  Gloss,  in  Gratian.  De  Consocrat. 


Distinct,  ii.  c.  '  Ego  Berengar.' 

'1  [So  Eellannine,  Ue  Sacram.  Eu- 
cliar.  lib.  iii.  c.  2i.  torn.  ii.  pp.  767 — 
769.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  13 


as  to  say  the  Body  of  Clirist  is  broken  or  bruised,  because  Discourse 

tbc  quantity  or  species  of  Bread  are  broken  and  bruised.  ^-  

They  might  as  well  say,  tliat  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ 
becomes  fusty  and  sour,  as  often  as  the  species  of  Bread  and 
Wine  before  their  corruption  become  fusty  and  sour.  But 
the  retractation  of  Bereugarius  can  admit  no  such  figurative 
sense ; — that  "  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  in  the  Sacra- 
ment are  divided  and  bruised  sensibly,  not  only  in  the 
sacrament"  (that  is  the  species)  "but  also  in  truth  a  most 
ignorant  Caperuaitical  assertion ;  for  the  Body  of  Christ 
being  not  in  the  Sacrament  modo  quantitaiivo,  according  to 
their  own  tenet,  but  indi\dsibly,  after  a  spiritual  manner,  with- 
out extrinsecal  extension  of  parts,  cannot  in  itself,  or  in  truth, 
be  either  divided  or  bruised.  Therefore  others  of  the  School- 
men go  more  roundly  and  ingenuously  to  work,  and  confess, 
that  '  it  is  an  abusive  and  excessive  expression,'  '  not  to  be 
held  or  defended,'  and  that  '  it  happened  to  Berengarius' 
(they  should  have  said  to  Pope  Nicholas,  and  Cardinal  Um- 
bertus),  '  as  it  doth  with  those  who  out  of  a  detestation  of 
one  error  incline  to  another^.'  Neither  Avill  it  avail  them  any 
thing  at  all,  that  the  Fathers  have  sometimes  used  such  ex- 
pressions of  'seeing  Christ,'  of  '  touching  Clirist'  in  the  Sacra- 
ment, of  '  fastening  our  teeth  in  His  Flesh,'  and  '  making 
oui"  tongues  red  in  His  Blood.'  There  is  a  great  difference 
between  a  sermon  to  the  people  and  a  solemn  retractation 
before  a  judge.  The  Fathers  do  not  say,  that  such  ex- 
pressions are  true,  not  only  sacramentally  or  figm-atively, — 
(as  they  made  Berengarius  both  say  and  accui'se  all  others 
that  held  otherwise,) — but  also  properly,  and  in  the  things 
themselves.  The  Fathers  never  meant  by  these  forms  of 
speech  to  determine  the  manner  of  the  Presence  (Avhich  was 


e  ["  HijperhoUce  locutus  est  et  veri- 
tateni  exccs.sil."  Gloss,  in  Gratian. 
De  Consecrat.  Distinct,  ii.  c.  '  Utruni 
sub  figura.' — "Quia  ille  (Berengar. ) 
fuerat  infainatus  quod  non  credebat  &c. 
.  .  .  ideo  ad  sui  purgationem  per  verba 
excessivn  contrariuni  asseruit."  Richard, 
de  Med.  Vill.  In  iv.  Sentent.  Distinct, 
ix.  Qu.  !.]  —  ["  AVc  modus  iste"  (scil. 
Berengar.  in  Confession.)  "est  taien- 
diis."]  Alexaiui.  [De  Hales,  Summ. 
r.  iv.  Qu.  10.  Memb.  9.  .A.rt.  i.  in 


Resolutione.]  Bonavcnt.  [In  iv.  Sen- 
tent.  Distinct,  xii.  P.  i.  Art.  iii.  qu.l.  in 
ConcUisionL-.]— ["Sic  cnini  frequenter 
lo/i  iit,  s  crrur>  m  (iliijucM  ilaiiivtirc  exces- 
sive locuti  sunt,  ut  pcnitus  rcccderent 
ab  crrore;  quasi  dcclinare  vithrenlur  in 
alterum  extremum  errorcm,  scilicet  sibi 
oppositum."]  Gabriel  [15icl  in  Canon, 
Miss.  Lect.  Ixxx.  §  De  Verit.  Fraction, 
fol.  211.  Lugd.  1542.]— [See  Bp. 
Cosin's  Hist,  of  Trausubstaut.  c.  7.  § 
10.1 


14  THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 

Part    not  dreamt  of  in  their  days),  but  to  raise  the  devotion  of  their 

 '■  hearers  and  readers ;  to  advertise  the  people  of  God,  that 

they  should  not  rest  in  the  external  sjinbols,  or  signs,  but 
principally  be  intent  upon  the  invisible  grace :  which  was 
both  lawful  and  commendable  for  them  to  do.  Leave  us 
their  primitive  liberty,  and  we  will  not  refrain  from  the  like 
expressions. 

I  urge  this  to  shew,  that  the  new  doctrine  of  Transub- 
stantiation  is  so  far  from  being  an  old  article  of  Faith,  that  it 
was  not  well  digested,  nor  rightly  understood,  in  any  tolerable 
measure,  by  the  greatest  clerks,  and  most  concerned,  above 
a  thousand  years  after  Clirist. 
The  [first]     The  first  definition  or  determination  of  this  manner  of  the  is 
tion  of  the  Presence  was  yet  later,  in  the  Council  of  Lateran*,  in  the 
the"pre-°^  days  of  Innocent  the  Third,  after  the  year  1200.  "Ante 
sence.       Lateranense  Concilium  Transiibstantiatio  nonfuit  dogma  fidei^." 

And  what  the  fruit  of  it  was,  let  Vasquez''  bear  witness.  "  Au- 
dita nmnine  Transubstantiationis,  &c." — "The  very  name  of 
Transubstantiation  being  but  heard,  so  great  a  controversy 
did  arise  among  the  later  schoolmen  concerning  the  nature 
thereof,  that  the  more  they  endeavoiu'ed  to  wind  themselves 
out,  the  more  they  wrapped  themselves  in  greater  difiiculties, 
whereby  the  mystery  of  Faith  became  more  difficult  both  to 
be  explained  and  to  be  understood,  and  more  exposed  to  the 
cavils  of  its  adversaries."  He  adds,  that  "  the  name  of  con- 
version and  transubstantiation  gave  occasion  to  these  con- 
troversies." 

It  opened  a  No  sooncr  was  this  bell  rung  out,  no  sooner  was  this  fatal 
to^'a'^deiuge  sentence  given,  but,  as  if  Pandora's  box  had  been  newly  set 
°gjp?"*''°"  wide  open,  whole  swarms  of  noisome  questions  and  debates 

did  fiU  the  schools. 

Then  it  began  to  be  disputed  by  what  means  this  change 

comes :  whether  by  the  Benediction  of  the  Elements,  or  by 


f  [Decret.  Concil.  Later.  A.D.  1215, 
0.  1.  ap.  Labb.  Concil.  toni,  xi.  p. 
14-3.  B.] 

s  Scotus  In  iv.  Sentent.  Distinct,  xi. 
Qu.  3.  [§  1.5.  "  Ubi"  (soil,  in  Symbol. 
Innocent.  Papae  et  Concil.  Lateran.) 
"  explicite  ponitur  Veritas  aliquorum  cre- 
dendorum  "  (he  is  speaking  of  transub- 
stantiation)" magisexplicite  qiiam  habe- 


baturin  Symbolo  Apostolorumvel  Atha- 
nasii  vel  Nicasni ;" — which  passage  is 
reported  by  Bellarm.  (De  Sacram.  Eu- 
char.  lib.  iii.  c.  23.  torn.  ii.  p.  7C1.  A.) 
in  the  words  quoted  byBramhall  in  the 
text.] 

"  Vazquez  [In  Tert.  Part.  D. 
Thomae]  Qu.  75.  [Art.  8.]  Disp.  clxxxi. 
c.  1.  [num.  2.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


15 


the  repetition  of  these  words  of  Christy  "  This  is  My  Body." 
The  common  current  of  your  schools  is  for  the  latter ;  but 
your  judicious  Archbishop  of  Csesarea',  since  the  Council  of 
Trent,  in  a  book  dedicated  to  Sixtus  the  Fifth,  produceth 
great  reason  to  the  contrarj^ 

Then  was  the  question  started,  what  the  demonstrative 
pronoun  Hoc  signifies  in  these  words,  "  This  is  my  Body 
whether  this  thing,  or  this  substance,  or  this  Bread,  or  this 
Body,  or  this  meat,  or  these  accidents,  or  that  which  is  con- 
tained under  these  species,  or  this  individuum  vagum,  or  lastly 
(which  seems  stranger  than  all  the  rest)  this  nothing''. 

Then  it  began  to  be  argued,  whether  the  Elements  were 
annihilated :  whether  the  matter  and  form  of  them  being 
destroyed,  their  essence  did  yet  remain ;  or  the  essence  being 
converted,  the  existence  remained  :  whether  the  sacramental 
existence  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  do  depend  upon 
its  natural  existence :  whether  the  whole  Host  were  transub- 
stantiated, or  only  some  parts  of  it,  that  is,  such  parts  as 
should  be  distributed  to  worthy  communicants ;  or  whether 
in  those  parts  of  the  Host,  which  were  distributed  unto 
unworthy  communicants,  the  matter  of  bread  and  wine  did 
not  return'  :  whether  the  Deity  did  assume  the  Bread,  or 
the  species  thereof,  by  a  new  hypostatical  union,  called 
impanation™,  either  absolutely,  or  respectively  mediante  Cor- 
pore :  whether  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Clirist  might  be  pre- 
sent in  the  Sacrament  without  transubstantiation,  with  the 
Bread  or  Avithout  the  Bread  :  whether  a  body  may  be  transub- 
stantiated into  a  Spirit ;  and  (which  is  most  strange)  whether 
a  creatiu-e  might  be  transubstantiated  into  the  Deity  ". 

Then  the  schoolmen  began  to  wrangle  what  manner  of 
change  this  was ;  whether  a  material  change,  or  a  formal 
change ;  or  a  change  of  the  whole  substance,  both  matter  and 


■  [Christopher  de  Caplte  Fontium, 
or  Christofle  de  Cheffontaines,  Archbp. 
of  CsBsarea,  in  the  dedicatory  epistle 
prefixed  to  his  Varii  Tractat.  et  Dis- 
putat.]  De  Necessar.  Correct.  Scholast. 
Theolog.  [Paris.  1586]. 

^  Gloss,  in  Gratian.  De  Consecrat. 
Distinct,  ii.  c.  'Timorem.' 

'  Guihnund.  De  Verit.  [Corp.  et 
Sang.  Christi  in  Euchar.]  lib.  iii.  [ap. 
Biblioth.  Patr.  torn.  xi.  pp.  372,  sq.] 


[Impanalioii : — soil.  "  non  adessc 
in  Eucharistia  Humanum  seu  Carneum 
Christi  Corpus  sumptum  ex  B.  Virgine 
Matre,  sed  Corpus  Panaceiim  assumptum 
hypostatice  a  Verbo ;"  as  the  word  is 
explained  by  Henriquez,  Summ.  Theol. 
Moral,  lib.  viii.  c.  20.  p.  441.  Venet. 
1596.] 

"  Vazquez  [In  Tert.  Part.  D.  Thomae. 
Qu.  75.  Art.  8.]  Disput.  clxxxiv.  o.  1. 
[num.  4.] 


16 


THE  BISHOP  OF  berry's  ANSWER  TO 


Part    form :  and  if  it  were  a  Conversion  of  tlie  whole  substance, 

 L  then  whether  it  was  hy  way  of  production,  or  by  adduction, 

or  by  conservation :  each  of  which  greater  squadrons  are  sub- 
divided into  several  lesser  parties,  speaking  as  different 
language  as  the  builders  of  Babel,  pestering  and  perplexing 
one  another  with  inextricable  difficulties. 

It  cannot  be  a  new  production  (saith  one) ;  because  the 
Body  of  Christ,  whereinto  the  Elements  are  supposed  to  be 
converted,  did  pre-exist  before  the  change ;  neither  can  that 
Body  which  is  made  of  Bread,  be  the  same  Body  with  that 
which  was  born  of  a  Virgin. 

If  it  be  not  by  production  (say  others),  but  only  by  adduc- 
tion, then  it  is  not  a  trunsubstantiation,  but  a  trans- 
nbiation;  not  a  change  of  natures,  but  a  local  succession: 
then  the  Priest  is  not  the  'maker  of  his  Maker o'  (as  they 
use  to  brag),  but  only  puts  Him  into  a  new  Positure  or 
Presence  under  the  species  of  Bread  and  Wine. 

Howbeit  this  way  by  adduction  be  "  the  more  common  and 
the  safer  way"  (if  we  may  trust  BeUarmineP),  yet,  of  all  con- 
versions or  changes,  it  hath  least  affinity  with  transub- 
[Joh.  ii.  stantiation.  Suppose  the  water  had  not  been  turned  into 
wine  at  Cana  of  Gahlee  by  our  Saviour,  but  poured  out,  or 
utterly  destroyed,  and  wine  new  created,  or  adduced  by  19 
miracle  into  the  water-pots,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  intro- 
duction of  the  wine  should  be  the  expulsion  of  the  water  not 
only  comitanter  but  causaliter ;  in  such  case  it  had  been 
[Exod.  iv.  no  transubstantiation.  Moses  his  rod  was  truly  changed 
into  a  serpent,  but  it  was  by  production ;  if  his  rod  had  been 
conveyed  away  invisibly  by  legerdemain,  and  a  serpent  had 
been  adduced  into  the  place  of  it,  what  transubstantiation 
had  this  been  ?  None  at  all ;  no,  though  the  adduction  of 
the  serpent  had  been  the  means  of  the  expulsion  and  de- 


°  ["  Ut  .  .  .  Dcum  runcla  crcnntem. 
suo  sigiiaculo  cirent"  (sacenlotes). 
Urban  the  Second,  and  the  Council  of 
Rome  A.  D.  1099,  as  reported  liy 
Simeon  Dunelm.  Ilistor.  de  Gcsiis  lie,:. 
Anglor.  aji.  Twysdcn  Ilistor.  Aiifilie. 
Scriptor.  Decern,  p.  22 1.  Lond.  I(i52  ; 
Bromplon,  Chron.  ibid.  j).  991 ;  and 
Hoveden,Chron.  up.  Savil.  Rer.  Anglic. 
Script,  post  Eedani,  [). -IGT. — "  Quuni 
creator  sit"  (saccrdos)  "  Crcaloih  siii." 


Stella  Clericorum  Cuilibet  Clero  Summe 
Necessaria,  printed  by  Pyiison  at  the 
end  of  the  fifteenth  or  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth  century ;  see  Ames'  Typo- 
gvaph.  Autiquit.  by  Dibdin,  vol.  ii.  p. 
'.j  U.- Quoted  by  Jcr.  Taylor,  On  the 
Real  Pres.  Pref.  vol.  ix.  p.  ccccviii.] 

"  [Bcllarm.  Do  Saeram.  Eucliar. 
lib.  iii.  c.  18.  torn.  ii.  pp.  735.  B,  738. 
B.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  17 

struction  of  the  rod.    It  is  so  far  from  transubstantiation,  Discourse 

that  it  is  no  conversion  at  all.    The  substance  of  the  Ele-  

ments  is  not  converted,  for  that  is  supposed  to  be  destroyed. 
The  accidents  are  not  converted,  but  remain  the  same  they 
were.  It  is  no  adduction  at  all,  when  the  Body  of  Christ 
(which  is  the  thing  supposed  to  be  adduced)  remains  still  in 
Heaven,  where  it  was  before. 

It  cannot  be  a  conservative  conversion  (say  others)  :  for  the 
same  individual  thing  cannot  be  conserved  by  two  total  distinct 
conservations  j  but  if  this  were  a  conservative  conversion,  the 
Bodv  of  Christ  should  be  conserved  by  two  total  distinct 
conservations,  the  one  in  Heaven,  the  other  in  earth ;  yea, 
by  ten  thousand  distinct  total  conservations  upon  earth,  even 
as  many  as  there  are  consecrated  Hosts :  "  which  seems  to 
be  ridiculous,  and  without  any  necessity  administers  great 
occasion  to  the  adversaries  of  Christian  religion,  of  jesting 
and  deriding  the  mysteries  of  our  Faith 'i." 

So  here  we  have  a  transubstantiation  without  transub- 
stantiation  ;  a  production  of  a  modus  or  manner  of  being,  for 
a  production  of  a  substance ;  an  annihilation  supposed,  yet 
no  annihilation  confessed ;  an  adduction,  without  any  adduc- 
tion ;  a  terminus  ad  quern,  without  a  terminus  a  quo.  Who 
shall  reconcile  us  to  ourselves  ?    But  the  end  is  not  yet. 

Then  grew  up  the  question,  what  is  the  proper  adequate 
Body  which  is  contained  under  the  species  or  accidents ; 
whether  a  material  Body,  or  a  substantial  Body,  or  a  living 
Body,  or  an  organical  Body,  or  a  human  Body;  whether  it 
have  weight  or  not,  and  why  it  is  not  perceived ;  whether  it 
can  be  seen  by  the  eye  of  mortal  man  ;  whether  it  can  act  or 
suffer  any  thing ;  whether  it  be  moveable  or  immoveable ; 
whether  by  itself,  or  by  accident,  or  by  both ;  whether  it  can 
move  in  one  place  and  rest  in  another,  or  be  moved  with  two 
contrary  motions,  as  upwards  and  downwards,  southwards 
and  northwards,  at  the  same  time. 

Add  to  these,  whether  the  Soul  of  Christ,  and  the  Deity, 
and  the  whole  Trinity,  do  follow  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Clu-ist  under  either  species,  by  concomitance ;  whether  the 
Sacramental  Body  must  have  suffered  the  same  things  with 

q  Vazquez.  [InTert.Part.D.Thoma]  [num.28.]] 
Qu.  75.  [Art.  8.]  Disput.  clxxxii.  c.  4. 

BRAMHALL.  C 


18 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY's  ANSWER  TO 


the  Natural  Body ;  as,  supposing  that  an  Host,  consecrated 
at  Christ's  Last  Supper,  had  been  reserved  until  after  His 
Passion,  whether  Christ  must  have  died,  and  His  Blood  have 
been  actually  shed,  in  the  Sacrament ""j  yea,  whether  those 
wounds,  that  were  imprinted  by  the  whips  in  His  Natural 
Body,  might  and  should  have  been  found  in  His  Sacramental 
Body  without  flagellation «. 

Like%^dse,  what  Blood  of  Christ  is  in  the  Sacrament ; 
whether  that  Blood  only  which  was  shed,  or  that  Blood  only 
which  remained  in  the  Body,  or  both  the  one  and  the  other ; 
and  whether  that  Blood  which  was  shed  was  assumed  again 
by  the  Humanity  in  the  Resurrection. 

Then  began  those  paradoxical  questions  to  be  first  agitated 
in  the  schools  :  whether  the  same  individual  body,  without 
division  or  discontinuation  from  itself,  can  be  locally  in  ten 
thousand  places,  yea,  in  Heaven  and  in  earth,  at  the  same 
time;  or  if  not  locally,  yet  whether  it  can  be  spiritually  and  in- 
di\dsibl3^ ;  and  whether  it  be  not  the  same  as  to  this  piir- 
pose,  whether  a  body  be  locally  or  spiritually  present  in  more 
places  than  one.  Bellarmine'  seems  to  incline  to  the  affirm- 
ative : — "  Though  to  be  any  where  sacramentally  doth  not 
imply  the  taking  up  of  a  place,  yet  it  implies  a  true  and  real 
Presence ;  and  if  it  be  in  more  Hosts  or  Altars  than  one,  it 
seems  no  less  opposite  unto  indivisibility,  than  the  filhng  up  of 
many  places."  Nay,  he  is  past  seeming  positive,  that  "  without 
doubt,  if  a  body  cannot  be  in  two  places  localty,  it  cannot  be 
sacramentally  in  two  places."  Compare"  this  of  Bellarmine  with 
that  of  Aquinas",  that  "  it  is  not  possible  for  one  body  to  be  in 
more  places  than  one  locally,  no,  not  by  miracle,  because  it  20 
implies  a  contradiction and  consider  upon  what  tottering 
foundations  you  build  articles  of  Faith.  It  is  impossible,  and 
implies  a  contradiction,  for  the  Body  of  Christ  to  be  locally  in 
more  Hosts  than  one  at  the  same  time  (saith  Aquinas).  But 
it  is  as  impossible,  and  imphes  a  contradiction  as  much,  for 
the  Body  of  Christ  to  be  sacramentally  in  more  Hosts  than 

r  [Tliom.  Aquin.  In  iv.  Scntent.  Dis-         "  [See   Jer.   Taylor  on  the  Ileal 

tinct.  xi.  Qu.  iii.  Art.  5.]  Pres.  sect.  11.  §  21.  vol.  x.  pp.  35,  36. 

s  [Vazquez  in  Tert.  Part.  D.  Thoma;  — and  Bp.    Hall's  Peace  of  Rome, 

Qu.  75.  Art.  8.  Disput.  clxxxii.  c.  4.  Decade  iii.  §  9.] 

num.  20.]  "  In  iv.  Sentent.  Distinct,  xliv.  Qu. 

t  De  Sacram.  Eucliar.  lib.  iii.  c.  3.  ii.  Art.  2.  qu.  3.  ['Ad  quartum.'] 
in  fin.  [Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  677.  B.  C] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE^  &C. 


19 


one  at  the  same  time  as  to  be  locally  (saith  Bellarmine) .  The 
inference  is  plain  and  obvious. 

And  many  such  strange  questions  are  moved: — as  whether  it 
be  possible  the  thing  contained  should  be  a  thousand  times 
greater  than  the  thing  containing ;  whether  a  definitive  being 
in  a  place  do  not  imply  a  not-being  out  of  that  place ;  whether 
more  bodies  than  one  can  be  in  one  and  the  same  place ; 
whether  there  can  be  a  j)enetration  of  dimensions ;  whether  a 
body  can  subsist  after  a  spiritual  manner,  so  as  to  take  up  no 
place  at  all,  but  to  be  wholly  in  the  whole,  and  wholly  in 
every  part :  moreover,  whether  the  whole  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ  be  in  every  particle  of  the  Bread,  and  of  the  Cup  ; 
and  if  it  be,  then  whether  only  after  the  division  of  the 
Bread  and  Wine,  or  before  division  also ;  and  in  how  many 
parts,  and  in  which  parts,  is  the  whole  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ ;  whether  in  the  least  parts  ;  and  if  in  the  least  parts, 
then  whether  in  the  least  in  kind,  or  the  least  in  quantity ; 
that  is,  so  long  as  the  species  may  retain  the  name  of  bread 
and  wine,  or  so  long  as  the  matter  is  divisible ;  and  whether 
the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  be  also  in  the  indi\dsible  parts, 
as  points,  and  lines,  and  superficies  :  lastly,  whether  accidents 
can  subsist  without  their  subjects,  that  is,  whether  they  can 
be  both  accidents,  and  no  accidents ;  whether  all  the  accidents 
of  the  elements  do  remain,  and  particularly  whether  the 
quantity  doth  remain;  whether  the  other  accidents  do 
inhere  in  the  quantity  as  their  subject,  that  is,  whether  an 
accident  can  have  an  accident;  whether  the  quantity  of 
Christ's  Body  be  there ;  and  whether  it  be  there  after  a 
quantitative  manner,  with  extension  of  parts,  either  extrin- 
secal  or  intrinsecal :  and  whether  the  quantity  of  the  Body  of 
Christ  be  distinct  and  figured,  or  indistinct  and  unfigured ; 
whether  the  accidents  can  nourish  or  make  drunken,  or  cor- 
rupt and  a  new  Body  be  generated  of  them;  and  what 
supplies  the  place  of  the  matter  in  such  generation, — whether 
the  quantity,  or  the  Body  of  Christ,  or  the  old  matter  of  the 
Bread  and  Wine  restored  by  miracle,  or  new  matter  created 
by  God ;  and  how  long  in  such  corruption  doth  the  Body  of 
Christ  continue. 

Whosoever  is  but  moderately  versed  in  your  great  doctors, 
must  needs  know  that  these  questions  are  not  the  private 
c  2 


20 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DEKRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part    doubts  OT  debates  of  single  school-men^  but  the  common 
— — ^ — —  gai'boils  and  general  engagements  of  yom*  Avhole  schools ; — 
Avherefore  it  had  been  a  mere  vanity  to  cite  every  particulai* 
author  for  each  question,  and  would  have  made  the  mai-gin  ' 
swell  ten  times  greater  than  the  text. 
[Two  fur-      From  this  bold  determination  of  the  manner  of  the  Pre- 
ences'have  scncc  liow,  have  flowed  two  other  differences  : 
from  this  ^^^^^)  ^^^^  detention  of  the  Cup  from  the  laity,  merely 

boid  de-    upon  presumption  of  concomitance,  first  decreed  in  the 
tionofthe  Council  of  Constance y,  after  the  year  1400.    Let  what  will 
the'pre-°^  bccome  of  concomitancc,  whilst  we  keep  om'selves  to  the  In- 
sence.]      stitution  of  Christ  and  the  univ  ersal  practice  of  the  Primitive 
Church.    It  was  not  for  nothing  that  om'  SaA^our  did  distin- 
guish His  Body  from  His  Blood,  not  only  in  the  consecration, 
but  also  in  the  distribution,  of  the  Sacrament. 

By  the  way  give  me  leave  to  represent  a  contradiction  in 
Bellarmine,  which  I  am  not  able  to  reconcile.  In  one  place 
he  saith%  "The  providence  of  God  is  marvellous  in  Holy 
[Lu.  xxii.  Scripture:  for  St.  Luke  hath  put  these  words  'do  you  this' 
19,  20.]  after  the  Sacrament  given  under  the  form  of  Bread,  but  he 
repeated  it  not  after  the  giving  of  the  Cup ;  that  we  might 
understand,  that  the  Lord  commanded  that  the  Sacrament 
should  be  distributed  unto  all  under  the  form  of  Bread,  but 
not  under  the  form  of  AA'ine."  And  yet  in  the  next  chapter 
hut  one  of  the  same  Book^  he  doth  positively  detenuine  the 
contrary,  upon  the  ground  of  concomitance, — that  "the  Bread 
may  be  taken  away  if  the  Cup  be  given,  but  both  cannot  be 
taken  away  together."  Can  that  be  taken  away  which 
Christ  hath  expressly  commanded  to  be  given  to  all  ? 

II.  A  second  difference  flowing  from  Trausubstantiation,  21 
is  about  the  adoration  of  the  Sacrament  ;  one  of  those  im- 
pediments which  hinder  our  communication  with  you  in  the 
celebration  of  Divine  Offices.  We  deny  not  a  venerable 
respect  unto  the  consecrate  Elements,  not  only  as  love-tokens 
sent  us  by  om'  best  Friend,  but  as  the  instruments  ordained 
by  our  Saviour  to  convey  to  us  the  Merits  of  His  Passion ; 
but  [and  ?]  for  the  Person  of  Christ,  God  forbid  that  we  should 


[Concil.  Constant.  (A.D.   1415.)  Bellarm.  de  Sacrani.  Euchar.  lib.  iv. 

Sess.  xiii.  ap.  Labb.  Concil.  torn.  xii.     c.  25.  [Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  911.  C] 
p.  100.]  a  [Bellarm.  ibid.]  c.  27.  [p.  925.  C] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


21 


deny  Him  Divine  Avorsliip  at  any  time^  and  especially  in  the  Discourse 

use  of  tliis  Holy  Sacrament ;  -we  believe  with  St.  Austin^,  that   '■  

"  no  man  eats  of  that  Flesh,  but  first  he  adores  — but  that 
which  offends  us  is  this,  that  you  teach  and  require  all  men 
to  adore  the  very  Sacrament  with  Divine  honour To  this 
end  you  hold  it  out  to  the  people.  To  this  end  Corpus 
Christi  Day  was  instituted  about  three  hundred  years  since"*. 
Yet  we  know  that  even  upon  your  own  grounds  you  cannot, 
without  a  particular  revelation,  have  any  infallible  assurance 
that  any  Host  is  consecrated;  and  consequently  you  have 
no  assurance  that  you  do  not  commit  material  idolatry. 
But  that  Avhich  weighs  most  with  us  is  this,  that  we  dare 
not  give  Di\dne  worship  unto  any  creature,  no,  not  to  the 
very  Humanity  of  Christ  in  the  abstract  (much  less  to  the 
Host),  but  to  the  Whole  Person  of  Christ,  God  and  Man,  by 
reason  of  the  hj^postatical  union  between  the  Chdd  of  the 
blessed  Virgin  Mary,  and  the  Eternal  Son,  "  Who  is  God  [Rom.  ix. 
over  all  Blessed  for  ever''."  Shew  us  such  an  union  betwixt  ^  ^ 
the  Deity  and  the  Elements,  or  accidents,  aiid  you  say  some- 
thing. But  you  pretend  no  such  things.  The  highest  that 
you  dare  go  is  this ;  "  as  they  that  adored  Christ  Avhen  He 
was  upon  earth,  did  after  a  certain  kind  of  manner  adore  "  Quodam 
His  garments''."  Is  this  all?  This  is  'after  a  certain  kind 
of  manner'  indeed.  We  have  enough.  There  is  no  more 
adoration  due  to  the  Sacrament,  than  to  the  garments  which 
Christ  did  wear  upon  earth.    Exact  no  more. 

Thus  the  seamless  Coat  of  Christ  is  torn  in  pieces ;  thus 
Faith  is  minced  into  shreds,  and  spun  up  into  niceties,  more 
subtle  than  the  webs  of  spiders  ; — 

"  Fidem  minutis  dissccant  ambagibus, 
"  Ut  quisque  est  lingua  nequiors;" — 

because  ciu-ious  wits  cannot  content  themselves  to  touch  hot 
coals  with  tongs,  but  they  must  take  them  up  with  their 
naked  fingers ;  nor  to  apprehend  mysteries  of  religion  by 
faith,  without  descanting  upon  them,  and  determining  them 

"  ["Nemo . . .  illam  Carnem  mandu-  mentin.  lib.  iii.  Titu].  xvi.  De  Reliq. 

cat,  nisi  prius  adoraverit."    August.  et  Venerat.  Sanctor.] 

In  Ps.  xfviii.  v.  9.  torn.  iv.  p.  106.5.  e  [See  below  p.  45  ;  and  Thomdike's 

t^']  Epilogue,  bk.  iii.  c.  30,  beginn.] 

"  [Concil.  Trident.  Sess.  xiii.  cap.  .5.  f  Bellarm.  De  Sacrain.  Euchar.  lib. 

et  can.  6.]  iv.  c.  29.  [Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  929.  A.] 

Concil.  Vienn.  [quarti.  .■\.D.  1311 .  ^  [Prudent.   ' hTro9(a>iT.   Praf.  2da. 

See  the  decree  inter  Constituf.  C'lc-  vv-  21,  22.] 


22 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part    by  reason^  whilst  tliemselves  confess  that  they  are  incom- 

 '-  prehensible  by  human  reason,  and  imperceptible  by  man's 

imagination  ; — how  Christ  is  present  in  the  Sacrament,  "  can 
neither  be  perceived  by  sense,  nor  by  imagination''."  The 
more  inexcusable  is  their  presumption  to  anatomize  myste- 
ries, and  to  determine  supernatiu'al  not-revealed  truths 
upon  their  own  heads,  Avhich,  if  they  were  revealed,  were  not 
possible  to  be  comprehended  by  mortal  man.  As  vain  an 
attempt,  as  if  a  child  should  think  to  lade  out  all  the  water 
Dout.xxix.  out  of  the  sea  Avith  a  coclde-slieU.  "  Secret  things  belong  to 
the  Lord  our  God,  but  things  revealed  unto  us,  and  our 
children  for  ever." 


This  is  the  reason  why  we  rest  in  the  words  of  Christ, 
"  This  is  INIy  Body," — lea^dng  the  manner  to  Him  that  made 
the  Sacrament.  We  know  it  is  sacramental,  and  therefore 
efficacious,  because  God  was  never  wanting  to  His  own  ordi- 
nances, where  man  did  not  set  a  bar  against  himself:  but 
whether  it  be  corporeally  or  spiritually  (I  mean  not  only  after 
the  manner  of  a  Spu-it,  but  in  a  spiritual  sense');  whether  it 
be  in  the  soul  only,  or  in  the  Host  also ;  and  if  in  the  Host, 
whether  by  consnbstantiation  or  trausubstantiation;  whether 
by  production,  or  adduction,  or  conservation,  or  assumption, 
or  by  Avhatsoever  other  way  bold  and  blind  men  dare  con- 
jecture ; — we  determine  not.  "  Motum  sentimus,  modum 
nescimus,  Prasentiam  credimus^." 

This  was  the  belief  of  the  Primitive  Church,  this  was  the 
Faith  of  the  ancient  Fathers,  who  were  never  acquainted 
with  these  modern  questions  de  modo,  which  edify  not,  but 
expose  Christian  religion  to  contempt.  We  know  Avhat  to 
think  and  what  to  say  with  probabihty,  modesty,  and  sub- 
mission, in  the  schools ;  but  we  dare  neither  screw  up  the 
question  to  such  a  height,  nor  dictate  our  opinions  to  others 
so  magisterially  as  articles  of  Faith. 


1»  Thom.  Aquin.  [Summ.]  Pars  iii.     vol.  ix.  p.  428  ;  see  Bellartn.  De  Sacram. 


manner  of  a  spirit ;'  by  '  spiritually'  we     by  Mich.  Neander,  Synops.  Chronicor. 
mean  'present  to  our  spirits  only.'"     fol.  90.] 
Jer.  Taylor  on  the  Real  Pres.  sect.  1. 


"  Nescire  velle  quae  Magister  maximus 
"  Docere  non  vult,  erudlta  est  inscitia," 


Euchar.  lib.  i.  c.  2.  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  467. 


[A  saying  of]  Durandus  [reported 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  UE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


23 


O !  liow  happy  had  the  Christian  world  been^  if  scholars  Discourse 
could  have  sat  down  contented  with  a  latitude  of  general^  suffi-  ^' 


Against 

cieut,  saving  truth  (which  when  all  is  done  must  be  the  oHve-  muitipiy- 
branch  of  peace,  to  shew  that  the  deluge  of  ecclesiastical  q'lfestions 
division  is  abated),  without  wading  too  far  into  jDarticular  frovjj-sie's. 
subtilties,  or  "  doting  about  questions   and  logomachies,  [i  Tim.  vi. 
whereof  cometh  emy,  strife,  raiUngs,  e^•il  surmisings,  perverse  ^' 
disputings."    Old  controversies  evermore  raise  up  new  con- 
troversies, and  yet  more  controversies,  as  circles  in  the  water 
do  produce  other  circles. 

Now  especially  these  scholastical  quarrels  seem  to  be  un- 
seasonable, when  Zeno's  school  is  newly  opened  in  the  world, 
who  '  sometimes  wanted  opinions,  but  never  wanted  argu- 
ments.' Now,  when  atheism  and  sacrilege  are  become  the  mode 
of  the  times ;  now,  when  all  the  fundamentals  of  theology, 
morality,  and  policy,  are  undermined  and  ready  to  be  blown 
up ;  now,  when  the  unhappy  contentions  of  great  princes,  or 
their  ministers,  have  hazarded  the  very  being  of  monarchy 
and  Christianity ;  now,  when  Bellona  shakes  her  bloody  whip 
over  this  kingdom ' ; — it  becometh  well  all  good  Christians 
and  subjects,  to  leave  their  litigious  questions,  and  to  bring 
water  to  quench  the  fire  of  civil  dissension  already  kindled, 
rather  than  to  blow  the  coals  of  discord,  and  to  render  them- 
selves censurable  by  all  discreet  persons :  like  that  half-witted 
fellow  personated  in  the  orator,  '  Qui  cum  capiti  mederi  debu- 
isset,  reduviam  curavit' — 'when  his  head  was  extremely 
distempered,  he  busied  himself  about  a  small  push  on  his 
finger's  end 

BUT  that  which  createth  this  trouble  to  you  and  me  at  this  The  occa- 

•    1     -r-.    T  T       •  sionofthis 

time,  IS  your  Preface,  and  Epistle  Dedicatory ;  wherein,  to  Discourse 
adorn  your  vainly-imagined  '  Victorj^'  in  an  unseasonable  jjlce 
controversy,  you  rest  not  contented  that  your  adversary  grace  ^eJucatory 
your  triumph,  unless  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  all  his  ^X/''^^,!!^'.*^- 
subjects,  yea  and  all  Protestants  besides,  attend  your  chariot,  toire  de  la 
Neither  do  you  only  desire  this,  but  augurate  it;  or  rather 

'  [Bramhall  appears  to  have  ivrilten  of  the  'Mazarins'  and  'Frondeurs. ' 

his  Answer  at  Paris,  where  Charles  the  Paris  itself  was  entered  by  the  Prince  of 

Second  resided  from   1651    to  1654.  Conde  after  a  sharp  battle,  and  the 

France  was  at  war  during  that  period  King  (Louis  XIV.,  then  a  minor)  driven 


with  both  Spain  and  the  Empire,  and  out  of  it,  in  1651.  See  also  below, 
suffering  at  the  same  time  under  the     p.  7S.] 

honors  of  civil  war  through  the  contests  [Cic.  pro  Rose.  Ameriu.  c.  44.] 


24 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part    you  relate  it  as  a  thing  already  as  good  as  done  :  for  you  tell 

[La  Milie  ^^^^  '  ^^'^^  ^^^^  ^^^^      ^^^^'^  those  truths, 

tiere's  which  make  him  to  know  the  faults  of  that  new  religion 
p.^7.*'[mar-  which  he  had  sucked  in  with  his  milk;'  you  set  forth  the 
paging.]  causes  of  his  conversion^,  'the  tears  of  his  mother/  and  'the 
[pp.  13,  blood  of  his  father/  whom  you  suppose  (against  e^ddent  truth) 
to  have  died  an  imdsible  member  of  your  Roman  Catholic 
Church;  and  you  prescribe  the  means  to  perfect  his  con- 
[p.  9.]      version,  which  must  be  'a  conference  of  your  theologians 

with  the  ministers  of  Charenton.' 
The  indis-      If  yom*  charity  be  not  to  be  blamed,  to  wish  no  worse  to 
the  Author  another  than  you  do  to  yourself,  j^et  prudent  men  desire 
fidre]!''^'''  more  discretion  in  you,  than  to  have  presented  such  a  treatise 
to  the  view  of  the  world  under  his  Majesty's  protection, 
without  his  license,  and  against  his  conscience.    Had  you 
not  heard  that  such  groundless  insinuations  as  these,  and 
other  private  whisperings  concerning  his  father's  apostatizing 
to  the  Roman  Religion,  did  lose  him  the  hearts  of  many 
subjects  ?    If  you  did,  why  would  you  insist  in  the  same 
steps,  to  deprive  the  son  of  all  possibility  of  recovering  them  ? 
To  no  pur-     If  your  intention  be  only  to  invite  his  Majesty  to  embrace 
The^King  the  Catholic  Faith,  you  might  have  spared  both  youi*  oil  and 
abetter^^   labour.    The  Catholic  Faith  flom-ished  1,200  years  in  the 
than  him    ^'^"^^^  before  Transubstantiatioia  was  defined  among  yovir- 
self.         selves.    Persons  better  acquainted  with  the  primitive  times 
than  yourself  (unless  you  wrong  one  another)  do  acknow- 
ledge, that  "  the  Fathers  did  not  touch  either  the  word  or  the 
matter  of  transubstantiation"."    Mark  it  well,  neither  name 
nor  thing.    His  Majesty  doth  firmly  believe  all  supernatural 
truth  revealed  in  Sacred  Writ.    He  embraceth  cheerfully 
whatsoever  the  Holy  Apostles,  or  the  Nicene  Fathers,  or 
blessed  Athanasius,  in  their  respective  Creeds  or  Summaries 
of  Cathohc  Faith,  did  set  doAvn  as  necessary  to  be  beheved. 

"  DiscursusModestusJesuitarump.l3.  "  attigerunt."]  —  ['  The  first  that  men- 

Hem  transubstantiationis  Patres  ne  tion  the  word  Transubstantiation,  are 

attigisse  quidem  ;"  as  quoted  by  Jer.  Petrus  Blesensis  (in  Epist.  140),  who 

Taylor,  Dissuasive  P.  i.  §  5.  vol.  x.  p.  lived  under  Pope  Alexander  the  Third 

156.]— AVatson's    [Decachordon    of]  (A.  D.  1 159— 1 181 ),  and  Stephen  Edu- 

Quodlibets,  Quodlib.  2.   Art.  4.  [ed.  ensis,  Bishop  of  Autun  about  the  year 

lfi02.,  who  there  accuses  the  Jesuits  1 100  (in  hisTreatise  De  Sacram.  Altar., 

of  an  'heretical  and  most  dangerous  ap.  Biblioth.  Patr.  torn.  x.  p.  418.  C.).' 

assertion,'  that  "the  auncient  Fathers  Bishop  Cosin,  Hist,  of  Transubstant. 

rem    transubstantiationis    nc"    (sic)  c.  7.  §  17.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


25 


He  is  ready  to  receive  whatsoever  the  Catholic  Church  of  this  Discourse 

age  doth  unanimously  believe  to  be  a  particle  of  saving  truth.  '■  

23  But,  if  you  seek  to  obtrude  upon  him  the  Roman  Church, 
with  its  adherents,  for  the  Catholic  Church, — excluding 
three  parts  of  four  of  the  Christian  world  from  the  com- 
munion of  Christ, — or  the  opinions  thereof,  for  articles  and 
fundamentals  of  Catholic  Faith ;  neither  his  reason,  nor  his 
religion,  nor  his  charity,  will  suffer  him  to  listen  unto  you. 
The  truths  received  by  our  Chiu'ch,  are  sufficient  in  point  of 
Faith  to  make  him  a  good  Catholic.  More  than  this  your 
Roman  Bishops,  your  Roman  Chui'ch,  your  Tiidentine 
Council,  may  not,  cannot,  obtrude  upon  him. 

Listen  to  the  thii-d  general  Council,  that  of  Ephesus,  which  Not  lawful 
decreed,  that  "  it  should  be  lawful  for  no  man  to  publish  or  the'"oid° 
compose  another  Faith"  or  Creed  "than  that  which  was  de-  C''^*^'^- 
fined  by  the  Nicene  Council and  "  that  whosoever  should 
dare  to  compose  or  offer  any  such  to  any  persons  -willing  to 
be  converted  from  paganism,  Judaism,  or  heresy,  if  they 
were  Bishops  or  clei'ks,  should  be  dej^osed, — if  laymen,  ana- 
thematized"." Suffer  us  to  enjoy  the  same  Creed  the  primitive 
Fathers  did,  "  which  none  will  say  to  have  been  insufficient, 
except  they  be  mad,"  as  was  alleged  by  the  Greeks  in  the 
Council  of  Florence  P.    You  have  "\dolated  this  canon,  you 
have  obtruded  a  new  Creed  upon  Christendom  i ;  new,  I  say, 
not  in  words  only,  but  in  sense  also. 

Some  things  are  de  Symbolo,  some  things  are  contra  Sym-  what  are 
bolum,  and  some  things  are  only  prceter  Symbolum^.  the  Creed" 

Some  things  are  contained  in  the  Creed,  either  expressly  "J^''* 

°  _  are  only  ex- 

or  virtually,  either  in  the  letter  or  in  the  sense,  and  may  be  plications, 
deduced  by  evident  consequence  from  the  Creed ;  as  the  ^es!/mhoh'\ 
Deity  of  Christ,  His  Two  Natures,  the  Procession  of  the 
Holy  Ghost.  The  addition  of  these  was  properly  no  addition, 

°  Concil.  Ephes.  [A.D.  431.]  Part.  secunda,{)r£esumptionis...;  tertia,fi(lelis 

Secund.  Act.  6.  c.  7  [ap.  Labb.  Concil.  instructionis."  Cardin.  Bonaventura  In 

torn.  iii.  p.  68!).  A.]  Sentent.  Prolog,  dub.  2.,  speaking  of 

P    Concil.  Florentin.  [A.D.  ri-39.]  additions  to  Scripture.    His  distinction 

Sess.  X.  [ap.  Labb.  Concil.  torn.  xiiL  was  applied  at  the  Council  of  Florence 

p.  ICt.  D.]  (Sess.  X.  as  above,  p.  159.  C.)  to  the 

1  Profess.  Fidel  in  Bull.  Pii  Quarti.  Creeds,  in  the  question  of  the  added 

[scil.  Tridentina.]  Article  concerning  the  Procession  of  the 

r  ["  Est  additio,  in  qua  additum  est  Holy  Spirit  from  the  Son.    See  also 

conlrarium  ;  et  est  in  qua  additum  est  Bramhall's  Schism  Guarded,  sect.  i.  c. 

diversum ;  et  est  in  qua  additum  est  11.  (Works,  pp.  347,  348.  fol.  edit.), 

Prima  additio  est  erroris  ;  Discourse  iv.  Part  i.l 


26  THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRV's  ANSWER  TO 

Part  but  an  explication ;  yet  such  an  explication,  no  person,  no 

 '■  assembly  under  an  (Ecumenical  Council,  can  impose  upon 

the  Catholic  Clu^•ch^    And  such  an  one  your  Tridentine 
SjTiod  was  not'. 

[II.  Things  Secondly,  some  things  are  contra  Symbolum — contrary  to 
Symholum.']  the  Sjonbolical  Faith,  and  either  expressly  or  virtually  over- 
throw some  article  of  it.  These  additions  are  not  only  un- 
lawful, but  heretical  also  in  themselves,  and  after  conviction 
render  a  man  a  formal  heretic : — whether  some  of  your  addi- 
tions be  not  of  this  nature,  I  will  not  now  dispute. 
[lli.Things  Thirdly,  some  things  are  neither  of  the  Faith,  nor  against 
^Symbolum.']  Faith,  but  only  besides  the  Faith  ;  that  is,  opinions  or 
truths  of  an  inferior  nature,  which  are  not  so  necessary  to  be 
actuall}^  known :  for  though  all  revealed  truths  be  alike 
necessary  to  be  believed  when  they  are  known,  yet  all  revealed 
truths  are  not  alike  necessary  to  be  known.  It  is  not  denied 
but  that  general  or  pro^incial  Councils  may  make  constitu- 
tions concerning  these  for  unity  and  uniformity,  and  oblige 
all  such  as  are  subject  to  their  jurisdiction  to  receive  them, 
either  actively  or  passivelj^,  -without  contumacy  or  opposition. 
But  to  make  these,  or  any  of  these,  a  part  of  the  Creed,  and  to 
oblige  all  Christians  under  pain  of  damnation  to  know  and 
believe  them,  is  really  to  add  to  the  Creed,  and  to  change 
the  Symbolical,  Apostolical  Faith,  to  Avhich  none  can  add, 
fi'om  Avhich  none  can  take  away ;  and  comes  within  the  corn- 
eal, i.  8.  pass  of  St.  Pau.l's  curse, — "  If  we,  or  an  Angel  from  Heaven, 
shall  preach  unto  you  any  other  Gospel"  (or  Faith)  "  than  that 
Avlrieh  we  have  preached,  let  him  be  accursed."  Such  are, 
your  universalitjf  of  the  Roman  Chru'ch  by  the  institution  of 
Clu'ist  (to  make  her  the  Mother  of  her  Grandmother  the 
Church  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  Mistress  of  her  many  elder 
Sisters),  your  doctrine  of  Purgatory  and  Indulgences,  and 
the  Worship  of  Images,  and  all  other  novelties  defined  in  the 
Coimcil  of  Trent ;  all  which  are  comprehended  in  your  new 
Roman  Creed,  and  obtruded  by  you  upon  all  the  world  to  be 

'  Thorn.  Aquin.  [Summ.]  Secund.  rn/(,  sed  hiijusmodi  Synodus  authoritate 

Secuiid.  I'art.Qu.l. Art.lO.  [viz.  'Utiuni  solius  Summi  Pontificis  potest  congrc- 

ad  Sumnmni  Ponlificeni  pertineat  Fidei  gavi."] 

Symholum  ordiiiare:' — a  question  which  '  [liramliall's    Vindication   of  the 

Aquinas  determines  in  the  affirmative,  Church  of  P^ngland,  c.  9,  heginn.,  and 

but  for  this,  among  other  reasons,  that  the  corresponding  chap,  in  the  lleplica- 

"editioSymboli  facta  est  iH^'f/ttorfog-fwc-  tion  ;  Discourses  ii.  and  iii.  Part  i.] 

i 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE^  &C.  27 

believed  under  pain  of  damnation.    He  that  can  extract  all  Discourse 

these  out  of  the  old  Apostolic  Creed,  must  needs  be  an  ex  '-  

cellent  chemist,  and  may  safely  undertake  to  '  di'aw  water 
out  of  a  pumice 

That  afflictions  come  not  by  chance, — that  prosperity  is  no  pp.  i,  2. 
evidence  of  God's  favour,  or  adversity  of  His  hatred, — that  not  always 
crosses  imposed  by  God  upon  His  servants,  look  more  for-  {J"e"'f^but 
wards  towards  their  amendment,  than  backwards  to  their  sometimes 

'  .  corrections, 

demerits,  and  proceed  not  from  a  Judge  revenging,  but  from  or  trials, 
a  Father  correcting,  or  (which  you  have  omitted)  from  a  Lord 
Paramount,  proving  and  magnifying  before  the  world  His 
own  graces  in  His  servants  for  His  glory  and  their  advan- 
24tage, — are  undeniable  truths  which  we  readily  admit.  As 
likewise,  that  the  dim  eye  of  man  cannot  penetrate  into  the 
secret  dispensations  of  God's  temporal  judgments  and  mercies 
in  this  bfe,  so  as  to  say,  this  man  is  punished,  that  other 
chastised,  this  third  is  only  proved. 

But  you  forget  all  this  soon  after,  when  you  take  upon  you  to  wiiich  the 
search  into,  yea  more,  to  determine,  the  grounds  and  reasons,  presently 
why  'the  Hand  of  God,'  as  well  as  the  Parliament, 'hath  been  so  ^'^•'g^ts. 
heavy  upon  the  head  of  his  late  Majesty,  and  his  Royal  son:' 
namely,  on  God's  part,  '  because  he  called  himself  'The  Head  p.  4. 
of  the  Church,'  God  pui'posing  by  his  punishment  to  teach  all 
other  Princes  that  are  in  the  schism,  with  what  severity  He 
can  vindicate  His  gloiy,  in  the  injury  done  unto  the  unity 
and  authority  of  His  Church and  on  the  Parliament's  part, 
'  because  he  would  not  consent  to  the  aboHtion  of  Episcopacy,  [p.  2.] 
and  suppression  of  the  Liturgy  and  ceremonies  estabhshed  in 
the  Church  of  England.' 

First,  what  warrant  have  you  to  enquire  into  the  actions  of  Better 
that  blessed  Saint  and  Martyr,  which  of  them  should  be  the  fhe"suffer-*^ 
causes  of  his  sufferings  ?  not  remembering  that  the  Disciples  J\'j!;J^^,"[y 
received  a  check  from  their  Master  upon  the  like  presum.p-  [,'^'^p.''|,!-| 
tion ;  "  Who  sinned,  this  man,  or  his  parents,  that  he  was  than  those 
born  blind  ?    Jesus  answered.  Neither  hath  this  man  sinned.  Author, 
nor  his  parents,  but  that  the  works  of  God  should  be  made  3"**"  ^' 
manifest  in  him," 

The  heroical  virtues,  the  flaming  charity,  the  admkable 


"  ["  Aquam  a  pumice  postulare."    Plaut.  Pers.  i.  1.  42.] 


28  THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 

P.4RT   patience^  the  rare  humility,  the  exemplary  chastity,  the  con- 

 '■  stant  and  frequent  devotions,  and  the  iuAdncible  courage  of 

that  happy  Prince,  not  daunted  with  the  ugly  face  of  a 
most  horrid  death,  have  rendered  him  the  glory  of  his  coun- 
try, the  honour  of  that  Church  whereof  he  was  the  chiefest 
member,  the  admiration  of  Christendom,  and  a  pattern  for  all 
princes,  of  what  communion  soever,  to  imitate  unto  the  end 
of  the  woi'ld.  His  sufferings  were  palms,  his  prison  a  Para- 
dise, and  his  death-day  the  birth-day  of  his  happiness^ : — 
whom  his  enemies  advantaged  more  by  their  cruelty,  than 
they  could  have  done  by  their  courtesy ;  they  deprived  him 
of  a  corruptible  crown,  and  invested  him  with  a  crown  of 
glory ;  they  snatched  him  from  the  sweet  society  of  his 
Ps.  cxxviii.  dearest  spouse,  and  from  most  hopeful  "  olive  branches,"  to 
^'  place  him  in  the  bosom  of  the  Holy  Angels.    This  alone  is 

ground  enough  for  his  sufferings, — to  manifest  unto  the  world 
those  transcendent  and  unparalleled  graces,  wherewith  God 
had  enriched  him,  to  which  his  sufferings  gave  the  greatest 
lustre,  as  the  stars  shine  brightest  in  a  dark  night. 
The  All-        The  like  liberty  you  assume  towards  the  other  most 
censure  *  ^  glorious  martyi',  the  late  Archbishop  of  Canterbuiy,  a  man  of 
Arch-"^*^    profound  learning,  and  exemplary  life,  of  clean  hands,  of  a 
Canter  °^   Hio^t  sincere  heart,  a  patron  of  all  good  learning,  a  professor 
buiy        of  ancient  truth ;  a  great  friend,  indeed,  and  earnest  pursuer, 
[Laud].         order,  unity,  and  uniformity  in  religion,  but  most  free 
from  all  sinister  ends,  either  avaricious  or  ambitious,  where- 
with you  do  uncharitabh'  charge  him,  as  if  he  sought  only  his 
[l>-  3.]      own  grandeur,  '  to  make  himself  the  head  of  a  schismatical 
body.'    In  brief,  you  therefore  censiu'e  him,  because  you  did 
not  know  him.    I  wish  all  your  great  ecclesiastics  had  his 
innocency,  and  fer^^ent  zeal  for  God's  Church  and  the  peace 
thereof,  to  i)lead  for  them  at  the  Day  of  Judgment. 

By  applying  these  particular  afflictions  according  to  your 
own  ixngrounded  fancy,  what  a  wide  gap  have  you  opened  to 
the  liberty  and  boldness  of  other  men  !  who,  if  they  should 
assume  to  themselves  the  same  freedom  that  you  have  done, 
might  say  as  much,  with  as  much  reason,  concerning  the 

"      Ti]v  Tov  fiaprvplov  axiTov  rjfxipav     Eccles.  lib.  iv.  c.  \5.  p.   135.  B.  ed. 
yevfBhiov."    Epist.  Eccles.  Smyrn.  de  Vales.] 
Polycarp.  Martyr,   ap.    Euseb.  Hist. 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE^  &C. 


29 


pressures  of  otlier  great  princes  abroad, — tliat  God  afflicts  Discourse 

therUj  because  they  Avill  not  become  Protestants, — as  you  can  '-  

say  that  God  afflicted  our  late  King,  because  lie  would  not 
turn  Papist. 

But  if  you  will  not  allow  Ids  Majesty's  sufferings  to  be  Sovereigns 
merely  probatory,  and  if  (for  your  satisfaction)  there  must  be  Jaken  away 
a  weight  of  sin  found  out  to  move  the  wheel  of  God's  justice,  of  thdr^'"* 
why  do  you  not  rather  fix  upon  the  body  of  his  subjects,  or  subjects, 
at  least  a  disloyal  part  of  them  ?    We  confess  that  the  best  of 
us  did  not  deserve  such  a  jewel;  that  God  might  justly  snatch 
him  from  us  in  His  Avrath  for  our  ingratitude.    Reason,  reli- 
gion, and  experience  do  all  teach  us,  that  it  is  usual  Avith 
Almighty  God  to  look  upon  a  body  politic,  or  ecclesiastic,  as 
25  one  man,  and  to  deprive  a  perverse  people  of  a  good  and 
gracious  governor ;  as  an  expert  physician,  by  opening  a  vein 
in  one  member,  cures  the  distempers  of  another.    "  For  the  Prov. 
transgressions  of  a  land,  many  are  the  princes  thereof."         ^x^m-  2. 

It  may  be  that  two  or  three  of  our  princes  at  the  most  (the  Not  above 
greater  part  whereof  were  Roman  Catliohcs)  did  style  them-  fh"ee  of 
selves,  or  give  others  leave  to  style  them,  the  'Heads  of  the 
Church  within  their  dominions^'.'    But  no  man  can  be  so  Heads  of 

1  •       1        1       •  11  •  •       1  Tr     T  1  •  theChurch. 

Simple  as  to  conceive  that  they  intended  a  spmtual  Headship, 

— to  infuse  the  life  and  motion  of  grace  into  the  hearts  of  the 

faithful;  such  an  Head  is  Christ  alone;   no,  nor  yet  an 

ecclesiastical  Headship ;  we  did  never  beheve,  that  our  Kings 

in  their  own  persons  could  exercise  any  act  pertaining  either 

to  the  power  of  order  or  jurisdiction ;  nothing  can  give  that 

to  another,  which  it  hath  not  itself.    They  meant  only  a  civil  That  is, 

or  pohtical  Head,  as  Said  is  called  "  the  Head  of  the  Tribes  "ai'Veads!" 

of  Israel ;"  to  see  that  public  peace  be  preserved  ;  to  see  that  j^^^™- 

all  subjects,  as  well  ecclesiastics  as  others,  do  their  duties  in 


y  [The  title  of  "  In  teiTis,  or  terra,  reign  by  Queen  Mary ;  dropped  by  tlie 

Ecclesia;  Anglicanie  et  Hiberaicit  su-  last  named  Queen  upon  her  marriage 

premum    Caput"    was    assumed    by  with  Philip  of  Spain  (see  Stat.  1.  and 

Henry  the  Eighth,  A.  D.  1531.  (Stat.  2.  Philip  and  Mary,  c.  8.  sec.  23.); 

26.  Henry  VIII.  c.  1  ;    see  also  35  exchanged  by  Queen  Elizabeth  for  that 

Henry  VIII.  c.  3.  and  37  Henry  VIII.  of  "Supreme  Governor,  &c.  as  well  in 

c.  17) ;  continued  by  Edward  the  Sixth  all  spiritual  and  ecclesiastical  causes 

(see  Stat.  1.  Edward  VI.  c.  12.  sec.  6..)  etc."    (Oath  of  Supremacy,  Stat.  I. 

by  Lady  Jane  Grey  (Proclamation,  in  Eliz.  c.  1.)  ;  and  never  since  resumed. 

Lord  Somers'  Tracts,  vol.  i.  p.  53  ;   she  Coke  upon  Littleton,  7.  b.  ; — Nicolson's 

is  omitted  of  course  from  IBramhall's  Eng.  Histor.  Library,  Pt.  iii.  c.  1.  pp. 

reckoning),  and  in  the  beginning  of  her  178,  1  79.  3rd  edit.] 


30 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY^S  ANSWER  TO 


P    R  T   their  several  places ;  to  see  tliat  all  things  be  managed  for 

 '  that  great  and  arcliitectonical  end,  that  is,  the  weal  and 

benefit  of  the  whole  body  politic,  both  for  soid  and  body. 
If  you  will  not  trust  me,  hear  our  Church  itself : — '  When  we 
attribute  the  sovereign  government  [of  the  Church]  to  the 
King,  we  do  not  give  him  any  power  to  administer  the  Word 
or  Sacraments ;  but  only  that  prerogative  which  God  in  Holy 
Scripture  hath  always  allowed  to  godly  princes,  to  see  that 
all  states  and  orders  of  their  subjects,  ecclesiastical  and  civil, 
do  their  duties,  and  to  punish  those  who  are  dehnquent  with 
the  cm\  sword Hei-e  is  no  power  ascribed,  no  punishment 
inflicted,  but  merely  political ;  and  this  is  approved  and  justi- 
fied bj'  S.  Clara  %  both  by  reason,  and  by  the  examples  of  the 
Parliament  of  Paris  :  yet,  by  wtue  of  this  pohtical  power,  he 
is  the  keeper  of  both  Tables,  the  preserver  of  true  piety  towards 
God,  as  well  as  right  justice  toAvards  men ;  and  is  obhged  to 
take  caro  of  the  souls,  as  well  as  the  skins  and  carcasses,  of 
his  subjects. 

The  Chris-     This  power,  though  not  this  name,  the  Christian  Emperors 
peroi^'poii-  of  old  assumed  uuto  themselves; — to  convocate  Synods,  to  pre- 
tical  Heads,  gj^jg       Synods,  to  confirm  Synods,  to  establish  ecclesiastical 
laws,  to  receive  appeals,  to  nominate  Bishops,  to  eject  Bishops, 
to  suppress  heresies,  to  compose  ecclesiastical  diiferences,  in 
Councils,  out  of  Councils,  by  themselves,  by  theii'  delegates  : 
all  which  is  as  clear  in  the  history  of  the  Church,  as  if  it  were 
written  with  a  beam  of  the  sun. 
The  old        This  power,  though  not  this  name,  the  ancient  Kings  of 
Engfand    England  ever  exercised,  not  only  before  the  Reformation,  but 
Heads'*'     before  the  Norman  Conquest ;  as  appears  by  the  acts  of  their 
great  Councils,  by  their  Statutes,  and  Articles  of  the  Clergy, 
by  so  many  laws  of  provision  against  the  Bishop  of  Rome's 
conferring  ecclesiastical  dignities  and  benefices  upon  foreign- 
ers, by  so  many  sharp  oppositions  against  the  exactions  and 
usurpations  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  by  so  many  laws  con- 
cerning the   patronage  of  Bishoprics  and  investitures  of 

^  Art.  37.  L'"  substance,  and  the  pp.  88.  9].  fol.  edit.),   Discourse  ii. 

clause  between  brackets  addcJ.]  Part  i.] 

"  Expos.    Paraph.  Artie.    Confess.         "••  [Bramhall's  Vindication  &c.  c.  4. 

Anglic,  art.  .37.  [pp.  410,  411.    Lugd.  (Works,  pp.  69,  &c.  fol.  edit.), with  the 

1635.]  corresponding  chap,  in  the  Replication 

[Bramhall's    Vindication   of  the  (Works,  pp.  189,  &c.  fol.  edit.),  Dis- 

Church   of  England,  c.  6.  (Works,  courses  ii.  and  iii.  Part  i.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


31 


Bishops,  by  so  many  examples  of  churchmen  punished  by  the  Discourse 

civil  magistrate  :  of  all  which  jewels  the  Roman  Court  had  

undoubtedly  robbed  the  Crown,  if  the  Peers  and  Prelates  of 
the  Kingdom  had  not  come  in  to  the  rescue.  By  the  ancient 
laws  of  England  it  is  death,  or  at  least  a  forfeitiu-e  of  all  his 
goods,  for  any  man  to  publish  the  Pope's  Bull  ^vithout  the 
King's  Hcense.  The  Pope's  Legate  without  the  King's  leave 
could  not  enter  into  the  realm.  If  an  Ordinary  did  refuse  to 
accept  a  resignation,  the  King  might  supply  his  defect.  If  any 
ecclesiastical  court  did  exceed  the  bounds  of  its  just  power, 
either  in  the  natm'e  of  the  cause,  or  manner  of  proceeding, 
the  King's  prohibition  had  place''.  So  in  effect  the  Kings  of 
England  were  always  the  pohtical  '  Heads  of  the  Church' 
within  their  own  dominions.  So  the  Kings  of  France  are  at 
this  day. 

But  who  told  you  that  ever  King  Charles  did  call  himself  Neither 
the  'Head  of  the  Church?'  thereby  to  merit  such  a  heavy  ^heF^tf, 
judgment.    He  did  not,  nor  yet  King  James  his  father ;  ^j^g'^^gj^ 
nor  Queen  Elizabeth  before  them  both,  Avho  took  order  in  her  "or  q.  Eli- 
first  ParUament  to  have  it  left  out  of  her  title ^.  They  thought  styled  ' 
that  name  did  sound  ill,  and  that  it  intrenched  too  far  upon  t^eChurcli. 
the  right  of  their  Saviour^.    Therefore  they  declined  it,  and 
were  called  only  '  Supreme  Governors,  in  all  causes,  over  all 
persons  ecclesiastical  and  ci\nl^ ;'  which  is  a  title  de  Jure  in- 
26  separable  from  the  crown  of  all  Sovereign  Princes :  where  it 
is  wanting  de  facto  (if  any  place  be  so  unhappy  to  want  it), 
the  King  is  but  half  a  King,  and  the  Commonwealth  a  serpent 
with  two  heads. 

Thus,  you  see,  you  are  doubly,  and  both  v,'ajs  miserably, 
mistaken.  Fii'st,  King  Charles  did  never  style  himself  '  Head 
of  the  Church,'  nor  could  with  patience  endure  to  hear  that 
title.    Secondly,  a  political  Headsliip  is  not  'iujvirious  to  the  [p.  a] 

**  See  authorities  for  all  these  in  Lord  as  well  as  the  anecdote  of  the  latter 
Coke's  Reports,  Caudrey's  case,  [part  mentioned  a  few  lines  further  on,  might 
5.  case  1.]  easily  have  come  within  the  sphere  of 
*  [See  above,  note  y,  p.  29.]  Bramhall's  own  knowledge.  There  does 
'  [Queen  Elizabeth's  sentiments  may  not  appear  to  he  any  mention  else- 
be  found  in  the  well-known  letter  of  where,  in  the  case  of  either  monarch, 
Jewel  to  Bullinger  (Collier's  Church  of  the  precise  point  in  ciuestion.] 
Hist.  Pt.  ii.  bk.  vi.  vol.  ii.  p.  432.  fol.  s  [Oath  of  Supremacy.  Stat.  1.  Eliz. 
edit.).  King  James  speaks  somewhat  to  c.  1.  repealed  1.  Will,  and  Mary,  Sess. 
the  same  purpose  in  his  Apologia  pro  1.  c.  8. — Canon.  1603.  art.  i.  in  Can. 
Jurament.  Fidelitat.  in  fin.;  hut  both  .30,  still  in  force] 
his  sentunents  and  those  of  King  Charles, 


32  THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 

Part   unity,  or  authority,  of  the  Church.'    The  Kings  of  Israel  and 

 Judah,  the  Christian  Emperors,  the  Enghsh  Kings  before  the 

Reformation,  yea,  e^'cn  before  the  Conquest,  and  other 
sovereign  princes  of  the  Roman  communion  have  owned  it 
signally^. 

But  it  seems  you  have  been  told,  or  have  read  this,  in  the 
virulent  -oTitings  of  Sanders',  or  Parsons'',  or  have  heard  of  a 
ludicrous  scoffing  proposition  of  a  marriage  between  the  two 
Heads  of  the  two  Churches,  Sixtus  Quintus  and  Queen 
Elizabeth,  for  the  reuniting  forsooth  of  Christendom. 
The  Au-       All  the  satisfaction  I  should  enjoin  you,  is  to  persuade  the 
facUon,^to'  Bishop  of  Romc  (if  Gregory  the  Great  were  lining,  you 
fhe  Pope  to  ^oiild  not  fail  of  speeding',)  to  imitate  the  piety  and  humihty 
leave  that  of  our  princes  ;  that  is,  to  content  liimself  with  his  Patri- 

vain  title.         i    i  V-      •  t      •  <.      i  •  •      •  > 

archal  dignity  and  primacy  of  order  '  et  jjrincipmm  umtatis'^^, 
and  to  quit  that  much  more  presumptuous,  and  (if  a  Pope's 
word  may  pass  for  current)  antichristian",  term  of  the  '  Head 
of  the  CathoUc  Church.'  K  the  Pope  be  the  Head  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  then  the  Catholic  Church  is  the  Pope's 
body,  which  would  be  but  a  harsh  expression  to  Christian 
ears ;  then  the  Catholic  Church  should  have  no  Head,  when 
there  is  no  Pope  ;  two  or  three  Heads,  when  there  are  two  or 
three  Popes ;  an  unsound  Head,  when  there  is  an  heretical 
Pope  ;  a  broken  Head,  when  the  Pope  is  censured  or  deposed ; 
and  no  Head,  when  the  See  is  vacant.  If  the  Church  must 
have  one  universal,  visible,  ecclesiastical  Head,  a  general 
Council  may  best  pretend  to  that  title. 

^  [Bramhall's  Vindication,  &c.  cc.  6,  may  be  found  in  his  letters  ;  to  John 

7  ;  Discourse  ii.  Part  i.]  himself — Epist  lib.  v.  epist.  18.,  to 

'  [De  Visib.  Monarch.  Eccles.  lib.  others— Ibid.  lib.  v.  epist.  20.  21.  43. 

vii.  p.  151  De  Clave  David,  lib.  v.  lib.  ix.  epist.  68.  Op.  torn.   ii.  ed. 

c.  3.  pp.  114,  sq.  lib.  vi.  c.  1.  sec.  6.  Bened.] 

pp.  145,  sq.  sec.  8.  p.  150.  Wiirzb.  ["  Petri  cathedram  .  .  .  ecclesiam 

1592. — De  Schism.  Anglic,  lib.  iii.  pp.  principalem,  nnde    unifas  sacerdotalis 

257,  sq.  Col.  1628.]  exorta  est."    Cyprian,  ad  Corneliuni, 

k  [Waniword  to  Sir  F.  Hastings'  Epist.  59.  pp.  135,  136.    "  Unitatis 

Watchword,  Encount.  vi.in  fin — AVarn-  ejusdem"  (Ecclesiae)  "originem  abuno" 

word  to  Sir  F.  Hastings'  Wasteword,  (Petro)  "  incipientem."    Id.  De  Uni- 

Encount.  i.  c.  16.  §  3.         c.  17-  §  8.  tate,  Op.  p.  107.  "  Ecclesia  ....  super 

&c  Three  Conversions  of  Engl.  P.  i.  Petrum  originc  nnitntts  .  .  .  fundata." 

c.  12.  §5.]  Id.    ad  Januar.   &c.,   Epist.    70.  p. 

'  [The  protest  of  Gregory  the  Great  190.] 

against  the  assumption  of  the  title  of  n  [Greg.  M.  Epist.  lib.  v.  epist.  21. 

'  Episcopus  Universalis'  (or  in  other  Op.  tom.  ii.  p.  751.  C. — see  also  lib. 

words.  Head  of  the  Catholic  Church)  v.  epist.  43.  ibid.  p.  773.  B.  and  lib.  ix. 

by  John,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  epist.  68.  ibid.  p.  984.  C] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


33 


Neither  are  you  more  successful  in  your  otlier  reason^  wliy  Discourse 
tlic  Parliament  persecuted  the  King; — 'because  he  maintained - 


'^.piscopacy,  both  out  of  conscience  and  interest,  which  they  Episcopacy 

true 


aght  to  aboUsh/    For  though  it  be  easily  admitted,  that 


some  seditious  and  heterodox  persons  had  an  e\il  eve  both  the  Pari 
dgamst  monarchy  and  Episcopacy  from  the  very  begmmng  secuted  the 
of  tlicse  troubles,  either  out  of  a  fiery  zeal,  or  vain  affectation  ^^'^^^ 
of  novelty  (hke  those,  who  ha^^ng  the  green-sickness  prefer 
chalk  and  meal  in  a  corner  before  wholesome  meat  at  their 
fatlier's  table),  or  out  of  a  greedy  and  covetoiis  desu'e  of 
gathering  some  sticks  for  themselves  upon  the  fall  of  those 
great  oaks ;  yet  certainly  they,  who  were  the  contrivers  and 
principal  actors  in  this  luisiness,  did  more  mahgn  Epis- 
copacy for  monarchy's  sake,  than  monarchy  for  Episcopacy's. 
What  end  had  tlie  Nuncio's  faction  in  Ireland  against  Epis- 
copacy ?  whose  mutinous  courses  apparently  lost  that  king- 
dom". "When  the  King's  consent  to  the  abohtion  of  Episco- 
pacy in  Scotland  was  extorted  from  him  by  the  Presbyterian 
faction  (which  probably  the  prime  authors  do  rue  sufficiently 
by  this  time),  were  those  Pi'esbyterian  Scots  any  thing  more 
favourable  to  monarchy?  To  come  to  England,  the  chief 
scene  of  this  bloody  tragedy  ;  if  that  party  in  Parliament  had 
at  first  proposed  any  su.ch  thing  as  the  abohtion  either  of 
monarchy  or  Episcopacy,  undoubtedly  they  had  ruined  their 
whole  design ;  until  daily  tumults  and  uncontrollable  uproars 
had  chased  away  the  greater,  and  soimder,  part  of  both 
Houses  : — their  first  protestation  was  solemnly  made  to  God, 
both  for  King  and  Chm'ch,  as  they  were  by  law  estabhshedP. 

Would  you  know  then  what  it  was  that  conjm-ed  up  the  The  true 

„      -r  /.  .         T  .     .       .  -,   „         causes  of 

storm  among  us  ?    It  was  some  feigned  jealousies  and  fears  the  trou- 
(which  the  first  broachers  themselves  knew  well  enovigh  to  be  En^ianj. 
fables),  dispersed  cunningly  among  the  people, — that  the  I. 
King  purposed  to  subvert  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  Kiug- 

"  [John  Baptista  Rhmccini,  Arch-  fully,  from  his  own  Memoirs,  in  Carte's 

liishop  of  Fenno,  was  sent  into  Ireland  Life  of  the  D.  of  Ormond,  vol.  i.  bk.  iv. 

by  Innocent  X.  as  his  nuncio,  in  I6i5.  pp.  558,  &c.] 

An  account  of  his  proceedings,  which       i'  [See  the  '  SolemnProtestation, 'taken 

certainly  had  no  connection  whatever  by  the  House  of  Commons  May  '■},  and 

with    Episcopacy   as   such,    may   be  by  the  House  of  Lords  May  4,  5,  7,  10, 

found  in  Clarendon's  Historical  View  of  and  11,  A.  D.  1611.  in  Nalson,  vol.  i. 

the  Affairs  of  Ireland  from  Ifi40tol652,  pp.  810,  811,  and  Clarend.  Hist,  of  the 

printed  at  the  end  of  his  Hist,  of  the  Rebell.,  bk.  iii.  vol.  i.  pp.  335,  330.] 
Rebell.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  1019,  &c.,  and  more 

BRAMIIALL.  D 


34  THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY's  ANSWER  TO 

T  dom,  and  to  reduce  the  free  English  subject  to  a  condition  of 
—  absolute  slaA^eiy  under  an  arbitrary  government ;  for  which 
massy  weight  of  malicious  untruth  they  had  no  supporters, 
II.  but  a  few  bvikushes.  Secondly,  that  he  meant  to  apostate 
from  the  Protestant  rehgion  to  Poperj'^,  and  to  that  end  had 
raised  the  Irish  RebeUion  by  secret  encouragements  and 
commissions :  for  which  monstrous  calumny  thej^  had  no 
other  foundation  (except  the  solemn  rehgious  order  of  Di\'ine 
sendee  in  his  own  chapel  and  cathedral  chui-ches),  than  some 
unseasonable  disputes  about  an  Altar  or  a  Table ;  and  the 
permission  of  the  Pope's  agent  to  make  a  short  stay  in  Eng- 
land i,  more  for  reason  of  state  than  of  religion ;  and  some 
senseless  fictions  of  some  Irish  rebels',  Avho  liaAing  a  patent 
under  the  Great  Seal  of  Ireland  for  their  lands,  to  colour*  their 
barbarous  murders,  shewed  it  to  the  poor  simple  people  as  a 
commission  from  the  King  to  leYj  forces ;  and,  lastly,  some 
impious  pious  frauds  of  some  of  yoiu"  own  part}',  Avhose  private 
whispers  and  printed  insinuations  did  give  hopes  that  the 
Church  of  England  was  coming  about  to  shake  hands  with 
the  Roman  in  the  points  controverted ;  which  was  merely 
derised  to  gull  some  silly  creatm-es,  whom  they  found  apt  to 
be  caught  with  chaff ;  for  which  they  had  no  more  pretext  of 
truth  than  you  have  for  yom*  groundless  intimations  in  tliis 
unwelcome  Dedication. 

These  suspicions  being  compounded  with  covetousness, 
ambition,  envy,  emulation,  desire  of  revenge,  and  discontent, 
were  the  source  of  all  om*  calamities.  Thus  much  you  your- 
self confess  in  effect ; — that  '  this  supposition,  that  the  King 
and  Bishops  had  an  intention  to  re-estabhsh  the  Roman 
•  Catholic  rehgion,  was  the  venom  which  the  Pmitan  faction 
infused  into  the  hearts  of  the  people,  to  fiU  them  with  hatred 
against  a  King  worthy  of  love  ;  and  the  Parhament  judged  it 


[There  appear  to  have  been  two 
agents  from  the  Pope  successively  per- 
mitted to  reside  publicly  in  London, 
"  first,  Mr.  Con,  a  Scottishman,  and 
after  him  the  Count  Rost-tti  an  Italian." 
Clarend.  Hist,  of  the  Rebell.  bk.  ii.  vol.  i. 
p.  209.  See  .nlso  Lord  Somers'  Tracts, 
vol.  iv,  pp.  50,  &c.  Con  came  to  England 
in  163G  (Wood's  Athen.  O.xon.  by  Bliss, 
vol.  iii.  p.  387),  and  Rosettileft  England 
in  1641  (Nelson,  vol.  ii.  p.  328).] 

[Sir  Phelim  O'Neale,  and  his  as- 


sociates. See  Clarendon's  Historical 
View  of  the  Affairs  of  Ireland,  &c.  as 
above,  p.  100.5.— Carte's  Life  of  the 
D.  of  Ormond,  bk.  iii.  vol.  i.  pp.  179, 
&c., — and  Hume's  Hist,  of  Engl., 
Reign  of  Charles  I.  c.  vi.  vol.  v.  p. 
304,  and  note.  The  caliminy,  that 
King  Charles  the  First  was  concerned 
with  the  Irish  Rebellion,  is  refuted 
at  length  by  Bramhall  in  his  Serpent 
Salve  (Works,  pp.  589,  &c.  fol.  edit,), 
Discourse  ii.  Part  ii.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


35 


a  favom"able  occasion  for  their  design,  to  advance  themselves  Discourse 

to  Sovereign  authority/    Be  judge  yourself  how  much  they  '■  

are  accessory  to  om'  sufferings,  Avho  either  were,  or  are,  the 
authors  or  fomcnters  of  these  damnable  slanders. 

There  was  yet  one  cause  more  of  this  cruel  persecution, 
which  I  cannot  conceal  from  you,  because  it  concerns  some 
of  your  old  acquaintance.  There  was  a  Bishop^  in  the  world 
(losers  must  have  leave  to  talk)  whose  privy  purse  and  subtle 
counsels  did  help  to  kindle  that  unnatural  war  in  his  Majesty's 
tlu'ce  Kingdoms.  Our  Cardinal,  Wolsey,  complained  before 
liis  death,  'That  he  had  served  his  King  better  than  his  God*:' 
but  certainly  this  practice  in  your  friend"  was  neither  good 
service  to  his  God,  to  be  the  author  of  the  eflPusion  of  so  much 
innocent  blood ;  nor  yet  to  his  King,  to  let  the  world  see 
such  a  dangerous  precedent.  '  It  is  high  time  for  a  man  to 
look  to  himself,  when  his  next  neighbour's  house  is  all  on  a 
flame".' 

As  hitherto  I  have  followed  your  steps,  though  not  alto- 
gether in  yom-  o^ti  method,  or  rather  your  own  confusion; 
so  I  shall  observe  the  same  coiirse  for  the  future.  Your 
discourse  is  so  fidl  of  Mceanders  and  Avindings,  turnings  and 
retmuiings ;  you  congregate  heterogeneous  matter,  and  segre- 
gate that  which  is  homogeneous ;  as  if  you  had  made  your 
Dedication  by  starts  and  snatches,  and  never  digested  your 
whole  discom'se.  On  the  contrarj^,  where  I  meet  with  any 
thing,  it  shall  be  my  desire  to  dispatch  it  out  of  my  hands, 
with  whatsoever  pertains  unto  it,  once  for  all.  I  hope  you 
expect  not  that  I  should  amuse  myself  at  yom'  rhetorical 
flowers  and  elegant  expressions:  they  agree  well  enough 
with  the  work  you  were  about;  "the  pipe  plays  sweetly, 
whilst  the  fowler  is  catching  his  prey^."    Trappings  are  not 

'  [Cardinal  Richelieu  (who  died  in  Reign  of  Charles  I.  vol.  iv.  cc.  3,  4.] 
1642);  to  whose  intrigues,  both  w-ith  the        '  [Life  of  Wolsey  in  Wordsworth's 

Scotch,  amongst  whom  he  had  an  ac-  Ecclcs.  Biogr.  vol.  i.  p.  630.  3rd  edit, 

credited  agent,  and  with  the  English  Shakesp.  Henry  VIII.  act  iii.  sc.  2.] 
Parliamentarians,  considerable  weight         "  [See  note  a,  p.  7.] 
has  been  attributed  in  bringing  about        "  ["Nam  tua  res  agitur,  paries  cum 

the  Rebellion:  see  the  '  Negociations  proximus  ardet."  Horat.  Epist.  I.  xviii. 

du  Comte  d'Estrades,'  tom.  i.  letters  1  84.] 

and  2 — Whitelocke's  Memorials  &c.  of  ["Noli  homines  blando  nimium 

Charles  I.  and  II.,  pp.  22.  31.— Cla-  semione  probare:" 

rend.  Hist,  of  the  Rebell.  bk  ii.  vol.  i.  "  Fistula  dulce  canit,  volucrem 

p.   182;    bk.    vi.  vol.  ii.   p.  123. —  dum  decipit  auceps." 

D'Israeli's  Comment,  on  the  Life  and  Dionys.  Caton.  Distich. lib.  i.  distich 27.] 

D  2 


36 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part    to  be  Condemned,  if  the  tilings  themselves  are  good  and  use- 

 ful ;  but  I  prefer  one  pomegranate  tree  laden  with  good  frviit, 

before  a  whole  row  of  cypresses^,  that  serve  only  for  show. 
Be  sui'e  of  this,  that,  where  any  thing  in  your  Epistle  reflects 
upon  the  Church  of  England,  I  shall  not  miss  it  first  or  last, 
though  it  be  but  a  loose  unjointed  piece,  and  so  perhaps 
hitherto  untouched. 
Z^e«serf°"'^  Amongst  other  things  which  you  lay  to  our  chai'ge,  you 
of  schism,  glance,  at  the  least  twelve  times,  at  our  supposed  schism ; 

but  from  first  to  last,  never  attempt  to  prove  it,  as  if  you 
took  it  for  granted.    I  have  shaped  a  coat  for  a  schismatic, 
and  had  presented  it  to  you  in  this  Answer ;  but,  considering 
that  the  matter  is  of  moment,  and  merits  as  much  to  be 
seriously  and  soUdly  weighed  as  yoTir  naked  crimination 
without  all  pretext  of  proof  deserves  to  be  slighted,  lest  it  might 
seem  here,  as  an  impertinent  digression,  to  take  up  too  much 
'    place  in  this  short  discourse,  I  have  added  it  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  this  Answer  in  a  short  tract  by  itself  %  that  you  may 
peruse  it  if  you  please. 
Prosbyte-       You  fall  hea^'ily,  in  this  discoiu'se,  upon  the  Presbyterians, 
Browni'sts  Brownists,  and  Independents.    If  they  intend  to  return  you 
Rome^s^*^"  any  answer,  they  may  send  it  by  a  messenger  of  their  own. 
best  ^       As  for  my  part,  I  am  not  their  proctor,  I  have  received  no 
fee  from  them.    And  if  I  should  undertake  to  plead  their: 
cause  upon  my  own  head,  by  our  old  Enghsh  law  you  might 
call  me  to  an  account  for  unlawful  maintenance ''.    Only  give 
me  leave,  as  a  by-stander,  to  wonder  why  you  are  so  choleric 
against  them,  for  certainly  they  have  done  you  more  sendee 
in  England  than  ever  you  could  have  done  for  yoiu'selves. 
And  I  wonder  no  less  why  you  call  our  Reformation  'a 
pp.  3,  4.     Calvinistical  reformation,  brought  into  England  by  Bucer, 
and  Peter  Martyr a  '  bhnd  reformation,^  yea,  '  the  entire 
ruin  of  the  Faith,  of  the  very  form  of  the  Church,  and  of  the 
ciril  government  of  the  Commonwealth  instituted  by  God 

z  ["  KuirapiTTOv  KapTr6s, — do  verbis       *>  [_"Ma.mtenance,mani(tentioet  7mnu- 

dictu  magnificis,  caeterum  inutilibus."  fenentia,  signifies  the  upholding  of  a 

Erasm.  Adag.  Chil.  iv.  cent.  3.  prov.  ] 0.]  cause  or  person ;  metaphorically  drawn 

a  [Viz.  the  Vindication  of  the  Church  from  succouring  a  young  child,  that 
of  England,  Discourse  ii.  Part  i.  which,  learns  to  go  by  one's  hand.  In  law,  it 
it  seems,  was  at  first  intended  to  have  is  taken  in  the  worst  sense,  as  appears 
been  merely  an  appendix  to  the  Answer  by  32  Henry  VIII.  c.  9."  Cowel's  In- 
to La  MilletiOre.]  terpret.  sub  voce.  Lond.  1701.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


37 


though  you  confess  again  in  our  favoui",  that  '  if  our  first  Discourse 

Reformers  had  been  interrogated,  whether  they  meant  any  ^-  

such  thing,  they  Avouhl  have  purged  themselves,  and  avouched 
their  innocence  with  their  hands  upon  the  new  Gospeh^  'The 
gifts  of  enemies  ai'e  no  gifts  If  such  as  these  are  all  your 
com'tesies,  you  may  be  pleased  to  take  them  again.  Our 
first  Reformers  might  safely  sAvear  upon  the  Gospel,  old  or 
new,  that  they  meant  no  such  thing ;  and  we  may  as  securely 
swear  upon  all  the  Books  of  God,  old  or  new,  that  there  is  no 
such  thing.  But  why  om'  Gospel  should  be  younger  or 
newer  than  Sixtus  Quintus  his  Gospel,  or  Clemens  OctaAiis 
his  Gospel,  passeth  my  understanding,  and  yom's  also. 

Comparisons  are  odious ;  therefore  I  wiU  not  say,  that  the  [The^Eng- 
true  Enghsh  Protestant,  standing  to  his  own  grounds,  is  the  formation 
best  subject  in  the  world  :  but  I  do  say,  that  he  is  as  good  a  "("'n'of  the 
subiect  as  any  in  the  world,  and  our  principles  as  innocent,  civil  go- 
and  as  auxihary  to  civil  government,  as  the  maxims  of  any 
Church  under  heaven;  and  more  than  yours,  where  the 
clashing  of  two  supreme  authorities,  and  the  exemption  of 
your  numerous  clergy  from  the  coercive  power  of  the  prince, 
and  some  other  noA'elties,  which  I  forbear  to  mention,  do 
alway  threaten  a  storm.  Tell  me,  Sir,  if  you  can,  what 
Church  in  Em'ope  hath  declared  more  fully  or  more  favour- 
ably for  monarchy  than  the  poor  Church  of  England : — that 
"  the  most  high  and  sacred  order  of  Kings  is  of  DiAdne  right, 
being  the  Ordinance  of  God  Himself,  founded  in  the  prime 
laws  of  natiu'e,  and  clearly  estabhslied  by  express  texts 
both  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament/'  moreover,  that 
'  this  power  is  extended  over  all  their  subjects,  ecclesiastical 
and  ci^dl ;'  that  "  to  set  up  any  independent  coactive  power 
above  them,  either  Papal  or  popular,  either  dii'ectly  or 
indirectly,  is  to  undermine  their  great  Royal  Office,  and 
cunningly  to  overthrow  that  most  sacred  Ordinance,  which 
God  Himself  hath  established that  "  for  their  subjects  to 
bear  arms  against  them,  ofl"ensive  or  defensive,  upon  any 
pretence  whatsoever,  is  to  resist  the  powers  which  are  or- 
dained of  God"!." 

'  ["''EX^P"''^S"/"»S«/)a."  Sopli.  Aj.  made  A.  D.  1640  at  London  and  York, 

G(J5.]  can.  ].  "  Concerning  the  regal  power  " 

J  L.  Cant.  [Liber  Canonum?]  Ifi40.  — in  Wilkins' Concil.  Magii.  Britann.  et 

r.  1.  [Constitutions  and  Canons  Ecck's.  Ilibern,  vol.  iv.  p.  545.] 


38 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part  And  why  do  you  call  our  Reformation  CaMnistical  ?  con- 
^1^^  ^^^^ —  trary  to  your  o\yn  conscience  ;  contrary  to  your  own  confes- 
lish  Re-  sion,  that  '  in  our  Reformation  we  retained  the  ancient  Order 
not  Calvin-  of  Episcopacv,  as  instituted  by  Divine  authority,  and  a  Liturgy, 
ibticai.  ceremonies,  whereby  we  presen  ed  the  face,  or  image,  of 

p'  2.  the  Catholic  Church  •'  and  that  '  for  this  very  cause  the 
DiscipHnarians  of  Geneva,  and  the  Presbyterians,  did  con- 
ceive an  implacable  hatred  against  the  King  for  the  Chvirch's 
sake,  and  out  of  their  aversion  to  it.'  Did  they  hate  their 
own  Reformation  so  implacably?  If  these  things  be  to  be 
reconciled,  "  reddat  mihi  minam  Diogenes  He,  that  looks 
more  in  disputation  to  the  advantage  of  his  party  than  to 
the  truth  of  his  grounds,  had  need  of  a  strong  memory.  "We 
retained  not  only  Episcopacy,  Liturgy,  and  ceremonies,  but 
all  things  else  that  were  conformaljle  to  the  discipHne  and 
pubHc  service  of  the  Primiti^'e  Church  rightly  understood. 

No,  Sir,  we  cannot  pin  oiu'  Faith  upon  the  sleeve  of  any 
particular  man :  as  one  ^  used  to  say,  '  We  love  no  nisms, 
neither  Calvinism,  nor  Lutheranism,  nor  Jansenianism,  but 
[Acts  xi.    only  one,  that  we  derive  from  Antioch,  that  is,  Chiistianism.' 

We  honoiu'  learning  and  piety  in  oiu-  fellow-servants,  but  we 
desire  to  wear  no  other  badge  or  cognizance  than  that  we 
received  from  oui'  own  Master  at  our  Baptism.  Bucer  was  as 
fit  to  be  Cabin's  master,  as  his  scholar.  So  long  as  Calvin 
continued  with  him  in  Germany,  he  was  for  Episcopacy, 
Liturgjr^and  ceremonies  s  (and  for  assurance  thereof  subscribed 
the  Augustan  Confession    ;  and  his  late  learned  successor 

e  ["Cum  aliquid  hujusmocli  inci-  p.  49),  then  in  England:  and  his  re- 

derat,  sic  ludere  Carneades  solebat ;  '  Si  peated  testimony  in  favour  of  Episco- 

recte  conclusi,  teneo  :  sin  vitiose,  minam  pacy  has  been  collected  by  Bp.  Hall  in 

Diogenes  reddat.'    Ab  eo  cnim  Stoico  his  "  Episcopacy  by  Divine  Right," 

dialecticam  (lidicerat:  hsec  autemmerces  Introd.  sect.  2.  vol.  x.  pp.  147,  148. 

erat  dialecticorum."  Cic.  Lucull.  xxx.]  Oxf.  1837,  and  by  Bramhall  himself, 

f  M.  Tho.  Sq.    [The  Editor  is  un-  "Replication,"  c.  1.  (Works,  p.  161. 

able  to  conjecture  for  whom  these  ini-  fol.  edit).  Discourse  iii.  Part  i. — Vin- 

tials  were  intended.]  dication  of  Episcop.  Clergy,  c.  4.  (as 

8  [Calvin's  residence  with  Bucer  at  above,  pp.  620,  621.),  Discourse  iii. 

Strasburg,  during  his  temporary  exile  Part  ii.] 

from  Geneva,  lasted  from  A.  D.  1538  [The    Confession   of  Augsburg 

to  A.  D.  1541  (Beza's  Life  of  Calvin  drawn  up  by  Melancthon  A.  D.  1530; 

prefixed  to  his  Works,  Arast.  1667).  which  acknowledges  Episcopacy  aii?(e/i. 

He  spoke  decidedly  in  favour  of  Litur-  protesting  only  against  abuses  :  see  c. 

gies  and  set  forms  of  prayer  at  a  still  vii.  De  Potest.  Eccles.  in  fin.  Calvin 

later  period, — see  his  letter  to  the  Pro-  mentions  his  former  signature  and  con- 

tector  Somerset,  Oct.  22,  1549.  (Op.  tinued  approval  of  it  in  a  letter  to 

tom.  ix.  pp.  39,  sq.),  written  at  the  re-  Martin  Schaling,  A.  D.  1557,  Op.  tom. 

quest  of  Bucer  (Calvin  to  Bucer,  ibid.  ix.  p.  113.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


39 


and  assertor  in  Geneva^  Monsieur  Deodate,  with  sundry  Discourse 

29  others  of  that  communion,  -were  not  averse  from  them'.    Or  ^  

"why  do  you  call  Reformation  blind  ?  It  was  not  blindness, 
but  too  much  affectation  of  knowledge,  and  too  much  peeping 
into  controverted  and  new-fangled  questions,  that  hath  en- 
damaged our  religion.  It  is  you  that  teach  the  Colher's 
Creed  ^,  not  we. 

Howsoever  you  pretend  to  prove,  that  our  Reformation  was 
the  riun  of  the  Church  and  Commonwealth;  we  expect  you 
should  endeavour  to  prove  it.  You  cannot  so  far  mistake 
yom-self,  as  to  conceive  your  authority  to  be  the  same  with 
us  that  Pythagoras  had  among  his  scholars,  to  have  his 
dictates  received  for  oracles  without  proof.  What  did  I  say, — 
that  you  pretend  to  prove  it  ?  That's  too  low  an  expression  ; 
you  promise  us  "a  demonstration  of  it,  so  lively  and  evident,  [p-  4.] 
that  no  reason  shall  be  able  to  contradict  it."  Are  you  not 
afraid,  that  too  much  expectation  should  prejudice  your  dis- 
course by  diminishing  our  applause  ? 

"  Quid  tanto  (lignxun  feret  liic  promissor  hiatu  '  ?" 

Do  you  think  of  nothing  now  but  triumphs  ?  '  Lively  and 
evident  demonstration,  not  to  be  contradicted  by  reason,'  is 
like  the  phoenix,  much  talked  of,  but  seldom  seen.  Most 
men,  when  they  see  a  man  strip  up  his  sleeves  and  make  too 
large  promises  of  fair  dealing,  do  suspect  juggling.  '  No  man 
proclaimeth  in  the  market  that  he  hath  rotten  wares  to  sell.' 
And  therefore  we  must  be  careful,  notwithstanding  your 
great  promises,  to  keep  well  Epicharmus  his  jewel, '  Remember 
to  distrust™.'  By  your  permission,  your  ghsteriug  'demonstra- 


■  [Deodate  is  said  (in  a  note  to  a 
contemporary  translation  of  his  Answer 
to  tJie  Westminster  Assembly,  p.  (i. 
Newcastle  1C47.)  to  liave  been  one  of 
those  ministers  at  the  Synod  of  Dort  in 
1619,  who  expressed  to  Bp.  Carleton 
(Collier's  Ch.  Hist.  pt.  ii.  hk.  viii.  vol. 
ii.  p.  718,  fol.  edit.)  their  approhation 
of  iSpiscopacy,  and  regret  at  their  own 
want  of  it.  For  the  '  sundry  otliers,' 
who  lield  the  same  sentiments,  see 
Bramhall's  Serpent  Salve  (Works,  pp. 
599,  &c.  fol.  edit.),  Discourse  ii. 
Part  ii.] 

t  [The  Collier's  Creed  "  is  thus  de- 


scribed by  theirown"  (Roman  Catholic) 
'•■  Bishop.  '  The  collier  being  demanded 
wliat  lie  believed,  answered.  That  which 
the  Church  believetli ;  and  being  asked, 
What  the  Cliurch  believed,  answered, 
That  which  I  believe.'"  Morton's 
Catholic  Appeal,  bk.  v.  c.  28.  §  2,  from 
EspenciBus  in  2  Tim.  cap.  iii.  num.  17. 
p.  119,  who,  however,  it  must  be  added, 
docs  not  consider  the  Creed  so  expressed 
to  be  sufficient.] 

1  [Horat.  A.  P.  138.] 

["Nt;<|)6  Kol  iJLfixvaa'  kTrtdTtlv  &p8pa 
ravra  toiv  (pptvuv."  ap.  Cic.  ad  Attic, 
i.  19.] 


40 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part  tion'  is  a  very  counterfeit,  not  so  valuable  as  a  Bristol  diamond, 

 '■  when  it  comes  to  be  examined  by  tlie  wlieel. 

tioiH™"'  Sometimes  nothing  is  more  necessary  than  reformation, 
sometimes  Never  was  house  so  well  builded,  that  now  and  then  needed 
iiccessai}.  reparation;  never  garden  so  well  planted,  but  must 
sometimes  be  weeded ;  never  any  order  so  well  instituted,  but 
in  long  tract  of  time  there  wiU  be  a  bending  and  decUning  from 
its  pnmitive  perfection,  and  a  necessity  of  reducing  it  to  its 
first  principles.  Are  your  Houses  of  Religion  which  are 
reformed,  therefore  the  less  religious  ?  Wliy  then  did  all  the 
princes  and  commonwealths  in  Europe,  yea,  the  Fathers 
themselves  in  the  Council  of  Trent",  cry  out  so  often,  so 
earnestly,  for  a  reformation  ?  yet  were  forced  to  content 
themselves  with  a  vain  shadoAV  for  the  substance,  as  Ixion 
embraced  a  cloud  for  Juno,  or  children  are  often  stilled  with 
an  empty  bottle. 

Reforma-  But  reformation  is  not  agreeable  to  all  persons.  Judas 
agreeable  lovcd  not  an  audit,  because  he  '  kept  the  bag dull  lethargic 
sonsl'e'spe-  P^ople  had  rather  sleep  to  death,  than  be  awaked ;  and  mad 
Court  *of°  P^^i"enetic  bigots  are  apt  to  beat  the  chirm-geon  that  would 
Rjime.  bind  up  their  wounds  ;  but  none  are  so  averse  from  reforma- 
6.]  tion  as  the  Court  of  Rome,  where  the  very  name  is  more 

formidable  than  Hannibal  at  the  gates  ;  yea,  than  all  the  five 
terrible  things.    No  mai'vel  they  are  afraid  to  ha^e  their 
oranges  squeezed  to  their  hands;  if  they  were  infallible  as 
they  pretend,  there  was  no  need  of  a  reformation ;  we  wish 
they  were,  but  we  see  they  are  not. 
Tiune  is        On  the  other  side,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  reformation, 
refWrma-"   whcn  it  is  Unseasonable,  or  inordinate,  or  excessive,  may  do 
tion.         more  hurt  than  good  :  when  reformers  want  just  authority, 
or  due  information,  or  have  sinister  ends ;  or  where  the 
remedy  may  be  of  worse  consequence  than  the  abuse;  or 
where  men  run  out  of  one  extreme  into  another.  Therefore 
it  is  a  rule  in  prudence,  '  Not  to  remove  an  ill  custom,  when 
it  is  well  settled,'  unless  it  bring  great  prejudices ;  and  then 
'  it  is  better  to  give  one  account  why  we  have  taken  it  away. 


"  [See  for  instance  the  Orat.  Exhor- 
tatoria  Praesidum  Cone.  Trident,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  eleventh  session, 
and  the  speech  delivered  at  the  Council 


expressly  upon  the  Reformation  of  the 
Church  l)y  Anlonius  Paganus  (in  the 
Ap])end.  to  tlie  Hist,  of  tlie  Council  in 
Labb.  Concil,  torn.  xiv.  pp.  1912,  sq.).] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


41 


than  to  be  always  making  excuses  why  we  do  it  not°.'  Needless  Discourse 

alteration  dotli  diminish  the  venerable  esteem  of  rehgion,  '  

and  lessen  the  credit  of  ancient  truths.  '  Break  ice  in  one 
place,  and  it  will  crack  in  more.'  '  Crooked  sticks,  by  bending 
straight,  are  sometimes  broken  into  two.' 

There  is  a  right  mean  between  these  extremes,  if  men  The  right 
could  light  on  it ;  that  is,  neither  to  destroy  the  body  out  of  formation." 
hatred  to  the  sores  and  ulcers,  nor  yet  to  cherish  the  sores 
and  ulcers  out  of  a  doating  affection  to  the  body ;  that  is, 
neither  to  destroy  ancient  institutions  out  of  a  zealous  hatred 
to  some  new  abuses,  nor  yet  to  doat  so  upon  ancient  institu- 
tions, as  for  their  sakes  to  cherish  new  abuses. 

Our  Reformation  is  just  as  much  the  cause  of  the  ruin  of  Our  Re- 
30  our  Church  and  Commonwealth,  as  the  building  of  Tenderden  not  the  ruin 
steeple  was  the  cause  of  Goodwin's  sands,  or  the  ruin  of  the  churc^^'  or 
country  thereabouts,  because  they  happened  both  much  about  ^"^^t™""' 
the  same  timeP.    "Caveat  successibus  opto," — 'may  he  ever 
want  success  who  judgeth  of  actions  by  the  event  i.'  Our 
Reformation  hath  ruined  the  Faith,  just  as  the  plucking  up  of 
weeds  in  a  garden  ruins  the  good  herbs.    It  hath  ruined  the 
Church,  just  as  a  body  full  of  superfluous  and  ^'icious  humours 
is  ruined  by  a  healthful  purgation.  It  hath  ruined  the  Com- 
monwealth, just  as  pruning  of  the  yine  ruins  the  elm.  No, 
no,  Su",  OTir  sufferings  for  the  Faith,  for  the  Church,  for  the 
Monarchy,  do  proclaim  us  innocent  to  all  the  world,  of  the 
ruin  either  of  Faith,  or  Church,  or  Monarchy.    And  in  this 
capacity  Ave  choose  rather  to  starve  as  innocents,  than  to 
swim  in  plenty  as  nocents. 

But  this  is  but  one  of  your  doubles  to  keep  us  from  the 
right  form.  It  is  your  new  Roman  Creed  that  hath  ruined 
the  Faith.  It  is  your  Papal  Court  that  hath  ruined  the 
Church.  It  is  your  new  doctrines  of  the  Pope's  omnipotence 
over  temporal  persons  in  order  unto  spiritual  ends,  of  absolv- 
ing subjects  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance,  of  exempting  the 
clergy  from  secular  jurisdiction,  of  the  lawfulness  of  mui-der- 
ing  tyrants  and  excommunicated  princes,  of  equivocation  and 


"  ['■  Male  semel  excusare  quare  fece- 
rim  quam  semper  quare  non  fecerim." 
Seneca.] 

[See  Latimer's  Last  Sermon  before 
King  Edward,  An.  L550.] 


["  .  .  .  Careat  successibus  opto, 
"  Quisquis  ab  eventu  facta  notanda 
putat." 

Ovid.  Heroid.  Ep.  ii.  85,  86,] 


42 


THE  BISHOP  or  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part  the  like,  that  first  infected  the  world  to  the  danger  of  civil 
 — —  government.  Yet  far  be  it  from  me  to  make  these  the  uni- 
versal tenets  of  your  Chiirch,  at  any  time,  much  less  at  this 
time,  when  they  are  much  fallen  from  their  former  credit ; 
neither  can  I  deny,  that  sundry  dangerous  positions,  destruc- 
tive to  all  civil  societies,  have  been  transplanted  by  our 
sectaries,  and  taken  too  deep  root  in  our  quarters,  but  never 
by  our  faiilt.  If  God  should  grant  us  the  benefit  of  an  (Ecu- 
menical or  Occidental  Council,  it  would  become  both  you  and 
us  in  the  first  place  to  pluck  up  such  seditious  opinions,  root 
and  branch. 

o HI- first       You  say  oiu"  "  Calvinistical  Reformation"  (so  you  are 
•'maxfm'    pl^ascd  to  Call  it  as  you  Avould  have  it,  for  the  moderate  and 
[[).  4.]      orderly  Reformation  of  England  was  the  terror  and  eye-sore 
of  Rome)  '  is  founded  iipon  two  maxims     the  one,  that  '  the 
Church  was  fallen  to  ruin  and  desolation,  and  become  guilty 
of  idolatry  and  tyranny.' 
The  Catho-     This  is  neither  our  foundation,  nor  our  superstruction ; 
cannot"  "^''  neither  our  maxim,  nor  our  opinion.    It  is  so  far  from  it, 
tome  to^^  that  we  hold  and  teach  the  dii-ect  contrary.    First,  that  the 
guilty  of    '  Gates  of  Hell  shall  never  prevail  against  the  Universal 
tyranny.     Church that  Hhough  the  rain  descend,  and  the  floods 
[Matt.  xvi.  come,  and  the  winds  blow  and  beat  upon  it,  yet  it  shall  never 
..  fall  to  ruin  or  desolation,  because  it  is  builded  upon  a  Rock.' 

[INIatt.  VII.  _  '  .  .  ^  . 

25.]         Secondly,  we  believe  that  the  Catholic  Cluu-ch  is  the  faithful 
Spouse  of  Christ,  and  cannot  be  guilty  of  idolatry,  which  is 
spiritual  adultery.   Thirdly,  we  never  said,  we  never  thought, 
that  the  OEcumeuical  Church  of  Clu"ist  was  guilty  of  tyi'anny. 
It  is  principled  '  to  suffer  ^Tong,  to  do  none,  and  by  sufi'ering 
to  conquer,  as  a  flock  of  unarmed  sheep  in  the  midst  of  a 
company  of  ravenous  wolves  — '  a  new  and  unheard-of  kind 
of  warfare,' — "  as  if  one  should  thi'ow  a  handful  of  diy  flax 
into  the  midst  of  a  flaming  fire  to  extinguish  it^" 
Catholic        But  I  presume  this  is  one  of  the  idiotisms  of  your  language, 
not'w)""^''"     which  by  the  Chm'ch  you  always  understand  the  Roman 
vertibies.    Church,  making  Roman  and  Catholic  to  be  convertibles  :  as 
if  Christ  could  not  have  a  Church,  nor  that  Church  any 
privileges,  unless  the  Court  of  Rome  might  have  the  monopoly 


'  Chrys.  [Interpret,  in  Esai.  c.  ii.  xxxiii  (alit.  xxxiv).  torn.  ii.  j).  226. 
torn.  i.  p.  1030,  and  Ilom.  in  Matth.     — quoted  from  memory.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE^  &C.  43 

of  them.    There  is  a  vast  difference  bet^veen  the  CathoUc  Discourse 

Church  and  a  Patriarchal  Church.    The  Cathohc  Church  can  '■  

never  fail;  any  Patriarchal  Church  maj^  apostate  and  fail. 

We  have  a  promise  that  the  candle  shall  not  be  put  out; 

we  have  no  promise  that  '  the  candlesticks  shall  not  be  Rev.  ii.  5. 

removed.' 

But  supposing  that  (which  we  can  never  grant)  the  Catho- 
lic Chui'ch  and  Roman  Chui-ch  were  convertiblesj  yet  still  you 
do  us  WTong. 

First,  we  do  not  maintain,  that  the  Roman  Church  itself  is  The  Roman 
fallen  to  ruin  and  desolation  :  we  grant  to  it  a  true  meta-  itsJif  not 
physical  being,  though  not  a  true  moral  being ;  yve  hope  f^jgn^'to'^ 
their  errors  are  rather  in  superstructures,  than  in  fimdamen- 
tals ;  we  do  not  say  that  the  plants  of  saving  truth  (which 
are  common  to  you  and  us)  are  plucked  up  by  the  roots  in 
31  the  Roman  Chui'ch ;  but  we  say  that  they  are  overgrown 
with  weeds,  and  in  danger  to  be  choked. 

Next  for  idolatry, — whether,  and  why,  and  how  far  we  may  whether 
accuse  your  Church  of  it,  deserves  farther  consideration.  church™™ 

First,  you  agree  with  us,  that  God  alone  is  the  Object  of  ?["jf||[j.^* 
religion,  and  consequently,  that  all  religious  worship  is  due 
terminatively  only  to  Him ;  that  God  alone  is  to  be  invo- 
cated  absolutely  or  iiltimately,  that  is,  so  as  to  grant  our 
requests  and  fulfil  our  desires  by  Himself,  and  that  the  Saints 
are  not  the  objects  of  our  prayers,  but  joint-petitioners  with 
us  and  intercessors  for  us  to  the  Throne  of  Grace. 

Secondly,  we  profess  as  well  as  you,  that  there  is  a  pro- 
portionable degree  of  honour  and  respect  due  to  every  crea- 
ture in  Heaven  and  earth  according  to  the  dignity  of  it,  and 
therefore  more  honom-  due  to  a  glorified  Spirit  than  to  a 
mortal  man.  But  withal  we  add,  that  this  honour  is  not 
servitutis  but  charitatis  ^ ;  not  of  service  as  to  our  lords  and 
masters,  but  of  love  and  charity  as  to  om  friends  and  fellow- 
servants;  of  the  same  kind  and  nature  with  that  honour 
which  we  give  to  holy  men  on  earth.  And  herein  we  are 
confident  that  we  shall  have  yoiu-  consent. 

Thirdly,  we  agree  in  this  also,  that  abundant  love  and 
duty  doth  extend  an  honourable  respect  from  the  person  of  a 

'  ["  Honoramus    eos"    (Angeles)     Vera  Rel.  c.  55.  torn.  i.  p.  787.  A.] 
"  caritate  non  scrvittde.' '    August.  De 


44  THE  BISHOP  or  derry's  answer  to 

dear  fi-iend,  or  noble  benefactor,  to  his  posterity,  to  his 
memory,  to  his  monument,  to  his  image,  to  his  relics,  to 
every  thing  that  he  loved,  or  that  pertained  to  him,  even  to 
the  earth  which  he  did  tread  upon,  for  his  sake.  Put  a 
lAefhebber^,  or  Virtuoso,  among  a  company  of  rare  pictures, 
and  he  will  pick  out  the  best  pieces  for  their  proper  value ; 
but  a  friend  or  child  will  more  esteem  the  picture  of  a  bene- 
factor, or  ancestor,  for  its  relation.  The  respect  of  the  one 
is  terminated  in  the  picture,  that  of  the  other  is  radicated  in 
the  exemplar.  Yet  stUl  an  image  is  but  an  image,  and  the 
kinds  of  respect  must  not  be  confounded.  The  respect  given 
to  an  image,  must  be  respect  proper  for  an  image ;  not 
courtship,  not  Avorship,  not  adoration.  More  respect  is  due 
to  the  person  of  the  meanest  beggar  than  to  all  the  images  of 
Christ  and  His  Apostles,  and  a  thousand  primitive  Saints  or 
progenitors.  Hitherto  there  is,  either,  no  difference,  nor 
peril  either  of  idolatry  or  superstition. 

Wherein  then  did  consist  this  guilt  of  idolatry  contracted 
by  the  Roman  Chui'ch  ? 

I  am  wilhug  for  the  present  to  pass  by  the  private  abuses 
of  particular  persons,  which  seem  to  me  no  otherwise  charge- 
able upon  the  whole  Church,  than  for  connivance.  As  the 
making  images  to  counterfeit  tears,  and  words,  and  gestures, 
and  compliments,  for  advantage,  to  induce  siUy  people  to 
believe  that  there  was  something  of  Divinity  in  them ;  and 
the  multitude  of  fictitious  relics,  and  supposititious  Saints, 
which  credidity  first  introduced,  and  since  covetousness  hath 
nomished. 

I  take  no  notice  now  of  those  remote  suspicions  or  sup- 
positions of  the  possibility  of  want  of  intention,  either  in 
the  priest  that  consecrates  the  Sacrament,  or  in  him  that 
baptized,  or  in  the  Bishop  that  ordained  him,  or  in  any  one 
through  the  whole  line  of  succession;  in  all  which  cases 
(according  to  your  own  principles)  you  give  Divine  worship 
to  corporeal  Elements,  which  is  at  least  material  idolatry. 

I  will  not  stand  now  to  examine  the  truth  of  your  dis- 
tinctions of  Xarpela  and  SovXeM :  yet  you  know  well  enoiigh, 
that  hovXeia  is  no  rehgious  worship ;  and  vvrepSovXeia  is  coin 

'  [Lii'/iicblci:  Amateur.  Dutch.] 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  45 

lately  minted^  that  will  not  pass  for  current  in  the  Catholic  Discourse 

Church".    Whilst  your  common  people  understand  not  these  

distinctions  of  degrees  of  honoui",  what  holds  them  fi'om 
falling  downi-ight  into  idolatry  ? 

Neither  do  I  urge  how  you  have  distributed  the  patronage 
of  particular  countries,  the  cure  of  several  diseases,  the  pro- 
tection of  all  distinct  professions  of  men  and  aU  kinds  of 
creatiu-es,  among  the  Saints,  just  as  the  Heathen  did  among 
their  tutelary  Gods ;  nor  how  little  warrant  you  have  for 
this  practice  from  experience  :  nor,  lastly,  how  you  build 
more  Churches,  erect  more  Altars,  offer  more  presents,  pour 
out  more  prayers,  make  more  vows,  perform  more  offices  to 
the  Mother  than  to  the  Son.  Yet,  though  we  should  hold 
oui"  peace,  methinks  you  shoiild  ponder  these  things  seriously, 
and  either  for  your  own  satisfaction,  or  om's,  take  away  such 
unnecessary  occasions  of  scandal  and  disunion. 

But  I  cannot  omit,  that  the  Council  of  Trent  is  not  con- 
32  tented  to  enjoin  the  adoration  of  Chi-ist  in  the  Sacrament 
(which  we  never  deny),  but  of  the  Sacrament  itself  (that  is, 
according  to  the  common  cm-rent  of  your  school-men,  the 
accidents  or  sjjecies  of  Bread  and  Wine),  because  it  contains 
Christ  ^.  Why  do  they  not  add  upon  the  same  grounds,  that 
the  pix  is  to  be  adored  with  Divine  worship,  because  it  con- 
tains the  Sacrament  ?  Di\dne  honour  is  not  due  to  the  very 
Humanity  of  Christ,  as  it  is  abstracted  from  the  Deity,  but 
to  the  WTiole  Person,  Deity  and  Humanity,  hypostatically 
united.  Neither  the  grace  of  union,  nor  the  grace  of 
unction  can  confer  more  upon  the  Humanity  than  the 
Humanity  is  capable  of.  There  is  no  such  union  between 
the  Deity  and  the  Sacrament,  neither  immediately,  nor  yet 
mediately  mediante  Corpore. 

Moreover  you  doy  ordinarily  ascribe  Xarpeia  or  Divine 
worship  to  a  Crucifix,  or  to  the  Image  of  Christ ;  indeed  not 
terminatively,  but  transeuntly,  so  as  not  to  rest  in  the  Image 

"  ['AoTpei'o,  servitus  quae  debetur  His  Divinity  and  to  the  blessed  Virgin.' 

Deo  ;  Sou\6ia,  servitus  quae  exhibenda  (Bellarm.  De  Sanct.  Beatit.  lib.  i.  c.  12. 

esthomini'  (Dnfresne,  Glossar.  sub  voc.  torn.  i.  p.  1951.)] 

Soi/A.);  the  latter  being  further 'divided  "  [Concil.  Trident.  Sess.  xiii.  cap.  5. 

into  SouAela   properly  so  called,  and  et  can.  6.] 

vTvfpZovKiia,  of  which  the  first  is  attri-  y  [See  Branihall's  Vindication,^  &c. 

buted  to  the  other  Saints,  and  the  second  c.  10.  beginn.,  Discourse  ii.  Part  i.] 
to  tlie  Humanity  of  Christ  apart  from 


46 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


or  Crucifix,  but  to  pass  to  the  Exemplar,  or  Person  crucified  ^. 
But  why  a  piece  of  wood  should  be  made  partaker  of  Divine 
honours  even  in  transitu,  or  in  the  passage,  passeth  my  un- 
derstanding. The  Heathens  wanted  not  the  same  pretext 
for  all  their  gross  idolatry.  Let  them  plead  for  themselves  : — 
'Non  ego,  8fC. ' — '  I  do  not  worship  that  stone  which  I  see,  but 
I  serve  him  whom  I  do  not  see.'  " 

Lastly,  whilst  you  are  pleased  to  use  them,  I  may  not 
forget  those  strange  insolent  forms  of  prayer  contained  in 
j-our  Books,  even  ultimate  prayers,  if  we  take  the  words  as 
they  sound,  dii'ected  to  the  Creatures,  that  they  would 
protect  you  at  the  hoxu'  of  death,  and  deUver  you  fi'om 
the  de\il,  and  confer  spiritual  graces  upon  you,  and 
admit  you  into  Heaven — " precibus  meritisque" — "by  their 
prayers  and  merits  "  ^  (you  know  what  merit  signifies  in  your 


*  l"Dcbctur  ei"  {Cruci)"latria"  Ordo 
atS.  recipiend.  procession.  Imperator.  in 
the  Pontifical  of  Clement  VIII.  (IlomjE 
1595.)  Pt.  iii.  p.  (;72;  and  in  that  of 
UrbanVIII.(Paris.l()e4.)  Pt.  iii.  p.l09. 
'  Sacerdos, . .  et  deinde  alii  clerici  et  laici ' 
. .  .  "Cnicem  adorant."  Rubric  in  Missal, 
for  Good  Friday. — "i/onos,  qui  eis"(iOTa- 
ghiibus  Sic. )  "exhibetur,  refertur  ad pro- 
totiipa."  Concil.  Trident.  Sess.  xxv.  De- 
cret.  de  Invocatione  &c.  :  see  also  Vaz- 
quez De  Adorat.  lib.  ii.  disp.  8.  c.  3. 
Among  the  Roman  doctors,  however,  it 
is  a  disputed  question  whether  and  how 
far  adoration  is  termhiaiively  due  either 
to  images  or  to  the  Cross;  some,  with 
Aquinas  (Summ.  Theol.  pars  iii.  Qu. 
xxv.  Artt.  3,  4.),  maintaining  the  af- 
firmative,-— others,  as  Cassander  (Con- 
sult 21.  §  de  Cultu  Imag.),  the  nega- 
tive,— and  a  third  party,  as  Bellarmine 
(lib.  ii.  de  Imag.  Sanctor.  cc.  21,  sq.'Op. 
tom.  i.  pp.  2075,  sq.),  holding  a  middle 
opinion,  viz.  that  it  is  so  due  hut  only 
'  secundum  quid  and  analogically.' 
See  Jackson's  Works  vol.  i.  book  v. 
On  the  Original  of  Unbelief  &c. 
c.  34.] 

'  ["  Sed  existit  nescio  quis  dispu- 
tator,  .  .  .  et  ait,  Non  ego  ilium  lapidem 
colo  nec  illud  simulachrmn,  quod  est 

sine  sensu ;  non  ego  illud  colo, 

sed  adoro  quod  video  et  servio  Ei  Quern 
non  video."  August,  in  Ps.  xcvi.  v.  11. 
tom.  iv.  p.  1047.  D.] 

[In  the  Offic.  parvum  B.  Mariae 
in  the  (reformed)  Roman  Breviary; 
"  Maria  mater  gratias, 
"  Diilcis  parens  clementiw, 


"  Tu  nos  ab  hoste  protege, 
"  Et  mortis  hora  suscipe." — 
In  the  Commune  Unius  Martyris  in 
the  same  ; 

"  Invicte  MartjT  

"  Tui  precatus  munere 
"  Nostrum  reatum  dilue, 
"  Arcens  mali  contagium." — 
In  the  Commune  Apostolorum  in  the 
same ; 

"  Vos,  soeculorum  judices, 

"  Sanate  mentes  languidas, 

"  Augete  nos  virtutibus." — 
In  the  Offic.  B.  Mariae  in  the  same  ; 
"  Sub  tuum  presidium  confugimus, 
sancta  Dei  genitrix ;  nostras  depreca- 
tiones  ne  despicias  in  necessitatibus,  sed 
a  periculis  cunctis  libera  nos  semper, 
Virgo  gloriosa  et  benedicta." 
And  again ; 

"  Virgo  singularis, 

•  •  • 

"  Mites  fac  et  castos  ; 

"  Vitam  praesta  puram." — 
In  the  services  for  the  particular  Feasts 
in  the  same, — In  Cathedra  S.  Petri 
Antioch.  ; 

"  Beate  Pastor  Petre,  clemens  accipe 
"  Voces  precantum,  criminumque  vin- 
cula 

"  Verbo  resolve,  cui  potestas  tradita 
"  Aperire  terris  coelum,  apertum  clau- 
dere." 

In  the  Offic.  parvum  B.  Maria;  in 
the  Paris  Breviary ; 
"  O  Mater  alma  Christi  carissima, 
"  Suscipe  pia  laudiun  praeconia. 


AN  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  47 

language, — a  condignity,  or  at  least  a  congruity,  of  desert).  Discourse 

The  exposition  of  yom*  doctors  is,  that  they  should  do  all  

this  for  you  by  theii-  prayers  ;  as  improper  a  form  of  speech, 
as  if  a  suppliant,  intending  only  to  move  an  ordinary  courtier 
to  mediate  for  him  unto  the  King,  should  fall  down  upon  his 
knees  before  the  com'tier,  and  beseech  him  to  make  him  an 
EiU'l,  or  a  Knight,  or  to  bestow  such  an  office  or  such  a 
pai'don  upon  him,  or  to  do  some  other  grace  for  him  properly 
belonging  to  the  prerogative  roj  al.  How  agrees  this  with 
the  Avords,  precibus  meritisque  ?  A  beggar  doth  not  deserve 
an  alms  by  asking  it.  This  is  a  snare  to  ignorant  persons, 
who  take  the  words  to  signifj^  as  they  sound ;  and  (it  is  to 
be  feared)  do  commit  dowmiglit  idolatry  by  theu"  pastors' 
faults,  who  prescribe  such  improper  forms  unto  them. 

Concerning  tyranny,  which  makes  up  the  arrear  of  the  The  Roman 
first  supposed  '  maxim — we  do  not  accuse  the  Roman  Church  t^Tannicai!* 
of  tjTanny,  but  the  Roman  Court.  If  either  the  unjust  usm-p- 
ation  of  Sovereign  power,  or  the  extending  thereof  to  the 
destruction  of  the  laws  and  canons  of  the  Chui'ch,  yea,  even 
to  give  a  "Non  obstante"  either  to  the  institution  of  Christ,  or 
at  least  to  the  uniform  practice  of  the  primitive  ages,  or  to 
them  both  ;  if  the  swallowing  up  of  all  ecclesiastical  jmis- 
diction,  and  the  arrogating  of  a  superci\dl  power  paramount ; 
if  the  causing  of  poor  people  to  trot  to  Rome  from  all  the 
quarters  of  Em-ope,  to  waste  their  livelihoods  there ;  if  the 
trampling  ixpon  emperors  and  the  disciplining  of  monarchs 
be  tyrannical ;  either  the  Court  of  Rome  hath  been  tyranni- 
cal, or  there  never  was  tyranny  in  the  world 

I  doubt  not  but  some  great  persons,  when  they  have  had 
bloody  tragedies  to  act  for  their  own  particular  ends,  have 

"Nostrautpurapectorasintet  corpora,  in  the  Roman  Service  Books.    Of  the 

"  Te  nunc  flagitant  devota  corda  ot  ora.  direcl  prayers  quoted  above,  the  greater 

"Tua  per  precata  dulcisona  number,  it  will  be  seen,  are  not  even 

"  Nobis  concedasveniam  per  saecula." —  so  far  qualified.] 

In  the  Commune  Apostolorum  in  the  "  [In  the  decree  of  the  Council  of 

same;  Constance  which  restricts  Communion 

"  Vos,  ...  in  both  kinds  to  the  officiating  ministers 

"  Qui  dantc  Christo  panditis,  (ap.  Labb.  Concil.  tom.  xii.  p.  100.), 

"  Qui  clauditis  ca?li  fores,  giving  the  Bread  only  to  the  laity,  such 

"  Nos  criminum  tcnacibus  restriction  is  enacted  with  an  express 

"  Vinclis  ligatos  solvite." —  "  non  obstante"  both  to  the  institution 

The  words  "precibus  meritisque  "  (the  of  Christ  and  to  primitive  practice.] 

common  phrase  also  of  the  schoolmen)  "  [Bramhall's  Vindication,  &c.  c.  6. 

are  a  frequent,  although  far  from  the  (Works,  pp.  92,  &c.  fol.  edit.),  Dis- 

strongest,  form  of  the  indirect  prayers  course  ii.  Part  i.] 


48 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part    sometimes  made  the  Roman  Clmrcli  a  stalkingliorse,  and  the 

 —  pretence  of  Catliolic  religion  a  blind,  to  keep  tlieir  policies 

undiscerned :  but  if  we  consider  seriously,  what  cruelties 
have  been  really  acted  throughout  Europe,  either  by  the 
Inquisitors  General,  or  by  persons  specially  delegated  for 
that  purpose,  against  the  Waldenses  of  old,  and  against  the 
Protestants  of  later  days,  against  poor  ignorant  persons, 
against  women  and  children,  against  madmen,  against  dead 
carcasses,  as  Bucer,  &c.,  ^  upon  pretence  of  religion,  not  only 
by  ordinary  forms  of  punishment  and  of  death,  but  by  fire 
and  faggots,  by  strange  new-deAised  tortures,  we  shall 
quickly  find  that  the  Coui't  of  Eome  hath  died  itself  red  in 
Christian  blood,  and  equalled  the  most  tyrannical  persecu- 
tions of  the  Heathen  Emperors. 
Our  second     The  other  maxim'  whereupon  you  say  that  our  Reformation 
'maxim/    '^''is  grounded,  was  this,  '  That  the  only  way  to  reform  the 
p-  4.        Faith,  and  Litm'gy,  and  government  of  the  Church,  was  33 
to  conform  them  to  the  dictates  of  Holy  Scripture,  of  the 
sense  whereof  every  private  Cln'istian  ought  to  be  the  judge 
by  the  light  of  the  Spnit,  excluding  Tradition  and  the  pubUc 
p.  5.        judgment  of  the  Church.'    You  add,  that  '  we  cannot  prove 
Episcopacy  by  Scripture  without  the  help  of  Tradition ;  and 
if  we  do  admit  of  Tradition,  we  must  acknowledge  the 
Papacy  for  the  government  of  the  Catholic  Church,  as  founded 
in  the  primacy  of  St.  Peter.' 
Much  Your  second  supposed  ground  is  no  truer  than  the  former ; 

we  are  as  far  from  anarchy  as  from  tyranny.  As  we  would 
not  have  human  authority,  like  Medusa's  head,  to  transform 
reasonable  men  into  senseless  stones ;  so  we  do  not  put  the 
reins  of  government  into  the  hands  of  each  or  any  private 
person,  to  reform  according  to  their  phantasies.  And  that 
we  may  not  deal  hke  blunderers,  or  deceitful  persons,  to  wrap 
up  or  involve  ourselves  on  pm'pose  in  confused  generahties,  I 
will  set  down  our  sense  distinctly.  Wlien  you  understand  it, 
I  hope  you  will  repent  your  rash  censuring  of  us,  of  whom 
you  had  so  bttle  knowledge. 

Tlu-ee  tilings  ^  ofier  themselves  to  be  considered  :  first,  con- 

[Bucer's  dead  body  was  taken  up  &c.    Lond.    1684.  — Heylin's  Eccles. 

and  burned  by  order  of  Cardinal  Pole  at  Restaur.  Reign  of  Queen  Mary,  p.  70.] 

Cambridge  A.D.  1jo7;    l-'ox's  Acts  '  [The  substance  of  the  statement, 

and  Monum.  vol,  iii.  book  xii.  pp.  039,  which  follows,  concerning  the  interpre- 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


49 


cerning  the  rule  of  Scripture ;  secondly,  the  proper  ex-  Discourse 

pounders  thereof;  and  thirdly,  the  manner  of  exposition.  

Concerning  Scripture  we  believe, — that  it  was  impossible  I.  The 
for  human  reason  without  the  help  of  Divine  revelation,  to  th^raie'^of 
find  out  those  supernatural  truths  which  are  necessary  to  ^"fa'j'i'J^ths 
sah  ation  :  secondly,  that,  to  supply  this  defect  of  natui'al 
reason,  God  out  of  His  abundant  goodness  hath  given  us  the 
Holy  Scriptui'es,  which  have  not  their  authority  from  the 
writing,  which  is  human,  but  from  the  revelation,  which  is 
Divine, — from  the  Holy  Ghost :  thirdly,  that,  this  being  the 
pm'pose  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  it  is  blasphemy  to  say  He  would 
not,  or  could  not,  attain  unto  it ;  and  that  therefore  the  Holy 
Scripttu-es  do  comprehend  all  necessary  supernatural  truths 
(so  much  is  confessed  by  Bellarmine,  that  '  all  things  which 
are  necessarj'^  to  be  believed  and  to  be  done  by  all  Christians, 
were  preached  to  all  by  the  Apostles,  and  were  all  written  e'): 
fourthly,  that  the  Scripture  is  more  properly  to  be  called  a 
rule  of  supernatural  truths  than  a  judge ;  or  if  it  be  some- 
times called  a  judge,  it  is  no  othei'wise  than  the  law  is  called 
a  judge  of  civil  controversies  between  man  and  man,  that  is, 
the  rule  of  judging  what  is  right,  and  what  is  wrong; — 'that 
which  sheweth  what  is  straight,  sheweth  likewise  what  is 
crooked'^.' 

Secondly,  concerning  the  proper  expounders  of  Scripture,  li.  Who  are 
we  do  believe  that  the  Gospel  doth  not  consist  in  the  words,  expound-"^ 
but  in  the  sense — "  non  in  superficie,  sed  in  medulla^;"  ^nd  I'jf^jp^j^^p 
•  therefore  that,  though  this  infalhble  rule  be  given  for  the  aji^d  how 
common  benefit  of  all,  yet  every  one  is  not  an  able  or  fit 
artist  to  make  application  of  this  mle  in  all  particular  cases. 
To  preserve  the  common  right,  and  yet  prevent  particular 
abuses,  we  distinguish  judgment  into  three  kinds  : 

Judgment  of  discretion ;  judgment  of  direction and  judg- 
ment oi  jurisdiction'^. 

As  in  the  former  instance  of  the  law  (the  ignorance  whereof 
excuseth  no  man)      every  subject  hath  judgment  of  dis- 


tation  of  Scripture,  appears  to  be  taken 
from  Field,  Of  the  Church,  bk.  iv.  cc. 
13,  &c.  pp.  302,  &c.  Loud.  1028.] 

s  Lib.  iv.  Dc  Verbo  Dei,  cap.  11. 
[Op.  torn.  i.  p.  21  k  B.l 

''  ["       (vee'iitaX  aiirh  Koi  rh  KafiirvKov 


yivda-KOfnev."  Aristot.  De  Animi,  i.  c. 
5.  Op.  p.  411.  1.  5.  ed.  Bekker.] 

'  [Hieroii.  In  Epist.  ad  Galatas,  c.  1. 
torn.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  230.] 

*■  [Field,  as  before  quoted,  p.  363  ; 
and  c.  10.  pp.  360,  367.] 


50 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part    cretion,  to  apply  it  particularly  to  tlie  preservation  of  himself, 

 ^  his  estate  and  interest ;  the  advocates,  and  those  who  are 

skilful  in  the  law,  have  moreover  a  judgment  of  direction,  to 
ad\dse  others  of  less  knowledge  and  experience ;  but  those 
who  are  constituted  by  the  sovereign  power  to  determine 
emergent  difficulties  and  differences,  and  to  distribute  and  ad- 
minister justice  to  the  whole  body  of  a  province  or  kingdom, 
have  moreover  a  judgment  oi  jurisdiction,  which  is  not  only 
discretionary,  or  directive,  but  authoritative, — to  impose  an 
obhgation  of  obedience  unto  those  who  are  under  their 
charge.  If  these  last  shall  ti'ansgress  the  rule  of  the  law, 
they  are  not  accountable  to  their  inferiors,  but  to  him  or  them 
that  have  the  sovereign  power  of  legislative  judicature; — 
'  ejus  est  legem  interpretari,  cvjus  est  condere.' 

To  apply  this  to  the  case  in  question  concerning  the  expo- 
sition of  the  Holy  Scriptm-e.  Every  Christian  keeping  him- 
self within  the  bounds  of  due  obedience  and  submission  to  his 
1  Thess.  V.  lawful  superiors,  hath  a  judgment  of  discretion  ; — "  Prove  all 
things,  hold  fast  that  which  is  good."  He  may  apply  the 
rule  of  Holy  Scriptm-e  for  his  own  private  instruction,  com- 
fort, edification,  and  dii'ection,  and  for  the  framing  of  his  life 
and  behef  accordingly.  The  pastors  of  the  Church  (who  are 
placed  over  God's  people  as  watchmen  and  guides)  have  more  34 
than  this,  a  judgment  of  direction ;  to  expound  and  intei'pret 
the  Holy  Scriptures  to  others,  and  out  of  them  to  instruct 
the  ignorant,  to  reduce  them  who  wander  out  of  the  right 
way,  to  confute  errors,  to  foretell  dangers,  and  to  draw  sinners 
to  repentance.  The  chief  pastors,  to  whose  care  the  regiment 
of  the  Church  is  committed  in  a  more  special  manner,  have 
yet  a  higher  degree  of  judgment,  a  judgment  of  jurisdiction ; 
to  prescribe,  to  enjoin,  to  constitute,  to  reform,  to  censure,  to 
condemn,  to  bind,  to  loose,  judicially,  authoritatively,  in  their 
respective  charges.  If  their  key  shall  err,  either  their  key  of 
knowledge,  or  their  key  of  jurisdiction,  they  are  accountable 
to  their  respective  superiors,  and  in  the  last  place  to  a  general 
Council,  which  under  Christ  upon  earth  is  the  highest  judge 
of  controversies.  Thus  we  have  seen  what  is  the  rale  of 
Faith,  and  by  whom,  and  how  far  respectively,  this  rule  is  to 
be  apphed. 

III.  The       Thh'dly,  for  the  manner  of  expounding  Holy  Scriptures ; 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


51 


— for  there  may  be  a  privacy  in  this  also,  and  more  dangerous  Discourse 
than  the  privacy  of  the  person  ^ — Many  tilings  are  necessary  - — '—j- 
to  the  right  interpretation  of  the  lavr; — to  understand  the  ing  Scrip- 
reason  of  it,  the  precedents,  the  terms,  the  forms,  the  reports; 
and  an  ability  to  compare  law  with  law.  He  that  wants  all 
these  qualifications  altogether,  is  no  interpreter  of  law.  He 
that  wants  but  some  of  them,  or  wants  the  perfection  of  them, 
by  how  much  the  greater  is  his  defect,  by  so  much  the  less 
valuable  is  his  exposition.  And  if  he  shall,  out  of  private 
fancy  or  blind  presumption,  arrogate  to  himself,  wathout 
these  requisite  means,  or  above  his  capacity  and  proportion 
of  knowledge,  a  power  of  expounding  law,  he  is  a  madman. 
So,  many  tilings  are  required  to  render  a  man  capable  to  ex- 
pound the  Holy  Scriptures,  some  more  necessarily,  some  less; 
some  absolutely,  some  respectively :  as,  first,  to  know  the 
right  analogy  of  Faith,  to  which  all  interpretations  of  Scrip- 
tiire  must  be  of  necessity  conformed ;  secondly,  to  know  the 
practice  and  tradition  of  the  Church,  and  the  received  expo- 
sitions of  former  interpreters  in  the  successive  ages,  which 
gives  a  great  light  to  the  finding  out  of.  the  right  sense ; 
thirdly,  to  be  able  to  compare  texts  with  texts,  antecedents 
with  consequents,  mthout  which  one  can  hardly  attain  to  the 
drift  and  scope  of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  the  obscurer  passages ; 
and,  lastly,  it  is  something  to  know  the  idiotisms  of  that  lan- 
guage wherein  the  Scriptures  were  written"".  He  that  wants 
all  these  requisites,  and  yet  takes  upon  him,  out  of  a  fanatic 
presumption  of  private  illumination,  to  interpret  Scripture,  is 
a  doting  enthusiast,  fitter  to  be  refuted  with  scorn  than  with 
arguments.  He  that  presumes  above  that  degree  and  propor- 
tion which  he  hath  in  these  means,  and  above  the  talent  which 
God  hath  given  him  (as  he  that  hath  a  little  language,  yet 
wants  logic  ;  or,  having  both  language  and  logic,  knows  not, 
or  regards  not,  either  the  judgment  of  former  expositors,  or 
the  practice  and  tradition  of  the  purest  primitive  ages,  or  the 
Symbolical  Faith  of  the  Catholic  Church),  is  not  a  likely 
workman  to  build  a  Temple  to  the  Lord,  but  ruin  and  de- 
struction to  himself  and  his  seduced  followers.     '  A  new 

'  [Field,  as  before  quoted,  p.  366;     tione  persona,  modi,  ov  finis,"] 
who  cites  Stapleton's  threefold  division        "  [Field,  as  before  quoted,  c.  19.  pp. 
of 'privacy  of  interpretation,'  viz.  "  ra-     372,  373.] 

E  2 


52 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part    physician/  we  say,  '  requires  a  new  church-yard but  such 

 '■  bold  ignorant  empirics  in  theology  are  ten  times  more 

dangerous  to  the  soul,  than  an  uiigrounded  unexperienced 
quack-salver  to  the  body. 
This  is  con-     This  hath  always  been  the  doctrine  and  the  practice  of  our 

fonnableto„     t  i    /-ii        i       -n-        ■     •  n      ^  ■  • 

the  doc-  -bngush  Chm'ch.  inrst,  it  is  so  far  from  admitting  laymen 
practioe'of  ^6  directive  interpreters  of  Holy  Scripture,  that  it  allows 
ourChurch.  ^j^g  hberty  to  clergymen  so  much  as  '  to  gloss  upon  the 
text,^  until  they  be  '  licensed  to  become  preachers".'  Secondly, 
for  judgment  of  discretion  only,  it  gives  it  not  to  private  per- 
sons above  their  talents,  or  '  beyond  then-  last.'  It  disallows 
all  fantastical  and  enthusiastical  presumption  of  incompetent 
and  unqualified  expositors '.  It  admits  no  man  into  Holy 
Orders,  that  is,  to  be  capable  of  being  made  a  directive  inter- 
preter of  Scripture,  howsoever  other-svise  qualified,  '  unless  he 
be  able  to  give  a  good  account  of  his  Faith  in  the  Latin 
tongue  I','  so  as  to  be  able  to  frame  all  his  expositions  according 
to  the  analogy  thereof.  It  forbids  the  licensed  preachers  to 
'  teach  the  people  any  doctrine  as  necessaiy  to  be  religiously 
held  and  believed,  which  the  CathoUc  Fathers,  and  old  Bishops 
of  the  Primitive  Church,  have  not  collected  out  of  the  Scrip- 
tures 1.'  It  ascribes  a  judgment  of  jurisdictio?i  over  preachers 
to  Bishops,  in  all  manner  of  ecclesiastical  duties,  as  appears  3,5 
by  the  whole  body  of  oiu'  Canons ;  and  especially  where  any 
difference  or  pubUc  opposition  hath  been  between  preachers, 
about  any  point  or  doctrine  deduced  out  of  Scripture  It 
gives  a  power  of  determining  all  emergent  controversies  of 
Faith  above  Bishops  to  the  Chiu'ch,  as  to  the  '  witness  and 
keeper  of  the  Sacred  Oracles and  to  a  'lawful  Synod,'  as  the 
'  representative  Church 

Now,  Sir,  be  your  own  judge  how  infinitely  you  have 
wronged  us,  and  yourself  more,  suggesting  that  temerariously 
and  without  the  sphere  of  your  knowledge  to  his  Majesty  for 
the  principal  ground  of  our  Keformation,  which  our  souls 
^ibhor.    Is  there  no  mean  between  stupidity  and  madness  ? 


"  Canon.  1603.  can.  40. 

o  See  the  Preface  to  the  Bishops' 
Bible.  [A.  D.  1572  ;— Cranmer's  Pro- 
logue, near  the  end.] 

"  [Canon.  1603.]  Can.  34;  [and 
Jlubric  before  Ordination  Service.] 


q  Can.  1571.  tit.  '  Concionatores.' 
[Wilk.  Concil.  torn.  iv.  p.  267.] 

r  Canon.  1603.  Can.  53. 

*  Art.  20.  ["  A  witness  and  a  keeper 
of  Holy  Writ."] 

'  Canon.  1603.  Can.  139. 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  53 


Must  either  all  things  be  lawful  for  private  persons^  or  no-  Discourse 
thing  ?    Because  we  Avould  not  have  them  like  David^s  'horse  —  

[Ps.  xxxil. 

and  mule,  without  iinderstanding/  do  we  therefore  put  both  9.] 
swords  in  their  hands,  to  reform  and  cut  off,  to  plant  and  to 
pluck  up,  to  alter  and  abolish,  at  their  pleasure  ?  We  allow 
them  Christian  hberty,  but  would  not  have  them  Libertines. 
Admit  some  have  abused  this  just  hberty,  may  we  therefore 
take  it  away  from  others  ?  So  shall  we  leave  neither  a  sun  in 
heaven,  nor  any  excellent  creature  upon  earth,  for  all  have 
been  abused  by  some  persons,  in  some  kinds,  at  some  times. 

We  receive  not  your  upstart  supposititious  traditions,  nor  The  Eng- 
unwritten  fundamentals  :  but  we  admit  genuine,  universal,  in' enemy^ 
ApostoUcal  traditions     as  the  Apostles'  Creed — the  perpetual 
Virginity  of  the  Mother  of  God — the  anniversary  Festivals  of  Apostoli- 
the  Church — the  Lenten  Fast  (yet  we  know  that  both  the  ditions. 
duration  of  it,  and  the  manner  of  observing  it,  was  very 
different  in  the  primitive  times).    We  beheve  Episcopacy,  to 
an  ingenuous  person,  may  be  proved  out  of  Scripture  without 
the  help  of  Tradition ;  but  to  such  as  are  froAvard,  the  per- 
petual practice  and  tradition  of  the  Church  renders  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  text  more  authentic,  and  the  proof  more 
convincing.    What  is  this  to  us  who  admit  the  practice  and 
tradition  of  the  Chm'ch,  as  an  excellent  help  of  exposition  ? 
Use  is  the  best  interpreter  of  laws ;  and  we  are  so  far  from 
beheving,  that  '  Ave  cannot  admit  Tradition  without  allowing  [p.  5.] 
the  Papacy,'  that  one  of  the  principal  motives  Avhy  we  rejected 
the  Papacy,  as  it  is  noAV  established  Avith  universality  of  juris- 
diction by  the  institution  of  Christ,  and  superiority  above 
Oecumenical  Councils,  and  infallibility  of  judgment,  was  the 
constant  tradition  of  the  Primitive  Church. 

So,  Sir,  you  see  your  demonstration  shaken  into  pieces. 
You,  who  take  upon  you  to  remove  whole  Chm*ches  at  your 
pleasure,  have  not  so  much  ground  left  you  as  to  set  your 
instrument  upon.  Your  two  main  ground-works  being 
vanished,  all  yovu'  Presbyterian  and  Independent  superstruc- 
tions  do  remain  like  so  many  bubbles,  or  castles  in  the  air. 
It  were  folly  to  lay  close  siege  to  them,  AA^hich  the  next  puff  of 
wind  wiU  disperse ; — "  rtiunt  subductis  tecta  columnis 


"  [Field,  as  before  (juoted,  bk.  iv.  c.  20. 
pp.  375,  &c.] 


[Juvcn.  viii.  77-1 


54 


THE  BISHOP  or  DERKY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part       Howsoever,  though  you  have  mistaken  the  grounds  of  our 
[What  arti  ^^^^^^rmation  and  of  your  discourse,  yet  you  charge  us,  that 
cies  of  the  '  WO  have  renounced  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  Ti'ansubstan- 
Creed  we   tiation,  the  seven   Sacraments,  Justification  by  inherent 
nounced  ]  righteousness.  Merits,  Invocation  of  Saints,  Prayer  for  the 
p.  6.        dead  with  Purgatory,  and  the  authority  of  the  Pope.'  Are 
these  all  the  necessary  articles  of  the  new  Roman  Creed,  that 
we  have  renounced  ?    Surely  no ;  you  deal  too  favourably 
with  us.    We  have  in  like  manner  renounced  your  Image- 
worship,  your  half  Communion,  your  Prayers  in  a  tongue 
unknown,  &c.    It  seems  you  were  loth  to  mention  these 
things. 

oftheSa-      First,  you  say  we  have  renounced  your  Sacrifice  of  the 

crifice  of 

the  Mass.  Mass.  If  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  be  the  same  with  the 
Sacrifice  of  the  Cross,  we  attribute  more  unto  it  than  your- 
selves ;  we  place  our  whole  hope  of  salvation  in  it.  K  you 
understand  another  Propitiatory  Sacrifice  distinct  from  that  (as 
this  of  the  Mass  seems  to  be ;  for  confessedly  the  Priest  is  not 
the  same,  the  Altar  is  not  the  same,  the  Temple  is  not  the 
same) ;  if  you  think  of  any  new  meritorious  Satisfaction  to 
God  for  the  sins  of  the  world,  or  of  any  new  supplement  to 
the  merits  of  Christ's  Passion;  you  must  give  us  leave  to 
renounce  yom-  Sacrifice  indeed,  and  to  adhere  to  the  Apostle ; 

Heb.  X.  14.  — "  By  one  Off'ering  He  hath  perfected  for  ever  them  that  are 
sanctified." 

Sui-ely  you  cannot  think  that  CMst  did  actually  sacrifice 
Himself  at  His  Last  Supper  (for  then  He  had  redeemed  the 
world  at  His  Last  Supper;  then  His  subsequent  Sacrifice 
upon  the  Cross  had  been  superfluous)  ;  nor  that  the  priest 
now  doth  more  than  Christ  did  then.  We  do  readily  acknow- 
ledge an  Eucharistical  sacrifice  of  prayers  and  praises  :  we  36 
profess  a  commemoration  of  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Cross ;  and 
in  the  language  of  Holy  Church,  things  commemorated  are 
related  as  if  they  were  then  acted ;  as, — "  Almighty  God, 
who  hast  given  us  Thy  Son  as  this  day  to  be  born  of  a  pure 
Virginy ; — and,  "  Whose  praise  the  younger  Innocents  have 
this  day  set  forth  ^ — and  between  the  Ascension  and  Pente- 
cost, "  ^Vhich  hast  exalted  Thy  Son  Jesus  Christ  Avith  great 


^  Collect  [for  Christmas  Day].  before  Review  of  1661  ]. 

Collect  [for  Innocents'  Day,— form 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


55 


triumpli  into  Heaven^  we  beseech  Thee  leave  us  not  comfort-  Discourse 

less,  but  send  unto  us  Thy  Holy  Spirit  ^     we  acknowledge   '■  

a  representation  of  that  Sacrifice  to  God  the  Father :  we 
acknowledge  an  impetration  of  the  benefit  of  it :  we  maintain 
an  application  of  its  virtue :  so  here  is  a  commemorative, 
impetrative,  appUcative  Sacrifice.  Speak  distinctly,  and  I 
cannot  understand  what  you  can  desire  more.  To  make  it  a 
suppletory  Sacrifice,  to  supply  the  defects  of  the  only  true 
Sacrifice  of  the  Cross,  I  hope  both  you  and  I  abhor. 

The  next  crime  objected  by  you  to  us  is,  that  we  have  re-  Of  Tran- 
nomiced  Transubstantiation.  It  is  true,  we  have  rejected  it  tion.  ^" 
deservedly  from  being  an  article  of  our  Creed ;  you  need  not 
wonder  at  that.  But  if  we  had  rejected  it  four  hundred 
years  sooner,  that  had  been  a  miracle.  It  was  not  so  soon 
hatched.  To  find  but  the  word  '  Transubstantiation^  in  any 
old  author,  were  sufficient  to  prove  him  a  counterfeit. 

Your  next  article  of  the  septenaiy  number  of  the  Sacra-  of  Seven 
ments  is  not  much  older  :  never  so  much  as  mentioned  in  any  ^enTs'. 
Scriptm'e,  or  Council,  or  Creed,  or  Father,  or  ancient  author ; 
first  devised  by  Peter  Lombard  ^ ;  first  decreed  by  Eugenius 
the  Fourth'^;  fii'st  confirmed  in  the  provincial  Council  of  Sens'*; 
and  after  in  the  Council  of  Trent  ^  Either  the  word  '  Sacra- 
ment' is  taken  largely  ;  and  then  the  Avasliing  of  the  Disciples' 
feet  is  called  a  Sacrament ;  then  the  only  sprinkhng  of  ashes 
on  a  Chi-istian's  head  is  called  a  Sacrament ;  then  there  are 
God  knows  how  many  Sacraments  more  than  seven  :  or  else 
it  is  taken  strictly  for  a  %isible  sign,  instituted  by  Christ, 
to  convey  or  confirm  grace  to  all  such  partakers  thereof,  as 
do  not  set  a  bar  against  themselves,  according  to  tlie  analogy 
between  the  sign  and  the  thing  signified ;  and  in  this  sense 
the  proper  and  certain  Sacraments  of  the  Christian  Church, 
common  to  all,  or  (in  the  words  of  our  Chui'ch)  "generally 
necessary  to  salvation  V  are  but  two,  Baptism  and  the  Supper 
of  our  Lord.  More  than  these  St.  Ambrose  writes  not  of  in 
his  book  De  Sacramentis«,  because  he  did  not  know  them. 

a  Collect  [for  the  Sunday  after  As-  •>  A.D.  1528.  [Can.  x.  aji.  Labb.  Con- 

ceiision  Day].  oil.  torn.  xiv.  p.  454.] 

•>  [Sentent.  lib.  iv,  Dist.  ii.  §  1.]  «  A.D.  1547.  [Concil.  Trident.  Sess. 

'  A.D.  1439.  [Decret.  Eugen.  Papa;  vii.  can.  1.] 

iv.  ad  Armenos  (at  tlie  Council  of  Flo-  '  [Catechism.] 

rence)  ;  ap.  Labb.  Concil.  toni.  xiii.  p.  ^  [Op.  torn.  ii.  pp.  341,  sq.] 


56 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part  These  we  admit  for  genuine  and  general  Sacraments.  Their 

 sacramental  virtue  we  acknowledge. 

The  rest  we  retain  more  purely  than  yourselves,  though 
not  imder  the  notion  of  such  proper  and  general  Sacraments. 
As  Confirmation,  Ordination,  Matrimony,  Penitence  (though 
we  neither  approve  of  your  preposterous  manner  of  Absolu- 
tion before  satisfaction,  nor  of  your  ordinary  Peniteiitiary 
tax'') ;  and,  lastly,  the  Visitation  of,  and  Prayer  for,  the  Sick  ; 
which  only  is  of  perpetual  necessity,  the  unction  prescribed 
Jam.  V.  14.  by  St.  James  being  appropriable  to  the  miraculous  gift  of 
heahng  or  recovering  men  out  of  sickness  then  in  use,  whereas 
your  custom  is  clean  contrary,  never  or  rarely  to  enoil'  any 
man,  until  he  be  past  all  hope  of  recovery.  The  ordinary  and 
most  received  custom  of  preparing  sick  persons  for  another 
world  in  the  Primitive  Church,  was  Prayer,  and  Absolution 
or  the  benefit  of  the  Keys,  and  the  Viaticum  of  the  Body  and 
Blood  of  Christ,  which  we  retain. 
Of  Justin-      Concerning  Justification,  w^e  believe  that  all  good  Christians 
cation.      iiave  true  inherent  justice,  though  not  perfect,  according  to  a 
perfection  of  degrees,  as  gold  is  true  gold,  though  it  be  mixed 
with  some  dross.    We  believe  that  this  inherent  justice  and 
sanctity  doth  make  them  truly  just  and  holy.    But  if  the 
word  'Justification^  be  taken  in  sensu  forensi,  for  the  acquittal 
of  a  man  from  former  guilt,  to  make  an  oflFender  just  in  the 
Rom.  viii.  cj'C  of  the  law,  as  it  is  opposed  to  'condemnation,' — "  It  is  God 
33,  34.  justifieth,  who  is  lie  that  condemneth  ?" — then  it  is  not 

our  inherent  righteousness  that  justifieth  us  in  this  sense, 
but  the  free  grace  of  God  for  the  Merits  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Of  Merits.  Next  for  jNIerits,  we  never  doubted  of  the  necessity  of  good 
works,  without  which  faith  is  but  a  fiction.  We  are  not  so 
stupid  to  imagine  that  Christ  did  wash  us  from  our  sins,  that 
[Luke i. 74,  we  might  waUow  more  securely  in  sin,  but  that  'we  might 

serve  him  in  holiness  and  righteousness  all  the  days  of  ours? 
Ufe.'    We  never  doubted  of  the  reward  of  good  works  j — 
[Matt. XXV.  'Come  ye  blessed  of  My  Father,'  &c.  'for  I  was  hungry,  and 
34—40.]  jyj-g j^^^,  whether  this  rew  ard  be  due  to  them  in 

1  T  m.  iv.  justice  ; — "  Henceforth  is  laid  up  for  me  a  crown  of  righteous- 

^  [For  a  full  account  of  the  Taxa  tionn.  Historique,  sub  voc.  T(ixa.'\ 
Pwuitcnliaria,    or  published  scale    of        '  [More  commonly  spelt  'annoil'or 

prices  for  Papal  chspensations  and  in-  "anele. '] 
dulgences  &'c.,  see  Marchand's  Die- 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


57 


ness,  whicli  the  Lord  the  just  Judge  shall  give  me  in  that  Discourse 

day faithful  promise  makes  due  debt.    This  was  all  that  ~  

the  Ancient  Church  did  ever  understand  by  the  name  of 
Merits.  Let  PetaviusJ  bear  witness; — "  Antiqui  Patres 
omnes,  et  prce  cceteris  Augustinus,  cumque  Us  consentiens 
Romana  et  Catholica  pietas,  agaoscit  merita  eo  sensu,  nimirum 
ut  neque  Dei  gratiam  ulla  antecedant  merita,  et  ha>c  ipsa  turn  ex 
gratia  turn  ex  gratuitd  Dei pollicitatione  tota  pendeant:" — "All 
the  ancient  Fathers,  especially  St.  Austin,  and  the  Roman  and 
Catholic  Faith  consenting  with  them,  do  acknowledge  Merits  in 
this  sense,  that  no  Merits  go  before  the  grace  of  God,  and  that 
these  very  Merits  do  depend  wholly  on  grace  and  on  the  free 
promise  of  God."  Hold  you  to  this,  and  we  shall  have  no  more 
difference  about  Merits.  Do  you  exact  more  of  us,  than  all  the 
Fathers,  or  the  Roman  and  Catholic  piety,  doth  acknowledge? 

It  is  an  easy  thing  for  a  wrangling  sophister  to  dispute  of 
Merits  in  the  schools,  or  for  a  vain  orator  to  declaim  of 
Merits  out  of  the  pulpit ;  but  when  we  come  to  lie  upon  our 
death-beds,  and  present  oiu'selves  at  the  last  hoxu'  before  the 
tribunal  of  Christ,  it  is  high  time  both  for  you  and  us  to  re- 
nounce our  own  merits,  and  to  east  oiu*selves  naked  into  the 
arms  of  o-ur  Saviom\  That  any  works  of  ours  (who  are  the 
best  of  us  but  "  unprofitable  servants which  properly  are  [Luke  xvii. 
not  om*s,  but  God's  own  gifts ;  and  if  they  Avere  ours,  are  a 
just  debt  due  unto  him,  setting  aside  God's  free  promise  and 
gracious  acceptation)  should  condignlyby  their  OAvn  intrinse- 
cal  value  deserve  the  joys  of  Heaven,  to  which  they  have  no 
more  proportion  than  they  have  to  satisfy  for  the  eternal 
torments  of  Hell; — this  is  that  which  we  have  renounced, 
and  which  we  never  ought  to  admit. 

If  your  Invocation  of  Saints  were  not  such  as  it  is,  to  of  invoca. 
request  of  them  patronage  and  protection,  spiritual  graces,  saints! 
and  celestial  joys,  by  their  prayers,  and  by  their  merits  (alas! 
the  wisest  Virgins  have  oil  in  then-  lamps  Uttle  enough  for  [Matt.xxv. 
themselves)  ;  yet  it  is  not  necessary  for  two  reasons  :  first ; 
no  Saint  doth  love  us  so  well  as  Christ ;  no  Saint  hath  given 
us  such  assurance  of  his  love,  or  done  so  much  for  us  as 
Christ ;  no  Saint  is  so  Avdlfing  or  able  to  help  us  as  Christ : 
and,  secondly,  we  have  no  command  from  God  to  invocate 

'  Dissert.  Eccles,  lib.  ii.  c.  4.  [pp.  230,  231.  Paris  1641.] 


58  THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY^S  ANSWER  TO 

Pa^rt   them  (so  much  your  own  authors  do  confess^  and  give  this 

 '■  reason  for  it^  "  lest  the  Gentiles,  being  converted,  should 

believe  that  they  were  drawn  back  again  to  the  worship  of 

[Ps.  1. 15.]  the  creatui'e  ^");  but  we  have  another  command,  "CaU  upon 
Me  in  the  day  of  trouble,  and  I  wUl  hear  thee."  We  have 
no  promise  to  be  heard,  when  we  do  invocate  them  j  but  we 

[John  xiv.  have  another  promise, — "  Whatsoever  ye  shall  ask  the  Father 
in  My  name,  ye  shall  receive  it."  We  have  no  example  in 
Holy  Scripture  of  any  that  did  invocate  them,  but  rather  the 

Rev.  xxii.  contrary ; — '  See  thou  do  it  not /  'I  am  thy  feUow-ser\'ant, 
worship  God.'  We  have  no  certainty  that  they  do  hear  our 
particular  prayers,  especially  mental  prayers,  yea,  a  thousand 
prayers  poured  out  at  one  instant  in  several  parts  of  the  world. 
We  know  what  your  men  say  of  the  "  glass  of  the  Trinity,"  and 
of  extraordinary  revelations^;  but  these  are  bold  conjectures 
without  any  certainty,  and  inconsistent  the  one  with  the  other. 

We  do  sometimes  meet  in  ancient  authors  with  the  inter- 
cession of  Saints  in  general,  which  we  also  acknowledge ;  or 
an  obhque  invocation  of  them  (as  you  term  it),  that  is,  a 
prayer  dii'ected  to  God,  that  he  wUl  hear  the  intercession  of 
the  Saints  for  us,  which  we  do  not  condemn ;  or  a  wish,  or  a 
rhetorical  apostrophe,  or  perhaps  something  more  in  some 
single  ancient  author  :  but  for  an  ordinary  invocation  in 
particular  necessities,  and  much  more  for  pubhc  invocation 
in  the  Liturgies  of  the  Church,  we  meet  not  with  it  for  the 
first  six  hundred  years,  or  thereabouts  ;  all  which  time,  and 
aftei-wards  also,  the  common  principles  and  tradition  of  the 


^  S.  Clara  [Deiis,  Natura,  Gratia 
&c.],  Problem.  37.  [p.  323.  Lugd. 
1635];  ex  Horantio  [Loci  Catholici, 
lib.  iii.  c.  21.  fol.  260.  Paris  15G6]. 

'  [S.  Clara  as  above  cited,  pp.  308 — 
310,  states  three  ways  by  which  dif- 
ferent Roman  Catholic  doctors  endea- 
voured to  escape  this  objection  ;  viz. 
by  affirming  that  the  souls  of  departed 
Saints  enjoyed  a  knowledge  even  of  the 
thoughts  of  men  upon  earth,  either  (as 
Biel)  intuitive  and  as  it  were  natural, 
— or  (as  Aquinas  and  his  followers  from 
Gregory  the  Great,  Moral,  lib.  xii.  c.  21. 
torn.  i.  p.  403.  A.  ed.  Bened.)  beatific, 
"  quia  quae"  (animas)  "  hitus  omnipoten- 
tis  Dei  claritatem  viden/,  vuUo  modo 
credendum  est,  quia  foris  sit  aliquld  quod 
ignorent,"  which  later  schoolmen  spoke 


of  as  a  vision  '  in  speculo  Trinitatis,' — 
or  (as  Scotus  and  others)  by  special 
revelation  upon  each  occasion  :  to  which 
three  Bellarmine  (lib.  i.  De  Beatitud. 
Sanctor.  c.  20.  Op.  torn.  i.  p.  1939.) 
adds  a  fourth — by  the  information  of 
Angels.] 

[Viz.  not  until  the  time  of  Gre- 
gory the  Great  A.  D.  590—604,  the 
single  instance  excepted  of  the  Euty- 
chian  Bishop  of  Antioch  Peter  the 
Fuller  (Niceph.  Hist.  Eccles.  xv.  28.) 
in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century,  which 
certainly  was  not  an  act  of  the  Church 
nor  of  any  branch  of  it.  The  summary 
statement  here  given  by  Bramhall,  may 
be  found  for  tlie  most  part  with  au- 
thorities in  Field,  bk.  iii.  c.  20.  pp.  109, 
&c.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


59 


Cliurch  were  against  it.    So  far  were  they  from  obtruding  it  Discourse 

as  a  necessary  fundamental  article  of  Christian  Religion.   '  

It  is  a  common  fault  of  your  writers  always  to  couple  Prayer  of  P^yer 
for  the  dead  and  Purgatory  together,  as  if  the  one  did  neces-  dead  with 
sarily  suppose  or  imply  the  other ; — in  whose  steps  you  tread.  P"''S^*°'7- 
Prayer  for  the  dead  hath  often  proceeded  upon  mistaken 
38  grounds,  often  from  true  grounds,  both  inconsistent  with 
your  Piirgatory.  Many  have  held  an  opinion,  that,  though 
the  souls  were  not  extinguished  at  the  time  of  their  separa- 
tion from  the  body,  yet  they  did  He  in  '  secret  receptacles  °^  in 
a  profound  or  dead  sleep  until  the  Resiu'rection,  doing 
nothing,  suffering  nothing  in  the  mean  time,  but  only  the 
delay  of  their  glory.  Others  held,  that  aU  must  pass  through 
the  fire  of  conflagration  at  the  Day  of  Judgment These 
opinions  were  inconsistent  with  your  Pm'gatory,  yet  all  these 
upon  these  very  grounds  used  Praj'er  for  the  dead.  Others, 
called  the  merciful  doctors,  held,  that  the  very  pains  of 
HeU  might  be  lessened  by  the  prayer  of  the  livingP.  Such  a 
prayer  is  that  which  we  meet  with  in  your  own  Missal  i ; — "  O 
King  of  Glory,  deliver  the  souls  of  all  the  faithful  deceased, 
from  the  pains  of  Hell,  from  the  deep  Lake,  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Lion"  (that  is,  the  Devil),  "that  the  bottomless  pit  of  [Neabsoi- 
Hell  do  not  swallow  them  up."  A  man  may  lawfully  pray  Tartarus. 
for  that  which  is  certain,  if  it  be  to  come ;  but  one  cannot 
lawfully  pray  for  that  which  is  past.  The  souls  which  are  in 
Purgatory,  (by  your  learning)  are  past  the  fear  of  HeU.  Nor 
can  this  petition  be  any  ways  so  wrested,  as  to  become  ap- 
pHable  to  the  hour  of  death.    This  prayer  is  not  for  the  man, 


"  ["  Abditis  receptaculis."  August. 
De  Octo  Dulcit.  Quaest.  iii.  §  4.  Op. 
torn.  vi.  p.  95.  D. — Enchirid.  c.  xix. 
ibid.  p.  174.  C] 

"  [Compare  Field,  bk.  iii.  c.  9.  p. 
87.  c.  17.  pp.  101,  &c.,  from  whom 
Bramhall's  statement  appears  to  be  in 
substance  taken,  and  Jer.  Taylor,  Dis- 
suasive from  Popery,  Pt.  i.  §  4.  vol.  x. 

p.  149  and  see  the  lists  of  Fathers, 

holding  the  opinions  mentioned  in  the 
text,  cited  at  length  by  Sixtus  Senensis  ; 
viz.  for  the  former  (Biblioth.  Sanct. 

lib.  vi.  Annot.  345  quoted  by  Field 

and  Taylor),  the  Liturgy  of  S.  James, 
Irenseus,  Justin  Martyr,  Tertullian, 
Clement  of  Rome,  Prudentius,  Origen, 


Lactantius,  Chrysostom,  Augiistin, 
Theodoret,  and  others  ;  for  the  latter 
(ibid.  lib.  V.  Annott.  170,  171.),  tlrst 
Origen,  and  from  him  Lactantius,  Am- 
brose, Hilary,  Basil,  and  Jerome.] 

'  [Compare  Field  as  quoted  in  the 
last  note  ;  and  for  a  list  of  those  who 
have  held  this  third  opinion,  see  Sixtus 
Senensis,  as  above  quoted,  lib.  vi. 
Annot.  47.,  who  cites  S.  Chrysostom 
(Hom.  3.  in  Epist.  ad  Philipp.  torn.  iv. 
p.  20),  Joann.  Damascenus,  Prudentius, 
and  several  schoolmen,  including 
Aquinas  who  discusses  the  question  at 
length  In  iv.  Sentent.  Dist.  xlv.  Qu.  2.] 

'  [In  the  Missae  pro  Defunctis; — 
quoted  by  Field  as  above.] 


60 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part  but  for  the  soul  separated ;  not  for  the  soul  of  a  sick  man^  or 
■  a  dying  man,  but  for  the  souls  of  men  actually  deceased. 

Certainly  this  prayer  must  have  reference  either  to  the  sleep- 
ing of  the  souls,  or  to  the  pains  of  Hell ;  to  deliverance  out 
of  Purgatory  it  can  have  no  relation.  Neither  are  you  able 
to  produce  any  one  prayer  public  or  private,  neither  any  one 
indulgence  to  that  purpose,  for  the  delivery  of  any  one  soul 
out  of  Purgatory,  in  all  the  Primitive  times,  or  out  of  your 
own  ancient  Missals  or  Records.  Such  are  the  innovations 
which  you  would  impose  upon  us  as  articles  of  Faith,  which 
the  greatest  part  of  the  Catholic  Church  never  received  until 
this  day.  Moreover,  though  the  sins  of  the  faitliful  be  pri- 
vately and  particularly^  remitted  at  the  day  of  death,  jet  the 
public  promulgation  of  their  pardon  at  the  Day  of  Judgment 
is  to  come.  Though  their  souls  be  always  in  an  estate  of 
blessedness,  yet  they  want  the  consummation  of  this  blessed- 
ness, extensively  at  least,  until  the  body  be  re-united  unto 
the  soul ;  and  (as  it  is  piously  and  probably  believed)  inten- 
sively also, — that  the  soul  hath  not  A^et  so  full  and  clear  a 
A'isiou  of  God,  as  it  sliall  have  hereafter.  Then  Avhat  forbids 
Christians  to  pray  for  this  public  acquittal,  for  this  consum- 
mation of  blessedness  ? — So  we  do  pray,  as  often  as  we  say 
[Rev.  xxii.  "  Thy  Kingdom  come,"  or  "  Come  Lord  Jesus,  come  quickly." 

Om*  Church  is  yet  plainer ; — '  That  we,  with  this  our  brother 
and  all  other  departed  in  the  faith  of  Thy  Holy  Name,  may 
have  oiu'  perfect  consummation  of  blessedness  in  Thy  ever- 
lasting Kingdom'.'  This  is  far  enough  from  your  more 
gainful  prayers  for  the  dead  to  deliver  them  out  of  Pur- 
gatory. 

The  au-  Lastly,  concerning  the  authority  of  the  Pope ; — it  is  he 
the  Pope!  himself  that  hath  renounced  his  la^vfiil  Patriarchal  authority; 

and  if  we  should  offer  it  him  at  this  day,  he  would  disdain  it : 
we  have  only  freed  ourselves  from  his  tj-rannical  usuii^ed  au- 
thority. But  upon  what  terms,  upon  what  grounds,  how 
far,  and  with  what  intention,  we  have  separated  ourselves,  or 
rather  ha^  e  suffered  oui'selves  to  be  separated,  from  the  Church 
of  Rome,  you  may  find  if  you  please  in  the  Treatise  of 
Schism 

•  5.  I  cannot  choose  but  wonder  to  see  you  cite  St.  Cyprian 

'  [Burial  Service.]  '  [Discourse  ii.  Part  i.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE^  &C. 


61 


against  us  in  this  case ;  who  separated  himself  from  j^ou,  as  Discourse 

well  as  we,  in  the  daj^s  of  a  much  better  Bishop  than  we,  and  

upon  much  weaker  grounds  than  we,  and  published  his 
dissent  to  the  world  in  two  African  Councils He  liked 
not  the  swelling  title  of  Bishop  of  1  ishops,  nor  that  one 
Bishop  should  tyrannically  terrify  another  into  obedience  " ; 
no  more  do  we.  He  gave  a  primacy,  or  principality,  of 
order,  to  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter,  as  ' principium  unitatis^ so 
do  we  :  but  he  believed  that  every  Bishop  had  an  equal 
share  of  Episcopal  power  y ;  so  do  we.  He  provided  apart,  as 
he  thought  fit,  in  a  provincial  Council,  for  his  own  safety  and 
the  safety  of  liis  flock  ^ ;  so  did  we.  He  writ  to  yoiu'  great 
Bishop  as  to  his  brother  and  colleague,  and  dared  to  repre- 
hend him  for  receiving  but  a  letter  from  such  as  had  been 
censured  by  the  African  Bishops  In  St.  Cyprian's  sense, 
yon  are  the  beam  that  have  separated  yourselves  from  the 
body  of  the  sun ;  you  are  the  bough  that  is  lopped  from  the 
tree ;  you  are  the  stream  which  is  divided  from  the  fountain 
39  It  is  you,  principally  you,  that  have  divided  the  unity  of  the 
Church. 

You  collect  as  a  corollary  from  our  supposed  principle  of  Whether 
the  right  and  sufficiency  of  private  judgment,  enlightened  by  uuvs  bind 
the  Spirit,  that  '  no  human  authority  can  bind  the  conscience  scfgnce.' 
of  another,  or  prescribe  any  thing  unto  it.'    I  have  formerly  [p.  6.] 
shewed  you  your  gross  mistake  in  the  premises.    Now,  if  you 
please,  hear  our  sense  of  the  conclusion.  Human  laws  cannot 
be  properly  said  to  bind  the  conscience  by  the  sole  authority 


'  [There  were  three  Councils  of 
Carthage  (one  A.  D.  255,  two  A.  D. 
256,  according  to  Pearson,)  de  Rsbap- 
tizandis  Haereticis,  of  wliich,  however, 
only  the  second  (Cypr.  ad  Stephanum, 
Epist.  72.  pp.  196,  sq.)  and  the  third 
(Act.  Concil.  Carthag.  ap.  Cypr.  Op. 
pp.  229,  sq.)  have  any  relation  to  the 
difference  upon  the  subject  between 
S.  Cyprian  and  Steplien  the  then  Bishop 
of  Rome,  the  former  declarin;?  its  inde- 
endence,  the  latter  its  denial,  of 
tephen's  opinion.  See  Ilarduin.  Con- 
cil. torn.  i.  and  Pearson's  Annates  Cy- 
prianici.] 

"  ["Neque  enim  quisque  nostrum 
Episco2»ivi  se  Episcoporum  constituit, 
aiit  iyraniiico  lerrore  ad  obxeqiieiirii  iie- 


cessiiatcm  colh'gus  suns  adigit."  Cy- 
prian (to  the  third  Council  of  those 
mentioned  in  note  t).  Op.  p.  229.] 

x  [See  above,  note  ni.  p.  82.] 

[De  Unitate.   Op.  pp.  107,  108.] 

^  [There  were  at  least  tliree  Councils 
of  Carthage  held  by  S.  Cyprian,  besides 
the  three  mentioned  in  note  t,  and  all 
apart  from,  although  not  against,  the 
Bishop  of  Rome.  See  Harduin.  Con- 
cil. tom.  i ;  and  Pearson's  Annales  Cy- 
prianici.] 

[Cyprian  to  Cornelius  concerning 
Folicissimus,  Epist.  59.  pp.126,  sq.  ;and 
to  Stephen  concerning  Marcian,  Epist. 
68.  pp.  176,  sq.] 

'>  [Cypr.  de  Unitate,  Op.  p.  108,—^ 
quoted  by  La  Milletiere.  ] 


63 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part  of  the  lawgiver ;  but  partly  by  tbe  equity  of  the  law,  every 
one  being  obliged  to  advance  that  which  conduceth  to  a 
[Levit-xix.  public  good, — "  thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself;" — 
and  especially  by  Divine  authority,  which  commands  '  eveiy 
[Rom.  xiii.  soul  to  be  subject  to  the  higher  powers  for  conscience'  sake,' 
^  ^' not  prudentially  only.    The  question  is  soon  decided.  Just 
laws  of  lawful  superiors,  either  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  have 
authority  to  bind  the  conscience  in  themselves,  but  not  from 
themselves''. 

pp.  6. 7. 12.     How  shall  we  believe  that  '  it  is  not  you,  but  God,  that 

a  mtie'en-'^  represents  these  things  to  his  Majesty,  that  addresseth  them 

thusias-  to  him  bv  your  mouth,  that  calleth  him,  that  stretcheth  out 
tical.  •  *'  '  ' 

His  hand  to  him,  that  hath  set  these  things  before  his  eyes 

in  characters  not  to  be  defaced  ?'   What  ?   That  his  Majesty 

shotdd  turn  Roman  Cathohc?    Are  they  like  Belshazzar's 

characters  ?  and  are  you  the  only  Daniel  that  can  read  them? 

We  do  not  see  a  Cloven  Tongue  upon  your  head,  nor  a  Dove 

seeming  to  whisper  in  your  ear.    Be  not  too  confident,  lest 

some  take  it  to  be  a  little  taint  of  Anabaptism ;  perhaps  you 

have  had  as  strange  fantasies  as  this  heretofore,  whilst  you 

were  of  a  contrarj'^  party**. 

Be  it  what  it  will  be,  you  cannot  offer  it  to  his  Majesty 
with  more  confidence,  or  pretend  more  intimacy  with  God,  or 
to  be  more  familiarly  acquainted  ^ith  His  Cabinet-CouncU, 
than  a  Scotch  presbyter ;  and  yet  yourself  would  not  value 
all  his  confidence  at  a  button.  Wise  men  are  not  easily  gained 
by  empty  shows  or  pretences,  that  signify  nothing  but  the 
pretender's  vanity,  nor  by  enthusiastical  intei'pretation  of 
occui'rences.  It  is  only  the  weight  of  reason  that  depresseth 
the  scale  of  their  judgment,  and  maketh  them  to  jdeld  and 
submit  unto  it. 

Howsoever  it  be  God  or  you  that  represent  these  things 
[p.  7.]  to  his  Majesty,  you  tell  us,  that  'the  end  is  to  reduce  him 
from  those  errors  which  he  sucked  in  with  his  milk ;  which 
in  the  days  of  peace  and  abundance  it  had  been  difficult  for 
him  to  discover,  but  now  his  eyes  and  his  ears  do  see  and  hear 

'  [See  Field,  Of  the  Church  &c.  bk.  "  ex  sold  legislatoris  voluntnte  sed  e.v  ipsd 

iv.  cc.  32,  &c.  pp.  397,  &c.,  who  quotes  legum  utilitate  ei  raiione."~\ 
Stapleton's  distinction  concerning  hu-  [See  note  a,  p.  7.] 

man  laws,  viz.  that  they  are  binding  not 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


63 


those  truths  which  make  it  evident  to  him,  that  God  hath  Discourse 

condemned  them  to  reduce  him  to  the  communion  of  the  ^-  

Church  /  wherein  you  promise  him  all  manner  of  blessings. 
Wlio  told  you  of  his  Majesty's  new  illumination  ?  or  what 
have  you  seen  to  believe  my  such  thing  ?  Wlien  you  dare 
avouch  such  gross  untruths  oe  himself  to  himself,  how  should 
he  credit  your  private  presumptions,  which  you  tell  him  as 
a  new  Mercury  dropped  down  froi^  Heaven. 

You  tell  us,  that  '  it  is  necessary  l«v  every  one  to  adhere  to  [p-  7  ] 
the  true  Chvirch,  which  is  the  Keeper  <s  saving  truth.'   That  manist's're- 
is  true,  but  nothing  to  his  Majesty,  wi^  bath  more  right  ^^"ssio'nto 
already  in  the  Catholic  Church  than  yoursof.    You  tell  us  '(i'^urch  as 
moreover  that  this  Church  is  the  Eoman  Churcii    That  is  not  necessary 

,  .,  ,  ,  •  ,  to  salva- 

true  ;  but  suppose  it  were  most  true,  as  it  is  most  l-ilse,  what  tion ; 
should  a  man  be  better  or  more  nearer  to  the  knowitdge  of 
the  truth,  and  consequently  to  his  salvation,  for  his  suLmis- 
sion  to  the  Roman  Church,  as  long  as  you  cannot  agree 
among  yourselves,  either  what  this  Roman  Church  is,  or  yet  cannot 
what  tliis  infallible  judge  is  ?  One  saith  it  is  the  Pope  alone ;  among 
another  saith,  no,  but  the  Pope  vrith  his  Conclave  of  Car-  ^^^^^thi^^ 
dinals  ;  a  third  will  go  no  less  than  the  Pope  and  a  provincial  ^[^'"^'Jj  • 
Council;  a  fourth  will  not  be  contented  without  the  Pope 
and  a  general  Council ;  a  fifth  is  for  a  general  Council  alone, 
either  with  or  without  the  Pope ;  a  sixth  party  (and  they 
are  of  no  small  esteem  amongst  you  here  at  this  present)  is 
for  the  essential  Church,  that  is,  the  company  of  all  faithful 
people,  whose  reception  (say  they)  makes  the  true  ratification 
of  the  acts  of  its  representative  body*.    It  were  as  good  to 
have  no  infallible  judge,  as  not  to  know  or  agree  who  it  is. 
Be  not  so  censorious  in  condemning  others  for  not  submitting 
to  your  Roman  Church  or  infallible  judge,  nor  so  positive  to 
make  this  submission  so  absolutely  necessary  to  salvation, 
until  you  agi'ee  better  what  this  judge  or  Chui'ch  is.    It  is 
five  to  one  against  you,  that  you  yourself  miss  the  right 
judge. 

40  Whatsoever  become  of  your  Church,  you  say,  '  ours  is  The  Eng- 
perished  by  the  proper  axioms  of  our  own  Reformation,  and  not  perish- 
hath  no  more  any  subsistence  in  the  world,  nor  pretence  to     7  j 

'  [See  Bramhall's  Protestants'  Or-     fol.  edit.),  Discourse  vii.  Part  i v.] 
dination  Defended  (  Works,  p.  1020, 


64 


THE  BlSIIOr  OF  DERRY^S  ANSWER  TO 


Part    the  privilege  of  a  Churcii.'    This      hard.    "He  perisheth 

 twice  that  perisheth  by  his  own  M  eapous^."  Even  so  Joseph's 

Gen.  xlii.  brethren  tokl  Joseph  himself,  with  conscience  guilty  enough^ 
"  one  is  not."  This  is  that  which  the  Com-t  of  Eome  would 
be  content  to  purchase  at  any  rafc!-  Tliis  hath  been  the  end 
of  aU  their  negociations  and  instructions  by  all  means  to 
support  the  Presbyterian  faction  in  England  against  Episco- 
pacy. Not  that  they  lovecl  them  more  than  us,  but  that  they 
feared  us  more  than  the«i- 
£1  Kings  There  was  an  Israe^tish  Church,  Avheu  EUas  did  not  see  it ; 
XIX.  10-18.]  must  be  a?  blind  as  Bartimaeus,  that  cannot  see  the 

Enghsh  Churcl^  Wheresoever  there  is  a  lawful  English 
pastor,  and  *ii  English  flock,  and  a  subordination  of  this 
flock  to  tiat  pastor,  there  is  a  branch  of  the  true  English 
Protesfemt  Chm'ch.  Do  you  make  no  difi^erence  between  a 
Chu'Ch  persecuted,  and  a  Church  extinguished?  Have 
patience,  and  expect  the  catastrophe.  It  may  be  all  this 
while  '  the  carpenter's  Son  is  making  a  coffin  for  JuHan^.'  If 
it  please  God,  we  may  yet  see  the  Chvircli  of  England,  which 
is  now  frying  in  the  fire,  come  out  hke  gold  out  of  the 
furnace,  more  pure,  and  more  full  of  lustre.  If  not.  His  will 
[Ps.  cxix.  be  done.  "  Just  art  Thou,  O  Lord,  and  righteous  are  all  Thy 
judgments."  The  Primitive  Church  was  as  glorious  in  the 
sight  of  God,  when  they  served  Him  in  holes  and  corners — 
in  cryptis,  sacellis,  conventiculis,  ecclesiolis,  as  when  His 
worship  was  more  splendidly  performed  in  Basilicis  and 
Cyriacis — in  goodly  Churches  and  magnificent  Cathedrals, 
p  8  Your  design  stops  not  at  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  but 

The  Au-  extends  itself  to  all  his  subjects,  yea,  to  all  Protestants  what- 
dreanis.  soevcr.  I  wonder  Avhy  you  stay  there,  and  would  not  add  all 
the  Eastern  Churches ;  and  the  Great  Tm-k  himself,  since 
you  might  have  done  it  with  another  penfurof  ink,  and  with 
as  much  pretence  of  reason, — to  secm'c  himself  from  the 
joint  forces  of  Christendom,  thus  united  by  youi'  means.  A 
strong  fantasy  will  discover  armies  and  navies  in  the  clouds, 

'  ["  Bis  interimitur,  qui  suis  armis  have  asked  in  derision  of  a  'Christian 

peril."  Erasm.  Adag.  Chil.  iv.  Cent.  i.  doctor,  '  Wliat  the  carpenter's  Son  was 

Prov.  90.]  doing  ?'  The  answer  was  "  rAa/o-ffi^Ko^jov 

^  [The  Emperor  Juh'an,  when  at  An-  KaracTKevd^ei."    Theodor.  Hist.  Eccles. 

tioch  immediately  hcl'ore  liis  fatal  expo-  iii.  23  ;  Sozoni.  Hist.  Eccles.  vi.  2.] 
dition  against  the  Persian?,  is  said  to 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  UE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


65 


men  and  horses  and  chariots  in  the  fire,  and  hear  articulate  PiscotusE 

dictates  from  the  bells.    This  is  not  to  write  waking  but   • 

dreaming. 

Yet  you  make  it  an  easy  work ;  '  to  effect  which  there  pp.  8,  9. 
needs  no  disputation,  but  only  to  behold  the  heretical  genius  of 
our  Reformation,  Avhich  is  sufficiently  condemned  by  itself,  if 
men  will  only  take  the  pains  to  compare  the  fundamental 
principles  thereof  with  the  consequences.'  Great  houses  and 
forts  are  builded  at  an  easy  charge  in  paper.  Wlien  you 
have  consulted  with  your  architects  and  engineers,  you  M  ill 
find  it  to  be  a  work  of  more  difficulty.  And  your  adversaries' 
resolution  may  teach  you,  to  your  cost,  what  it  is  to  promise 
to  yourself  such  an  easy  conquest  before  the  fight ;  and  let 
j^ou  see  that  those  golden  mountains,  which  you  have  fantasied, 
have  no  subsistence  but  in  your  brain ;  and  send  you  home 
to  seek  that  self-comiction  there,  which  you  sought  to  fasten 
upon  others.  When  you  are  able  to  prove  your  universal 
Monarchy,  yom*  new  Canon  of  Faith,  j'our  new  Treasuiy  of 
the  Church,  yom"  new  Roman  Pm-gatorj^,  whereof  the  Pope 
keeps  the  keys,  your  Image-worship,  your  Common-Prayers 
in  a  tongue  unknown,  yom-  detaining  of  the  Cup  from  the 
laity  in  the  public  administration  of  the  Sacrament,  and  the 
rest  of  your  new  Creed,  out  of  the  fom-  first  general  Councils, 
or  the  universal  tradition  of  the  Church  in  those  days,  either 
as  principles  or  fundamental  truths  (which  you  affirm),  or  so 
much  as  ordinary  points  of  Faith  (which  Ave  deny),  we  will 
jdeld  ourseh  es  to  be  guilty  both  of  contradiction  and  schism. 
Until  you  are  able  to  make  these  innovations  good,  it  were 
best  for  you  to  be  silent,  and  leave]  your  vapouiing.  Despe- 
rate undertakings  do  easily  forfeit  a  man's  reputation. 

Now  are  we  come  to  the  most  specious  piece  of  your  whole  His  vainer 
Epistle,  that  is,  '  the  motion  or  proposition  of  a  conference,  of  a''con-°" 
by  authority  of  the  King  of  France,  at  the  instance  of  the 
King  of  Great  Britain,  before  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  and  his      ^'  °' 
Coadjutor,  between  some  of  your  Roman  Catholic  doctors,  and 
the  ministers  of  the  Reformed  Church  at  Paris,'  whom  you  do 
deservedly  commend  for  their  sufficiency  and  zeal.    You  far- 
ther suppose,  that  '  the  ministers  of  the  Reformed  Church 
41  will  accept  of  such  a  disputation,  or  by  their  tergiversa- 
tion betray  the  weakness  of  their  cause  :'  and  you  conclude 

liRAMHAl.L.  1' 


66  THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY's  ANSWER  TO 

confidently  beyond  supposition,  that  '  they  will  be  confuted 
and  convicted,  and  that  their  conversion  or  conviction  will 
afford  sufficient  ground  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain  to  em- 
brace the  commmiion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church and 
'  that  his  conversion  will  reduce  all  conscientious  Protestants 
to  unity  and  due  obedience/ 

I  will  contract  your  larger  palm  to  a  fist.  If  the  King  of 
Great  Britain  desire  a  solemn  conference,  the  King  of  France 
will  enjoin  it ;  if  he  enjoin  it,  the  ministers  will  accept  it ;  if 
they  do  accept,  they  are  sure  to  be  comicted;  if  they  be 
conAicted,  the  King  of  Great  Britain  will  change  his  religion; 
if  he  change  his  rehgion,  all  conscientious  Protestants  will  be 
reduced ;  and  all  this  to  be  done,  not  by  the  old  way  of 
disputing, — no,  take  heed  of  that,  'the  burnt  child  dreads 
the  fire^, — but  by  a  proper  new  way  of  refuting  old  Pro- 
testant principles  by  new  Independent  practices.  ^\Tiy  was 
this  remedy  foimd  out  no  sooner?  This  might  have  eased 
the  Cardinals  in  their  consultations  about  propagating  the 
Faith  ^ ;  this  might  have  saved  Cardinal  Allen '  aU  his  Ma- 
chiavelian  instructions  to  his  English  emissaries ;  this  may  in 
a  short  time  turn  the  Inquisitors  out  of  theii'  employment  for 
want  of  an  object,  and  not  leave  such  a  thing  as  heretical 
prarity  in  the  world.  How  must  men  praise  your  fortune, 
and  applaud  your  invention  ?  But  stay ;  the  second  thoughts 
are  wiser :  what  if  this  chain,  supposed  to  be  of  adamant, 
should  prove  a  rope  of  sand?  And  so  it  is.  I  have  seen  a 
sorites  disgraced,  and  hissed  out  of  the  schools,  for  di'awing 


[The  Congregation  "  De  Propaganda 
Fide,"  wliich  consisted  originally  of 
either  thirteen  or  eighteen  Cardinals,  with 
only  two  priests,  one  monk,  and  a  secre- 
tary, was  founded  by  Gregory  XV.  in 
1622:  and  the  seminary  for  the  same 
purpose  was  added  by  tlrban  VIII.  in 
1627.  Mosh.,  Eccles.  Hist.,  Cent.  xvii. 
sect.  1.  §.  1,2.] 

'  [For  an  account  of  the  celebrated 
Card.  Allen  (AUmus),  see  Godwin's 
Pra?sul.,  inter  Cardinal.,  in  fin. — Cam- 
den's Annal.  Reg.  Elizah.,  in  aim. 
1589,  1.39  k— Wood's  Athen.  Oxon.  by 
Bliss,  vol.  i.  pp.  615,  &c.— and  the 
Roman  Catholic  Dodd's  Ch.  Hist.,  vol. 
ii.  pp.  44,  &c.  219.  &c.  He  was  suc- 
cessively Fellow  of  Oriel,  and  Principal 


of  St.  Mai-y's  Hall  in  Oxford  during 
the  reign  of  Queen  Mary,  but  went 
abroad  upon  the  accession  of  Elizabeth 
on  account  of  his  religion,  and  took  an 
active  part  in  founding  the  English 
Colleges  at  Douay,  Rheims,  and  Rome. 
His  zeal  was  rewarded  by  a  Canonry  of 
Cambray,  and  then  of  Rheims,  by  a 
Cardinal's  hat  in  1587,  and  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Mechlin  in  1 589,  and  finally 
by  the  appointment  of  '  Praefectus  Mis- 
sionum  Anglicanariim '  in  1591;  in 
which  last  capacity,  and  as  Rector  suc- 
cessivelj'  of  the  two  Colleges  of  Douay 
and  Rheims,  he  directed  the  too  com- 
monly treasonable  intrigues  of  the  nu- 
merous seminary-priests  sent  thence 
into  England.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  UE  LA  MILLETIEllE,  &C.  67 


but  one  lame  leg  after  it ;  this  is  foundered  of  all  foui" :  from  Discourse 

the  beginning  to  the  latter  end  there  is  nothing  in  it  but  '■  

future  contingents,  Avhich  are  known  only  to  God, — not  one 
grain  of  necessary  truth. 

First,  Sir,  be  not  angiy  if  a  man  take  away  the  subject  of  The  King 
yom-  whole  discourse :  it  is  but  yom-  officiousness,  the  King  dcJies'no^ 
desires  no  such  conference.    Let  them  desire  conferences  f"rence."" 
who  waver  in  their  faith  ^.    All  these  blustering  storms  have 
radicated  him  deeper  in  his  religion :  and  chiefly  that  w^hich 
you  make  the  chiefest  motive  to  his  apostating,  the  mart}T- 
dom  of  his  Royal  father,  and  an  hereditary  love  to  that 
Church  which  he  hath  justified  Avith  his  blood. 

Secondly,  if  his  Majesty  should  inchne  to  such  a  con- if  he 
ference,  do  you  think  he  would  desert  the  English  clergy, —  had  nei't her 
who  have  forsaken  their  country,  their  friends,  their  estates,  [,g'Jfj°"o"^g 
out  of  their  conscience,  out  of  their  duty  to  God  and  their  h's 
Sovereign ;  who  understand  the  constitution  of  the  English  clergy. 
Church  much  better  than  yourself,  or  any  foreigners  how 
sufficient  soever; — and  cast  himself  wholly  upon  strangers, 
whose  Reformation  (you  say)  is  difl'erent  from  that  of  Eng-  [p.  5.] 
land  in  the  points  of  Episcopacy,  Liturgy,  and  the  ceremonies 
of  the  Chm'ch?    Say;  Avhat  was  the  reason  of  this  gross 
omission  ?    Were  you  afraid  of  that  "  image  of  the  Church  "  [p-  2.] 
(as  you  call  it  in  a  slighting  manner),  which  they  retained? 
Or  did  you  not  think  any  of  the  English  nation  worthy  to 
bear  your  books  at  a  conference  ?    It  hath  been  otherwise 
heretofore;  and  you  will  find  it  otherwise  now,  when  you 
come  to  pro\e  it.    I  know  not  whether  England  hath  been 
more  fortunate  or  unfortunate  since  the  Reformation,  in 
breeding  as  many  able  polemic  witers  on  both  sides,  as  any 
nation  in  Eui'ope ;  Stapleton,  Harding,' Parsons,  Sanders, 
Reynolds,    Bishop,  &c.  for  the   Roman   Church ;  Jewel, 
Andi-ewes,  Abbot,  Laud,  White,  Field,  Montague,  Reynolds, 
Whitaker,  &c.  for  the  English  Church  (I  forbear  to  name 
those  that  are  living) ;  and  many  more  who  come  not  short  of 
these,  if  they  had  pleased  to  communicate  their  talents  to  the 
world.    This  is  such  a  contumely  that  reflects  upon  the 
nation ;  and  you  must  be  contented  to  be  told  of  it. 

Thirdly,  how  are  you  sure  that  the  King  of  France  and  his  such  a 

conference 

k  [See  note  a,  p.  7.] 
F  2 


68 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


not  fit  to  be 
granted  by 
the  King  of 
France  ; 


nor  to  be 
accepted 
by  the  mi- 
nisters of 
the  Re- 
formed 
Church 
[ofFrance]: 


nor  could 
any  such 
success  be 
expected 
from  it. 


Council  would  give  way  to  sucli  a  public  conference  ?  Private 
insinuations  use  to  prevail  much  Avhen  a  man  may  lavere '  and 
tack  to  and  again  to  compass  liis  ends;  authority  or  the 
sword  may  put  an  end  to  controversies :  but  public  con- 
ferences for  the  most  part  do  but  start  new  questions,  and 
revive  old  forgotten  animosities.  Wliat  were  the  Donatists 
the  better  for  the  Collation  at  Carthage ?  The  mind  of  a 
man  is  generous ;  and  where  it  looks  for  opposition,  it  fortifies 
itself  against  it.  Urban  the  Eighth  was  the  wisest  Pope  you  4 
have  had  of  late,  who  by  his  moderation  and  courtesy  cooled 
much  of  that  heat,  which  the  -violence  of  his  predecessors  had 
raised  against  the  Court  of  Rome.  The  mild  beams  of  the 
sun  were  more  prevalent  than  the  blustering  blasts  of  the 
north  wind".  Multiplying  of  words  more  commonly  engenders 
stnfe,  than  peace. 

Fourthly,  upon  what  grounds  are  you  so  confident,  that  the 
ministers  of  the  Reformed  Church  wo\ild  admit  of  such  a 
public  dispiitation  upon  those  terms  which  you  propose ;  that 
is,  to  accept  of  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  and  his  Coadjutor, 
two  persons  interessed,  for  competent  judges  ?  I  am  as  con- 
fident of  the  contrary, — that  they  would  rather  choose  to 
suffer,  than  WTong  their  cause  so  much.  "  Frustra  fit  per 
plura,  quod  fieri  potest  per  pauciora  — ^it  were  a  readier  way 
for  them,  and  but  the  same  in  effect,  to  subscribe  to  a  blank 
papei',  and  to  submit  without  disputation. 

Fifthly,  suppose  (all  this  notwithstanding)  such  a  conference 
should  hold,  what  reason  have  you  to  promise  to  yovirself 
such  success  as  to  obtain  so  easy  a  victory^  ?  You  have  had 
conferences  and  conferences  again  at  Poissy°  and  other 
places,  and  gained  by  them  just  as  much  as  you  might  put  in 


'  [/yrtiTre  (from  veereii,  Dutch),  to 
change  the  direction  often  in  a  course. 
Johnson.] 

m  [  Summoned,  A.  D.  411,  by  order  of 
tlie  Emperor  Honorius,  at  the  request 
of  the  Catholic  Bishops,  to  which  the 
Donatists  liowever  acceded ;  held  in 
the  same  year  before  the  Tribime  Mar- 
cellhius ;  and  finally  decided  in  favour 
of  the  Catholics.  ] 

"  [Avieni  Fab.  iv.] 

"  [Tlie  Colloquy  of  Poissy  was  held 
in  that  town,  A.  D.  1.561,  in  the  presence 
of  King  Charles  IX.  and  of  the  Queen- 


mother  Catherine  de  IMedicis,  between 
six  Cardinals,  assisted  by  several 
Bishops  and  doctors,  on  the  Roman 
Catholic  side,  and,  ou  that  of  the  Ke- 
formed,  Theodore  Beza,  Peter  Martyr, 
Jean  Viret,  and  ten  others.  It  was 
broken  off,  without  effecting  any  of  its 
objects,  upon  the  refusal  of  the  Reformed 
party  to  sign  a  Confession  of  Faith  pre- 
sented to  tlicm  on  the  subject  of  the 
Eucharist.  Fleury,  Hist.  Eccles.,  liv. 
1-57.  tom.  xxxii.  pp.  103,  &c.  4to.  1750, 
1758.— Benott,  Hist,  dc  TEdit  de 
Nantes,  tom.  i.  pp.  27,  28.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  69 


your  eye  and  see  never  the  Avorse.    AVlien  conferences  are  Discourse 

only  made  use  of  as  pageants,  to  gi-ace  the  introduction  of  '■  

some  new  proselyte,  and  to  preserve  his  reputation  from  the 
aspersion  of  desultorious  le^dty,  they  seem  much  more  effi- 
cacious than  they  are:  as  they  know  well  enough,  who  are 
privy  to  what  is  acted  in  the  withdrawing-room.  The  time 
was  when  you  have  been  as  confident  in  a  contrary  opinion p, 
— that  such  a  free  coirfereuce  would  have  scaled  the  walls  of 
Rome,  and  levelled  the  Pope's  triple  Crown. 

Sixthly,  whether  the  ministers  should  accept  of  such  a  The  Au- 
partial  unequal  conference  or  not,  or  whatsoever  should  be  pertinence 
the  success  thereof,  you  trespass  too  boldly  upon  his  ]\Iajesty^s  ^,"^3^^"^^'" 
patience,  to  dictate  to  him  so  pragmatically,  so  magisterially,  the  King, 
what  he  should  do,  or  would  do,  in  such  a  case,  which  is 
never  like  to  be.    Doth  his  father's  constancy  encourage  you 
to  believe,  that  he  is  '  a  reed  shaken  with  the  wind  ?'    "  Qui  [Matt.x;.7. 
pauca  considerat,  facile  pronunciat — '  he  that  Aveighs  no  24.  ™' 
more  cii'cumstances  or  occurrences  than  sen-e  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  his  design,  pronounceth  sentence  easily,'  but 
temerariously,  and  for  the  most  part  unsoundly.    When  such 
a  thing  as  you  dream  of  should  happen,  it  were  good  manners 
in  you  to  leave  his  Majesty  to  his  Christian  liberty ;  but  to 
trouble  yourself  and  others  about  the  moon's  shining  in  the 
"Water,  so  unseasonably,  so  impertinently,  or  with  what  will 
come  to  pass  when  the  sky  falls,  is  unbeseeming  the  Coun- 
sellor of  a  King. 

Lastly,  consider  hoAV  yom*  pen  doth  overrun  your  reason.  His  pen 
and  overreach  all  grounds  of  probability,  to  ascribe  unto  his  hls^wi"" ^ 
Majesty's  change  such  an  infallible  influence  iipon  all  Pro- 
testants, as  to  reduce  them  to  the  Roman  communion, — not 
only  his  own  subjects,  but  foreigners.  His  blessed  father's 
example  had  not  so  much  influence  upon  the  Scots  his  native 
subjects.  He  was  no  changeling,  indeed,  neither  to  the  right 
hand  nor  to  the  left.  Henry  the  Fom-th,  his  grandfather,  did 
turn  indeed  to  the  Roman  Church.  Had  his  change  any 
such  influence  upon  the  Protestant  party  in  France?  I 
know  no  followers  such  a  change  would  gain  him,  but  I 
foresee  clearly  how  many  hearts  it  ^^'ould  lose  him.  Certainly, 
Sir,  if  you  would  do  a  meritorious  piece  of  service  to  his 

[See  above,  note  ii,  p.  7.] 


70 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DEKRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part    greatest  adversaries^  you  could  not  fix  upon  any  thing  that 

 '-  would  content  them  more  highly^  than  to  see  you  successful 

in  this  undertaking. 

I  have  done  with  your  proposition.  He  that  compares 
it  and  your  'Demonstration'  together,  will  easily  judge  them 
to  be  twins,  at  the  first  siglit. 

As  a  motive  to  his  Majesty's  conversion,  you  present  him 
[pp.  10.11.]  with  a  treatise  of  Transubstantiation,  and  desire  '  that  it  may 

appear  unto  the  Vvorld  under  his  Royal  name.' 
His  im-         I  meddle  not  with  your  treatise ; — some  of  your  learned 
chmce  of  a  adversary's  friends  will  give  you  youx  hands  full  enough  ; — 
htrtreati'se         ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  Majesty  protect  or  patronize  a  treatise 
[of  Tran-    against  his  judgment,  against  his  conscience,  so  contrary  to  the 

substantia-     °  J      o  >    o  >  j 

tion].       doctrine  of  the  Chm'ch  of  England,  not  only  since  the  Refor- 
mation, but  before  ?    About  the  year  700  : — '  The  Body  of 
Christ  wherein  He  suff"ered,  and  His  Body  consecrated  in  the 
Host,  differ  much.    The  Body  wherein  He  suffered  was  born  43 
of  tlie  Virgin,  consisting  of  flesh  and  bones  and  human 
members ;  His  Spiritual  Body,  which  we  call  the  Host,  con- 
sists of  many  grains,  without  blood,  bones,  or  human  mem- 
bers ;  wherefore  nothing  is  to  be  understood  there  corporally, 
but  all  spiritually  1.'    Transubstantiation  was  neither  held  for 
an  article  of  Faith,  nor  a  point  of  Faith,  in  those  days, 
pp.  8,  &c.      You  charge  the  Protestants  in  divers  places,  '  That  they 
:al!ne"rur  ^i^^'*^  neither  Church  nor  Faith,  but  have  lost  both;'  and  at 
tu^if  'iio    ^^'^  latter  end  of  your  treatise  you  undertake  to  demonstrate 
in  his 'Do-  if:  biit  your  'Demonstration'  is  a  mere  paralogism.  You 
tioi'is!' '    multii)ly  your  terms,  you  confound  your  terms,  xow  change 
and  alter  yom'  terms,  contrary  to  the  rules  of  right  arguing ; 
and  vainly  beat  the  air,  concluding  nothing  which  you  ought 
to  prove,  nothing  which  your  adversary  will  deny.  You 
would  i^rove  that  Protestants  have  no  Church.    That  you 

Serm.  Saxnn.   in  Fcsto  Pascliat.  ancl  Monum.  bk.  viii.  ])p.  1 1  1-2,  sq.  edit. 

["A  Sermon  of  the  Paschal  Lambe,  of  Lisle  (Ancient  I\Ionum.  &c. 

and  of  tlie  Sacramental  Body  ai, (I  lUoud  Lend.   I(i2;3,  and    a;;aiu    1638),  and 

of  Cluist  our  Saviour,  written  in  tlie  old  others.    It  was  translated  from  Latin 

Saxon  tongue  iiefore  the  Conquest,  and  into  Saxon  by  yElfric  about  the  cud  of 

appointed  in  the  reignc  of  the  Saxons  the  tenth  cen"tuvy.    See  a  full  account 

to  be  spoken  unto  the  jieopli.  at  Easter,  of  it  in  Soamcs's  Bauipton  Lectures, 

&c."— first  printed  (v.ith  a  translation,  pp.  122,  \-c.] 

modernized  l)y  Bramliall  in  the  text)  1)V         '  P.  222.  [of  flic  "  Victoire  de  la 

order  ofAhp.  Parker,  hy  John  Day, Lond.  Verite."     See  note  h,  p.  10,  of  La 

8vo.    (Strype's  Parker,  vol.  i."p.  J'72.  Mitletiere's  ]'',)iistle.] 
Oxf  1821);  and  thence  by  Foxe  (Acts 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  D£  LA  MILLETIERE^  &C.  71 

never  attempt.    But  you  do  attempt  to  prove  (Iioav  pitiful^  Discourse 

God  knows),  that  they  are  not  the  only  Church,  that  is,  the  '  

One  Holy  Catholic  Chujrch.  This  they  did  never  affirm,  they 
did  never  think.  It  sufficeth  them  to  be  a  part  of  that  uni- 
versal Chm-ch ;  more  pure,  more  orthodox,  more  CathoHc, 
than  the  Roman ;  always  professing  Christ  visibly,  never 
lurking  invisibly  in  another  communion,  which  is  another  of 
your  mistakes  ^  I  should  advise  you  to  promise  us  no  more 
"  Evident  Demonstrations  either  youi"  skill,  or  your  luck,  is 
so  extremely  bad. 

In  the  second  place  you  affirm,  that  '  Faith  is  founded  upon 
DiAane  authority  and  Revelation,  and  deposited  Avith  the 
Church'.^  AU  that  is  true  ;  but  that  which  you  add,  that  "  it 
is  founded  in  the  authority  of  Christ  speaking  by  the  mouth 
of  His  Church'," — by  this  Church  understanding  the  Chm-ch 
of  this  age,  and  (which  is  yet  worse)  the  Church  of  oue  place, 
and  (which  is  worst  of  all)  the  Bishop  of  that  one  Clnu'ch, — is 
most  false. 

And  so  is  that  which  you  add,  that  'the  Faith  of  Pro- The  great 

•     n        -I    ^  \    •  ■  1  •  T         1  advantage 

testants  is  founded  upon  then-  own  reasonnigs,  which  makes  of  the  Pro- 
so  many  differences  among  them*.^    Reason  must  be  subser-  above*the 
vient  in  the  application  of  the  rule  of  Faith ;  it  cannot  be  j„ 
the  foundation  of  Faith.    Bad  reasoniim-  may  bring  forth  the  choice 

,  1  of  hisfoun- 

difterences  and  errors  about  Faith,  both  with  you  and  us ;  dation. 
but  the  abuse  of  I'eason  doth  not  take  away  the  use  of  reason. 
We  have  this  advantage  of  you,  that  if  any  one  of  us  do  ljuild 
an  erroneous  opinion  upon  the  Holy  Scripture,  yet,  because 
oiu-  adherence  to  the  Scripture  is  firmer  and  nearer  than  our 
adlierence  to  our  particular  error,  that  fidl  and  free  and  uni- 
versal assent,  which  we  give  to  Holy  Scripture  and  to  all 
things  tlierein  contained,  is  an  implicit  condemnation  and 
retractation  of  our  particular  error,  which  we  hold  unwittingly, 
and  unwillingly,  against  Scripture  :  but  your  foundation  of 
Faith  being  composed  of  uncertainties, — whether  this  man  be 
Pope  or  not,  whether  this  Pope  be  judge  or  not,  whether  this 
judge  be  infallible  or  not,  and  if  infallible,  wherein,  and  how 
far ; — the  Faith  which  is  builded  thereupon  cannot  but  be 
fallible  and  uncertain  :  the  stricter  the  adherence  is  to  a  false, 


'  [Field,  Of  the  Church,  hk.  i.  c.  10.  '  fPp.  226,  227,  of  the  "  Vict,  de  la 
PI'.  11-,  &c.]  Ver."] 


72 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part    uncertain,  or  fallible  rule,  the  more  dangerous  is  the  error. 

 '■  So  om'  right  foundation  purgeth  away  our  error  in  super- 

struction ;  and  your  wa'ong  foundation  lessens  the  value  of 
your  truths,  and  doubles  the  guilt  of  yom'  errors. 
[The  Au-      I  w411  (by  your  leave)  requite  your  '  Demonstration,'  and 
molistia^^^'  tm-n  the  mouths  of  your  OAvn  canons  against  youi'self. 
qurted "        "^^^^^  Chm-ch  which  hath  changed  the  Apostolical  Creed, 
upon  him-  the  Apostolical  succession,  the  Apostolical  regiment,  and  the 
Apostolical  communion,  is  no  Apostolical,  orthodox,  or  Catho- 
lic Church. 

But  the  Church  of  Rome  hath  changed  the  Apostohcal 
Creed,  the  Apostolical  succession,  the  Apostolical  regiment, 
and  the  Apostolical  communion. 

Therefore  the  Church  of  Eome  is  no  Apostolical,  orthodox, 
or  Catholic  Church. 

Tliey  have  changed  the  Apostolical  Creed, — by  making  a 
new  Creed",  wherein  are  many  things  inserted,  that  hold  no 
analog}'  Avith  the  old  Apostles'  Creed ;  the  Apostolical  suc- 
cession,— by  engrossing  the  whole  succession  to  Rome,  and 
making  all  other  Bishops  to  be  but  the  Pope's  Vicars  and  sub- 
stitutes, as  to  their  jurisdiction  ;  the  Apostohcal  regiment, — by  44 
erecting  a  A-isible  and  universal  monarchy  in  the  Church ;  and, 
lastly,  the  Apostolical  communion, — by  excommunicating 
three  parts  of  the  Holy  Catholic  Apostolic  Chm'ch 

Again ;  that  Church,  v/hich  resolves  its  faith,  not  into 
Divine  rev  elation  and  authority',  but  into  human  infallibility, 
or  the  infallibility  of  the  present  Church,  without  knowing,  or 
according,  what  tliat  present  Chm'ch  is,  whether  the  virtual, 
or  the  representative,  or  the  essential,  Chvirch,  or  a  body  com- 
jjounded  of  some  of  these,  hath  no  true  faith. 

But  the  Church  of  Rome  resolves  its  faith,  not  into  Divine 
revelation  and  authority,  but  into  the  infallibility  of  the 
present  Church,  not  knowing,  or  not  according,  what  that 
present  Church  is,  whether  the  virtual  Church  (that  is,  the 
Pope),  or  the  representative  Church  (that  is,  a  general  Coun- 
cil), or  the  essential  Church  (that  is,  the  Chm-ch  of  believers 
diffused  over  the  world),  or  a  body  compounded  of  some  of 


"  [Viz.  the  Tridentlne  Creed;  see  in  full  in  Bramiiall's  Vindication,  &c. 
above  p.  26.]  c.  8.  ( Workr..  pp.  122—125.  fol.  edit.), 

*  [See  these  last  three  points  she-H-n     Discourse  ii.  Fart  i.] 


THE  EPISTLE  0¥  if.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


73 


these  (tliat  is,  the  Pope  and  a  general  or  provincial  Coun-  Discourse 
cil)^  

Therefore  the  Church  of  Rome  hath  not  true  faith. 

The  greater  number  of  your  writers  is  for  the  Pope,  that 
tliis  infallibility  is  fixed  to  his  Chair.  But,  of  all  other  judg- 
ments, that  is  most  fallible  and  uncertain ;  for,  if  simony 
make  a  uulhty  in  a  Papal  election,  we  have  great  reason  to 
doubt,  that  that  Chair  hath  not  been  filled  by  a  right  Pope 
these  last  hundred  years.  These  are  no  other  but  your  own 
mediums ;  such  luck  you  have  with  your  '  irrefragable  demon- 
strations.' 

'In  case  his  Majesty  will  tui'n  Roman  Catholic,'  you  pro-  p.  12. 
mise  him  '  restitution  to  his  Kingdoms.'  ty's  aposta- 

Great  undertakers  are  seldom  good  performers  :  when  yovi  t^e'^.ay  to 
are  making  your  pi'oselytes,  you  promise  them  golden  moun-  {"^j^'"'^^'''"" 
tains ;  but  when  the  work  is  done,  you  deal  with  them,  as  he 
did  with  his  Saint,  who  promised  a  candle  as  big  as  his  mast, 
and  offered  one  no  bigger  than  his  finger.    Do  you,  howevei', 
think  it  reason,  that  any  man  should  change  his  religion  for 
temporal  respects,  though  it  were  for  a  kingdom  ?    Jeroboam  [  i  Kings 
did  so  ; — you  may  remember  what  Avas  the  success  of  it.         '"•"•se.  33.] 

You  propose  this  as  'the  readiest  means  to  restore  him.' 
Others,  who  penetrate  deeper  into  the  true  state  of  his  affairs, 
look  upon  it  as  the  readiest  way  to  ruin  his  hopes,  by  the 
abenation  of  his  friends,  by  the  confirmation  of  his  foes,  and 
in  some  sort  the  justification  of  their  former  feigned  fears. 
Do  you  think  all  Roman  Catholic  princes  desire  this  change 
as  earnestly  as  youi'self  ?  Give  them  leave  first  to  consult 
with  their  particular  interests.  A  common  interest  prevails 
more  with  confederates  than  a  common  Faith.  The  sword 
distinguisheth  not  between  Protestants  and  Papists. 

But  what  is  the  ground  of  this  your  great  confidence  ?  No 
less  than  Scripture ; — "  Seek  je  first  the  Kingdom  of  God  [Matt.  vi. 
and  the  righteousness  of  it,  and  all  other  things  shall  be  added  ^^■'j^  j 
unto  you."  You  say  'the  word  of  God  deceives  no  man.' 
True,  but  you  may  deceive  yourself  out  of  the  word  of  God  :— 
the  conclusion  always  follows  the  weaker  part.  Such  as  this 
are  commonly  your  mistaken  grounds,  when  they  come  to  be 

y  ['  Rcclesia  iiir/ia/r?,  rrpr(Fsevt<.tiv(i,     bk.  iv.  c.  1.  pp.  343,  3H.] 
'ssenliulh:    See  Field,  Of  the  Church, 


74 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRy's  ANSWER  TO 


Part   examined.    The  text  saith,  "  Seek  the  Kingdom  of  God 

 —  you  wordd  have  his  Majesty  desert  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

The  promise  is  of  all  things  necessary  or  convenient ;  you  Avill 
be  yoiu*  own  carver,  and  oblige  God  Almighty  to  kingdoms 
and  particular  conditions.  The  promise  is  made  (as  all  tem- 
poral promises  are)  with  an  implicit  exception  of  the  Cross, — 
unless  God  see  it  to  be  otherwise  more  expedient  for  us.  He, 
that  denies  us  gold  and  gives  us  patience  and  other  graces 
1  Pet.  i.  7.  '  more  precious  than  gold/  that  denies  a  temporal  kingdom 
to  give  an  eternal,  doth  not  wrong  us.  This  was  out  of  your 
head. 

Th'''br        That  the  Scots  had  an  ancienter  obhgation  to  fidelity 
gation  of   towards  his  Majesty  and  that  Royal  family,  than  the  Enghsh, 
to  hfs*^Ma-  is  a  truth  not  to  be  doubted  or  disputed  of;  I  think  I  may 
in-u^lrof  ^^^^^y  ^^^>  ^^^^^         nation  in  Europe,  or  in  the  known 
any  sub     world,  to  their  Prince,  his  Majesty  being  the  hundred-and- 
kuown"     tentli  monarch  of  that  line,  that  hath  swayed  the  sceptre  of 
[2°s'       ^^^^^  kingdom  successively^.    The  more  the  pity  that  a  few 
XX.]    '     treacherous  Shebas,  and  a  pack  of  bawling  seditious  orators, 
under  the  vizard  and  shadow  of  pure  religion,  to  the  extreme 
scandal  of  all  honest  professors,  shoiild  be  able  to  overturn 
such  an  ancient  fiibric  and  radicated  succession  of  kingly 
government. 

Their  But  take  heed,  Sir,  how  you  believe  that  any  engagement  45 

treaclieiy.        ^^^^  Presbyterian  faction  in  Scotland  proceeded  either 
from  conscience,  or  gratitude,  or  fideUty,  or  aimed  at  the 
re-settling  of  his  Majesty  upon  his  throne.    No,  no,  their 
hearts  were  double,  their  treaties  on  their  parts  were  mere 
treacheries  from  the  beginning.    I  mean  not  any  of  those 
many  loyal  patriots,  that  never  bowed  their  knees  to  Baal- 
[Judg.  viii.  berith,  the  God  of  the  Covenant,  in  that  nation  ;  nor  yet  any 
The  loyal       those  serious  converts,  that  no  sooner  discovered  the  leger- 
Scots  ex-    clemain  of  a  company  of  canting  impostors,  but  they  sought 
to  stop  the  stream  of  schism  and  sedition  Avith  the  hazard  of 
their  own  lives  and  estates ;  nor  even  those,  whose  eyes  were 

2  [So  says  Buchanan  (Rer.  Scotic.  ment,  Aug.  19,  1641.  (Works  of  Charles 

Hist.,  lib.  xviii.,   in  (In.),  reckoning  I.  p.  391.  Lond.  16()2.),  and  Bramhall 

James    the  First  to  be  the  108th  in  liimself  in  his  Sermon  upon  the  Re- 
descent  from  Ferji-us,  B.  C.  330.    King  storation  (Works  P-  O''*.  fol.  edit.),  Dis- 
Charles  tlie  First  insists  upon  the  same  course  ii.  Part  iv.] 
topic  in  his  speech  to  the  Scotch  Parlia- 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  UE  LA  MILLETIEllE,  &C. 


75 


longer  lield  Avitli  the  spirit  of  slumber  by  some  stronger  spells  Discourse 

of  disciplinarian  charmers,  but  did  j^et  later  open  their  eyes,   '-  

and  come  in  to  do  theii'  duties  at  the  sixth  or  ninth  hour. 
All  these  are  expunged  by  me  out  of  this  black  roll.  Let 
their  posterities  enjoy  the  fruit  of  their  respective  loyalties ; 
and  let  their  memories  be  daily  more  and  more  blessed.  But 
I  mean  the  obstinate  ring-leaders  and  standard-bearers  of  the 
Presbj^terian  Covenant  of  both  robes,  and  the  setters-up  of 
that  misshapen  idol : — it  is  from  these,  I  say,  that  no  help  or  The  dis- 
hope  could  in  reason  be  expected.  They,  who  sold  the  deci- 
father,  and  such  a  father,  were  not  Hkely  to  prove  loyal  to  i'^^'"'^'^' 
the  son :  they,  who  hanged  up  one  of  the  most  ancient 
gentlemen  in  Europe,  the  gallant  Marquis  of  Montrose, 
being  then  their  lawful  A^iceroy,  like  a  dog  in  such  base  and 
barbarous  manner,  together  with  his  Majesty^s  commission, 
to  the  public  dishonour  of  their  King,  in  the  chief  city  of 
that  kingdom,  in  a  time  of  treaty  ^  :  they,  who  purged  the 
armj^,  over  and  over,  as  loth  on  their  parts  willingly  to  leave 
one  dram  of  honesty  or  loyalty  in  it ;  who  would  not  admit 
their  fellow-subjects  of  much  more  merit  and  coui'age  than 
themselves  to  assist  them  :  they,  who  would  not  permit  his 
Majesty  to  continue  among  the  soldiery,  lest  he  should  grow 
too  popular  :  they,  who,  after  they  had  proclaimed  to  the 
world  his  title  and  right  to  the  Crown,  yet  sought  to  have 
him  excluded  from  the  benefit  of  it  and  from  the  execution 
of  his  kingly  ofiice,  until  he  should  abjure  his  religion,  cast 
dirt  upon  his  parents,  alienate  his  loyal  subjects,  and  ratify 
the  usurpations  of  his  rebels  ^ :  these,  these,  I  say, — were 
most  unlikely  persons  to  be  his  restorers.  Was  it  ever  heard 
before,  that  subjects  acknowledged  a  Sovereign,  and  yet  en- 
deavoured to  exclude  him  from  his  rights,  until  he  had 
granted  whatsoever  seemed  good  in  their  eyes  ?  Others  may  No  hope 
be  more  severe  in  their  judgments ;  but  I  for  my  part  could  party,  until 
be  well  contented,  that  God  would  give  them  the  honoiu-  to  pgnt"^*^" 


"  [See  AVisheart's  Life  of  Montrose, 
pp.  188—193.  ed.  1720.  The  declara- 
tion published  by  tlie  Marquis  in  tlie 
name  of  the  Kiii^-  upon  hi.s  last  return 
into  Scotland  in  1();)0,  was  hung  round 
his  neck  at  his  execution ;  to  which 


circumstance  Bramhall'-s  words  may 
pcrliaps  refer.] 

[Compare  Hume's  account  of 
Cliarles's  In-ief  reign,  if  it  may  be  so 
called,  in  Scotland,— Hist,  of  Eng.,  Of 
the  Coinmonw.,  e.  1.] 


76 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERRY  S  ANSWER  TO 


Part   be  the  repairers  of  the  breach^  who  have  been  the  makers  of 

 the  breach ;  to  be  the  restorers  of  monarchy,  Avho  have  been 

the  miners  of  monarchy ;  to  be  the  re-establishers  of  peace, 
Avho  have  been  the  chiefest  Catilines  and  promoters  of  war : 
but  that  can  never  be  wliilst  they  justify  their  former  rebel- 
lious practices,  and,  after  they  have  eaten  and  devoured, 
[Piov.xxx.  'wipe  their  mouths,  and  say,  "WTiat  have  we  done?' — until 

20.1 

they  acknowledge  their  former  errors.  Repentance  only  is 
able  to  knit  the  broken  bone.  Why  should  they  be  more 
afraid  to  confess  their  faults  and  shame  the  De^'il,  than  to 
commit  them? 

p.  13.  Yet  I  cannot  say  with  you,  that  this  '  hath  robbed  his 

not  be  li-    INIajesty  of  all  hopes  and  means  of  recovery.'    We  may  not 
"^'"JjJ"    limit  God  to  any  time.  Who  commonly  withholds  His  help 
iHhci  ''^    until  the  bricks  be  doubled,  until  the  edge  of  the  razor  doth 
ance.        touch  the  very  throat  of  His  servant,  that  the  glory  of  the 
Avorli  may  wholly  redound  to  Himself.    We  may  not  limit 
God  to  those  means  which  seem  most  probable  in  our  eyes. 
So  long  as  Joseph  trusted  to  his  friend  in  Court,  God  did 
[Gcii.  xl.]  forget  him ;  when  Pharaoh's  Butler  had  quite  forgotten 
Joseph,  then  God  remembered  him.    God  hath  nobler  ways 
of  restitution  than  by  battles  and  bloodslied;  that  is,  by 
[Gen.       changing  the  hearts  of  His  creatures  at  His  pleasure,  and 

XXXlll.J  .      ^  .  .  \ 

turning  Esau's  vowed  revenge  into  love  and  kindness, 
p.  13.  I  confess,  '  his  Majesty's  resolution  was  great ;'  so  Avas  his 

/esfy^s'e's-  pi'udciice ;  that  neither  fear  ('which  useth  to  betray  the 
Eil^iaiKi  °^  succours  of  the  soul'' '),  nor  any  indiscreet  action,  or  word,  or 
raculou™'"  gestm'e,  in  so  long  a  time,  should  eitlier  discover  him,  or 
render  him  suspected.  Wlieu  I  consider  that  the  heir  of  a 
crown,  in  the  midst  of  tliat  kingdom  where  he  had  his 
breeding,  whom  all  men's  eyes  had  used  to  court  as  the 
rising  sun,  of  no  common  features  or  physiognomy,  at  such 
time  Avhen  he  was  not  only  l)elieved  but  known  to  be  among  4i 
them,  ^\■]len  exery  corner  of  the  kingdom  was  full  of  spies  to 
search  for  liim,  and  every  port  and  inn  full  of  officers  to  ap- 
prehend him ;  I  say,  that  he  should  travel  at  such  a  time,  so 
long,  so  fai',  so  freely,  in  the  sight  of  the  sun,  exposed  to  the 
\iew  of  all  persons,  without  either  discovery,  or  suspicion, 


["Fear  is  nothing  else  but  a  be-  offereth."  '\\' sdom  xvii.  12.] 
traying  of  the  succours  wliich  reason 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C. 


77 


seems  little  less  than  a  mii-acle ; — that  God  had  smitten  the  Discoukse 
eves  of  those  who  met  him  with  blindness  ;  as  the  eyes  of  the  — 

*'  .       [Gen.  XIX. 

Sodomites,  that  they  could  not  find  Lot's  door,  or  the  Syrian  ii.] 
soldiers  that  were  sent  to  apprehend  Ehsha.    This  strange  yf.  K3."i.3.] 
escape,  and  that  former  out  of  Scotland,  where  his  condition  p,.esa^^ 
was  not  much  better,  nor  his  person  much  safer,  do  seem  ^"^^ 
strangely  to  presage,  that  God  hath  yet  some  great  work  to  tiiinss  to 
be  done  by  him  in  His  own  due  time.  himV 

You  attribute  this  rare  deliverance,  and  the  hopes  of  his  pp.  13,  u. 
conversion,  in  part  '  to  the  prayers  and  tears  of  his  mother.'  teareThe"'' 
Prayers  and  tears  were  the  only  ])roper  arms  of  the  old  ams^of 
primitive  Christians ;  more  particularly  they  are  the  best  women ; 
and  most  agreeable  defence  of  that  sex ;  but  especially  the  especially 
prayers  and  tears  of  a  mother,  for  the  'son  of  her  desires,' 
are  most  powerful.    As  it  was  said  of  the  prayers  and  tears 
of  Monica  for  St.  Austin  her  son,  "fieri  non  potuit  iit  films 
istarum  lacrymarum  periret" — "it  could  not  be  that  a  son 
should  perish  for  whom  so  many  tears  were  shed God 
'  sees  her  tears,'  and  Hiears  her  prayers,'  and  will  grant  her  [p.  u.] 
request,  if  not  according  to  her  will  and  desire  (we  often  ask  powerfui°as 
those  things,  which,  being  granted,  would  prove  prejudicial  fn'ferges!'  * 
to  ourselves  and  oiu-  fi-iends),  vet  'ad  utilitatem"' — to  his  sion.now  in 

T.  r  •        ,  -■  ,  •  1     •  -11  T  Heaven. 

Majesty  s  greater  advantage,  which  is  much  better:  she 

wisheth  him  a  good  Catholic,  and  God  will  preser\e  him  a 

good  Cathohc  as  he  is.    We  do  not  doubt  but  the  prayers  of 

his  father  ('who  now  follows  the  Lamb  in  his  whites')  for  [Rev.vii.i3, 

his  perseverance,  will  be  more  effectual  with  God,  than  the  ^^"■'^■^ 

prayers  of  his  mother  for  his  change. 

Your  instance  of  his  Majesty's  grandfather,  yoiu-  grand  p-^'^^ 
King  Henry  the  Fourth,  is  not  so  apposite,  or  fit  for  your  thoi's  in- 
purpose.    He  gained  his  crown  by  tiu'ning  himself  towards  Hen'ry  The 
his  people  ;  you  would  persuade  his  Majesty  to  turn  from  his  pji^j^^jp"",* 
people,  and  to  cast  away  his  possibilities  of  restitution ;  that 
is,  '  to  cut  off  a  natui'al  leg,  and  take  one  of  wood  '^'. 

To  the  tears  of  his  mother  you  add  the  blood  of  his  father.  The  just 
whom  you  justly  style  happy,  and  say  most  truly  of  him,  that  daUmw"f 

d  [August.  Confess.,  lib.  iii.  c.  12.  p.  86C.    "  Utililati  niagis  quam  rolun- 

tom.  i.  p.  96.  F.]  tnti."   Id.,  Epist.  civ.  §  7.  torn.  ii.  p. 

<^  ["Exauditus  ad  salutem  etsi  non  292.  D.] 
ad  voluntatem."  August.  In  Joh.  Epist.,         '  Phitarcli.  [?] 
c.  3.  Tract,  vi.  §  0,  7.  torn.  iii.  P.  2. 


78 


THE  BISHOP  OF  DERIIY's  ANSWER  TO 


It  is  gi-oss 
impu- 
dence to 
feign  that 
he  died  a 


Part  'he  preferred  the  Catholic  Faith  before  his  crown, his  Uberty, 
his  hfe,  and  whatsoever  was  most  dear  unto  him.'  This  Faith 
[t'he'^First]  ^^^^  formerly  rooted  in  his  heart  by  God,  not  '  secretly  and 
invisibly  in  the  last  moments  of  his  life  to  unite  him  to  the' 
(Roman)  '  Catholic  Church/  but  openly  during  his  whole 
reign,  all  which  time  he  lived  in  the  bosom  of  the  true 
Catholic  Church.  Yet  you  are  so  extremely  partial  to  your- 
self, that  you  affirm  that  he  died  invisibly  a  member  of  your 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  as  it  is  by  you  contra-distinguished 
RojJ|an  Ca-  to  the  rest  of  the  Clu'istian  world  : — an  old  pious  fraud  or 
artifice  of  yours,  learned  from  IMachiavel,  to  gain  credit  to 
youi'  religion  by  all  means,  either  true  or  false ;  but  contrary 
to  his  own  profession  at  his  death  e,  contrary  to  the  express 
knowledge  of  all  that  were  present  at  his  murder; — upon  a 
vain  presumption,  that  "  talem,  nisi  vestra  Ecclesia,  nulla 
pareret  filium."  And  because  you  are  not  able  to  produce 
one  living  vvitness,  you  cite  St.  Austin  to  no  pm"pose,  to  prove 
that  '  the  elect  before  they  are  converted,  do  belong  invisibly 
to  the  Chui'ch*'' : — yea,  and  before  they  were  born  also'. 
But  St.  Austin  neither  said  nor  thought,  that  after  thej'^  are 
converted  they  make  no  visible  profession,  or  profess  the  con- 
trary to  that  which  they  beheve.  Seek  not  thus  to  adorn 
your  particular  Chiirch,  not  with  borrowed,  but  mth  stolen. 
Saints,  whom  all  the  world  know  to  have  been  none  of  yom's. 
What  Faith  he  pi'ofessed  living,  he  confirmed  dying.  In  the 
communion  of  the  Church  of  England  he  lived,  and  in  that 
communion  at  his  death  he  commended  his  soul  into  the 
hands  of  God  his  Saviom-. 

That  which  you  have  confessed  here  concerning  King 
Charles,  will  spoil  your  former  '  Demonstration,'  that '  the  Pro- 
testants have  neither  Church  nor  Faith '^.' 

But  you  confess  no  more  in  particular  here,  than  I  have 
heard  some  of  yom-  famous  Roman  doctors  in  this  city '  ac- 
Pro'testants  knowledge  to  be  true  in  general ;  and  no  more  than  that 

have  no 


The  Au- 
thor's con 
fession 
[that  he 
did  so,] 
confutes 
his  '  De- 
monstra- 
tion,' that 


E  [Made  upon  the  scaffold  to  Bp. 
Juxon  (King;  Charles's  Works,  p.  455), 
See  also  jirauihall's  Vindication  of 
Episc.  Clergy,  c.  3.  (  Works,  p.  617. 
fol.  edit).  Discourse  iii.  Part  ii.] 

h  [August.,  De  Bapt.  cont.  Donatist., 
lib.  V.  c.  ;S8.  torn.  ix.  p.  159.  F.] 

>  ["  Rliguntur  qui  non  sunt," — savs 


St.  Augustin  himself,  Serm.  xxvi.  torn. 
V.  p.  138.  B.] 

[Compare  Leslie,  Case  Stated  be- 
tween the  Churches  of  England  and 
Rome,  §  25.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  87.  Oxf. 
1832.] 

'  [Paris;  see  note  1,  p.  23.] 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  U.  DE  LA  MILLETIEKE,  &C. 


79 


which  the  Bishop  of  Chalccdou  (a  man  that  cannot  be  sus-  Discourse 

pected  of  partiahty  on  our  side)  hath  affirmed  and  puhlislied  

in  two  of  his  boohs  to  the  world  in  print  that  " Protestant- 
ibus  credentibus,  See." — '  pei'sons  living  in  the  communion  of 
47  the  Protestant  Church,  if  they  endeavour  to  learn  the  truth, 
and  arc  not  able  to  attain  unto  it,  but  hold  it  impUcitly  in 
the  preparation  of  their  minds,  and  are  ready  to  receive  it 
when  God  shall  be  pleased  to  reveal  it'  (which  all  good  Pro- 
testants and  all  good  Clu'istians  are),  '  they  neither  want 
Church,  nor  Faith,  nor  salvation.'  Mark  these  words  well. 
"  They  have  neither  Chm-ch,  nor  Faith,"  say  you ; — if  they 
be  thus  qualified  (as  they  all  are),  they  '  neither  want  Church, 
nor  Faith,  nor  Salvation,'  saith  he. 

Lastly,  Sir,  to  let  us  see,  that  your  intelligence  is  as  good  His  intelli- 
in  Heaven  as  it  is  upon  earth,  and  that  you  know  both  who  food'^in'' 
are  there,  and  what  they  do,  yow  tell  us,  that  the  crown  and  ujon  eaitii. 
conquest,  which  his  late  Majesty  gained  by  his  sufferings,  [p.  14.] 
was  procui'ed  hy  the  intercession  of  his  grandmother  Queen 
Mary.    We  should  be  the  apter  to  believe  this,  if  you  were 
able  to  make  it  appear,  that  all  the  Saints  in  Heaven  do  know 
all  the  particular  necessities  of  all  their  posterity  upon  earth. 
St.  Austin  makes  the  matter  much  more  doubtfid  than  you, — 
that's  the  least  of  his  assertion, — or  rather  to  be  plainly  false ; 
"  Fatendum  est  nescire  quidem  mortuos  quid  hie  agatur^^."  But 
with  presumptions  you  did  begin  your  Dedication,  and  with 
presimiptions  you  end  it.    In  the  mean  time,  till  you  can  No  Faith 
make  that  appear, — we  observe,  that  neither  Queen  Mary's  armour"'^ 
constancy  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Faith,  nor  Henry  the  ^f™^^ 
Fom-th's  change  to  the  Roman  CathoUc  Faith,  could  save  attempts, 
them  from  a  bloody  end.    Then  by  what  warrant  do  you  im- 
pute King  Charles  his  suflFerings  to  his  error  in  religion  ?  Be 
your  own  judge. 

'  Heu  quanta  de  spe  decidimus  ' — '  alas  !  from  what  hopes  TheAuthor 
are  we  fallen"  V  Pardon  oiu'  error,  that  we  have  mistaken  en  [in  the 
you  so  long.    You  have  heretofore  pretended  yourself  to  be  a  0/ lus*^"'^ 

treatise] 
from  his 

[See  tlie  Vindication  of  the  Church  vero  audire  ah  eis,  qui  hinc  ad  eos  mori- 
of  England,  c.  6.  (Works,  p.  100.  ful.  cndo  pergunt ;  non  quidem  omnia,  sed 
edit.),  Discourse  ii.  Part  i.]  qure  sinuntur  indicare  .  .  .,  et  quoe  .  .  . 

"  August.  De  Cura  pro  Mortuis.  c.     audire  oportet."  J 
1.5.  [torn.  vi.  p.  fj-ll.     ;  who  adds  how-        °  [Terent.  Heautont.  ii.  3.  9.] 
ever,  "...  sed  dum  hie  agitur  ;  postea 


80 


THE  BISHOP  or  DERUV'S  ANSWER,  &C. 


Part  moderate  person,  and  one  tliat  seriously  eudeavom-ed  the  re- 
-    . '  . —  uniting  of  Cliristendom  by  a  fair  accommodation.  The  widest 

chantv  in  °  . 

seeking  the  wounds  are  closed  up  in  time,  and  strange  plants  by  inocula- 
ChristenV'  tion  are  incorporated  together  and  made  one ;  and  is  there 
dom.  close  up  the  wounds  of  the  Cliurch,  and  to  unite 

the  disagreeing  members  of  the  same  mystical  Body  ?  "Why 
[Numb.  were  Caleb  amd  Joshua  onlj^  admitted  into  the  land  of  pro- 
XIV.  28,30.]  jjjj-gg^  whilst  the  carcases  of  the  rest  perished  in  the  wilder- 
ness, but  only  because  they  had  been  peacemakers  in  a  time 
of  schism  ?  Well  fare  om-  learned  and  ingenuous  country- 
man S.  Clara'',  who  is  altogether  as  perspicacious  as  yourself, 
but  much  more  charitable.  You  tell  us  to  our  grief,  that 
'  there  is  no  accommodation  to  be  expected ;  that  Cardinal 
Richeheu  was  too  good  a  Chi-istian,  and  too  good  a  Catholic, 
to  have  any  such  thought ;  that  the  one  religion  is  true,  the 
other  false,  and  that  there  is  no  society  between  light  and 
darkness^.'  This  is  plain  dealing,  to  tell  us  what  we  must 
trust  to.  No  peace  is  to  be  expected  from  you,  unless  we  will 
come  unto  you  upon  our  knees  with  the  -n  ords  of  the  Prodigal 

[Luke  XV.  Child  in  our  mouths, — '  Father  forgive  us,  we  have  sinned 
21.]  .  .  . 

against  Heaven,  and  against  thee.'  Is  not  this  rare  coui'tesy? 

If  we  will  submit  to  your  will  in  all  things,  you  will  have  no 

longer  difference  with  us.    So  we  might  come  to  shake  a 

worse  Church  by  the  hand,  than  that  which  we  were  separated 

from. 

The  way  to  If  you  could  be  contented  to  wave  your  last  four  hundred 
accommo-  vcars'  determinations ;  or,  if  you  liked  them  for  yourselves, 
tlation.  j^Q^     obtrude  them  upon  other  Chm'ches  ;  if  you  covdd 

rest  satisfied  with  j^our  old  Patriarchal  jDOwer,  and  your 
' principium  unitatis,'  or  primacy  of  order'',  much  good  might 
be  expected  from  free  Councils,  and  conferences  from  mode- 
rate persons;  and  we  might  yet  live  in  hope  to  see  an 
union,  if  not  in  all  opinions,  yet  in  charity  and  all  necessary 
points  of  saving  truth,  between  all  Christians ;  to  see  the 
Eastern  and  Western  Churches  join  hand  in  hand,  and  sing 
— "  Ecce  quhm  bonum  et  quam  jucundum  est  habitare  fratres 

*■  ("Ego  .  .  omiiino  judico,  miiltos"  tura,  Gratia  &c."    Probl.  xv.  p.  121. 

(e  Protestantibus  in  .\iiglia)  "  ab  omni  Lugd.  1635.] 

culpa  prorsus  imminu's,  <Kc.  tS:c.  .  .  .         'i  p.  20  !■.  [Discourre  upon  Traiisiil)- 

ipsos  posse  salvari  ;  l\  pit  spcio  '  actu  stanliation  in  tlie  "  Vic-f.  de  la  VOv.''] 
nuiltos  . salvos."   S.  Clara,  "  Deus,  Xa-         '  [See  note  m,  p.  32.  J 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  M.  DE  LA  MILLETIERE,  &C.  81 

in  unum" — "Behold  how  good  and  pleasant  a  thing  it  is  for  Discourse 

brethren  to  dweU  together  in  unity."   But  whilst  you  impose  

upon  us  daily  new  articles  of  Faith,  and  urge  rigidly  what  cxxxiii.  l.] 
you  have  unad\dsedly  determined ;  we  dare  not  sacrifice  truth 
to  peace,  nor  be  separated  from  the  Gospel,  to  be  joined  to  the 
Roman  Church.  Yet,  in  the  point  of  our  separation,  and  in 
all  things  whicli  concern  either  doctrine  or  discipline,  Ave  pro- 
fess all  due  obedience  and  submission  to  the  judgment  and 
definitions  of  the  truly  Catholic  Church  ;  lamenting  with  all 
our  hearts  the  present  condition  of  Christendom,  which 
renders  an  CEcimienical  Council,  if  not  imi:)ossible  (men's 
judgments  may  be  had,  where  their  persons  cannot),  yet  very 
difficult ;  wishing  one,  as  general  as  might  be ;  and  (until  God 
43  send  such  an  opportunity)  endeavouring  to  conform  ourselves 
in  all  things,  both  in  credendis  et  agendis,  to  whatsoever  is 
uniform  in  the  belief  or  practice,  in  the  doctrine  or  discipline, 
of  the  Universal  Church  ;  and,  lastly,  holding  an  actual  com- 
munion with  all  the  divided  parts  of  the  Christian  world  in 
most  things,  et  in  voto — according  to  our  desu'es — in  aU 
things. 


BRAMHALL, 


G 


DISCOURSE  11. 


JUST  VINDICATION 

OF  THE 

CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND 

FROM  THE 

UNJUST  ASPERSION  OF  CRIMINAL  SCHISM. 

WHEREIN  THE  NATURE  OF  CRIMINAL  SCHISM, 
THE  DIVERS  SORTS  OF  SCHISMATICS, 
THE  LIBERTIES  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  NATIONAL  CHURCHES, 
THE  RIGHTS  OF  SOVEREIGN  MAGISTRATES, 
THE  TYRANNY,   EXTORTION,   AND   SCHISM   OF  THE   ROMAN  COURl 
WITH  THE  GRIEVANCES,  COMPLAINTS,  AND  OPPOSITION, 
OF  ALL  PRINCES  AND  STATES  OF   THE  ROMAN   COMMUNION,  OF  O. 
AND  AT  THIS  VERY  DAY,  ARE  MANIFESTED  TO 
THE  VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD. 


BY  THE  RIGHT  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD 

JOHN  BRAMHALL, 

DOCTOR  IN  DIVINITY,  AND  LORD  BISHOP  OF  DERBY. 


"  My  name  is  christian,  my  surname  is  catholic  :  by  the  one  I  am  known 
from  infidels  ;  by  the  other,  from  heretics  and  schismatics." 

["  Christianas  mihi  nomen  est,  Catholicus  cognomen  :  illud  me  nuncupat,  istiid 
ostendit."] 

Pacian.  ad  Sympronian.  Epist.  [I.  De  Cathol.  nomine,  ap.  Biblioth. 
Patr.,  torn.  iv.  p.  236.  A.B.,  as  quoted  and  translated  by  Field 
(Of  the  Church,  bk.  ii.  c.  9.)  from  Bellarm.  (De  Eccles.  MiUt., 
lib.  iv.  c.  4.] 


THE 


CONTENTS 

OF 

THE    PARTICULAR  CHAPTERS. 


CHAP.  I. 

Page 


The  scope  and  sum  of  this  Treatise.  .         .         .  .95 

Nothing  more  probably  objected  to  the  Church  of  England  than  SCHISM.  ib. 

But  nothing  more  unjustly.  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  method  observed  in  this  Discourse.      .  .  .  .  .96 

[viz.  I.  To  state  the  question,  shewing 

/What  is  schism  in  the  abstract : 
Who  are  schismatics  in  the  concrete  ; 


j  What  we  understand  by  the  Church  of  England  in  this 

^    question.  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

II.  To  lay  down  six  grounds  or  propositions,  each  singly  suffi- 
cient to  wipe  away  the  stain  and  guilt  of  schism  from  the 
Church  of  England  : 

1.  That  Protestants  were  not  the  authors  of  the  late  sepa- 

ration from  Rome,  but  Roman  Catholics. 

2.  That,  in  abandoning  the  Court  of  Rome  they  did  not 

make  any  new  law,  but  only  restored  the  old  law  of  the 
land  to  its  former  vigour. 

3.  That  the  ancient  British,  and  Scottish  or  Irish,  Churches 

are  rightfully  exempt  from  the  patriarchal  j urisdiction 
of  the  Roman  Bishops. 

4.  That  the  king  and  Church  of  England  had  both  suffi- 

cient authority  and  sufficient  grounds  to  withdraw 
their  obedience  as  they  did. 

5.  That  all  the  sovereign  princes  and  republics  in  Europe 

of  the  Roman  communion  do  either  practise,  or  plead 
for,  the  same  right,  or  both. 

6.  That  the  Papacy  itself  is  in  a  great  part  actually,  and 

altogether  causally,  guilty  both  of  this  and  of  all  the 
greater  schisms  in  Christendom.        .  .  .97 

III.  To  give  a  satisfactory  answer  to  the  objections  of  those 

of  the  Roman  Communion.]  .  .  .  .98 


86 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  II. 

Pagre 

The  stating  of  the  question  : — what  is  schism  ;  who  are  schis- 
matics ;  and  what  is  signified  by  the  Church  of  England  in 
this  question.  .         .         .         .         .         .  .98 

Every  passionate  heat  not  schism.  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

Ecclesiastical  quarrels  of  long  continuance  not  always  schism.     .  ib. 

The  separators  may  be  free  from  schism,  and  the  other  party  guilty.  100 

To  withdraw  obedience  is  not  always  criminous  schism.    .  .  101 

What  is  single  [i.  e.  mere]  schism.  .....  103 

Wherein  internal  communion  doth  consist.  .  .  .  ib. 

Wherein  external  communion  doth  consist.  .  .  .104 

[Internal  communion  may  not,]  external  communion  may,  be 

suspended  ;  ......  ib. 

And  withdrawii.    .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

There  is  not  the  like  necessity  of  communicating  in  all  externals.  .  105 

Christian  communion  implies  not  unity  in  all  opinions  ;  .  ib. 

[But  sometimes  admits  and  even  commands  separation.]  .  106 

The  sorts  of  [mere]  schism.  .  .  .  .  .  .108 

What  the  Catholic  Church  signifies.  .  .  .  .  .109 

Each  member  of  the  Catholic  Church  is  Catholic  inclusively.  .  ib. 
Schism  is  changeable.         .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

And  for  the  most  part  complicated  with  heretical  pravity ;  .  110 

[And  violation  of  order.]  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

Four  ways  to  become  heretical.     .  .  .  .  ." ,  ib. 

Who  are  Catholics ;  .  .  .  .  .  .  .111 

Who  are  schismatics.  .......  112 

What  is  imderstood  by  the  Church  of  England.      .  .  .  .  ib. 


CHAP.  III. 

That  the  separation  from  Rome  was  not  made  by  Protestants, 

but  by  Roman  Cathohes  themselves.  .         .  .113 

Roman  Catholics  first  authors  of  the  separation  from  Rome.  .  .  ib. 

(Romanists  first  gave  the  king  tlie  title  of  Head  of  the  Church.)  115 
[Three  exceptions  answered]  — 

1.  Henry  the  Eighth  no  friend  to  the  Protestants.        .  .117 

(The  Author's  opinion  of  monasteries  [and  of  the  suppres- 
sion of  them  by  Henry  the  Eighth].)     .  .  .  118 
Henry  the  Eighth  no  friend  to  Protestants.           .  .120 
Much  less  those  who  joined  with  him  in  the  separation 
from  Rome.       .          .          .          .          .          •  ib. 

England  unanimous  in  casting  out  the  Pope.  .  .121 
And  Ireland.  122 

2.  The  pretended  crimes  of  Henry  the  Eighth  no  blemish  to  the 

Reformation.     .  .  .  .  .  ib. 


CONTENTS. 


87 


Page 

3.  [If  it  be  scliisniatical  to  withhold  obedience  as  well  as  to  with- 
draw it,  then  the  Roman  Catholics,  who  were  the  first 
separators,  were  schismatics.]     .  .  .  .123 

(Our  laws  are  not  cruel  against  Roman  Catholics.)  .  124 

Though  the  first  separators  were  schismatics,  we  are  free.  .  126 
Protestants  no  authors  of  the  separation  from  the  Church  [any  more 

than  from  the  Court]  of  Rome.         .  .  .  .    1 28 


CHAP.  IV. 

That  the  king  and  kingdom  of  England,  in  their  separation 
from  Rome,  did  make  no  new  law,  but  vindicate  the  ancient 
law  of  the  land   .129 


[  It  must  be  granted,  that] 

1.  Eminent  persons  have  great  influence  without  any  jurisdiction. 

2.  The  dignity  of  the  Apostolical  Churches  [was  great  in  the  primitive 

times.]  ........ 

3.  It  is  no  marvel  that  the  Pope  winded  himself  into  England  by  degrees. 
[But 

].  This  intmsion  was  manifest  usurpation  and  tyranny.] 

No  Saxon,  English,  or  British,  king,  ever  made  any  obliging  sub- 
/■  mission  to  the  Pope.  .... 

The  Pope's  power  in  England  was  of  courtesy. 
[2.  The  dubious  imquiet  possession,  which  the  Popes  did  hold  in  England, 
was  not  sufficient  to  make  a  legal  prescription.] 
Wilfrid  tlie  first  great  appellant  [to  Rome]. 
[Anselm. 

The  Statute  of  Clarendon.] 
Legations  as  rare  as  appeals. 
Saxon  kings  made  ecclesiastical  laws. 
(An  old  artifice  of  the  Roman  Bishops  [to  grant  those  things  which 

were  none  of  their  own.]) 
Norman  kings  enjoyed  the  same  power. 
Canon  law  of  no  more  force  in  England  than  as  it  was  received. 

[Canon  concerning]  Bigamy. 
[No  legate  de  latere  allowed  in  England,  but  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury.] 

(The  statute  of  Mortmain  justified.) 
[The  Constitutions  of  Clarendon. 
Statute  of  Carlisle. 
Articles  of  the  clergy. 
Statute  of  Provisors. 
Statute  of  Praemunire.  ] 
The  sovereignty  of  our  kings  in  ecclesiastical  causes  over  ecclesiastical 
persons. 


il). 
132 


133 
135 
136 
ib. 
137 

138 
ib. 
140 


ib. 
141 
143 
145 
146 

ib. 
147 


88 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

King  Henry  the  Eighth  did  no  more  than  his  predecessors.  .  150 
The  judgment  of  our  EngUsh  lawyers.      .  .  .  .151 


CHAP.  V. 


That  the  Britannic  Churches  were  ever  exempted  from  all 

foreign  jurisdiction,  and  so  ought  to  continue.          .        .  152 

1.  The  supremacy  in  the  whole  College  of  the  Apostles      .          .          .  ib. 

2.  The  other  Apostles  had  successors  as  well  as  St.  Peter.              .           .  153 

Why  the  Bishop  of  Rome  St.  Peter's  successor,  rather  than  of 

Antioch?      .  .  .  .  .  .  .154 

3.  The  highest  constitution  of  the  Apostles  exceeded  not  national  Primates.  ib. 

4.  How  some  Primates  came  to  be  more  respected  in  the  Church  than  others  :  155 

Either  by  custom ;            ......  ib. 

Or  from  the  grandeur  of  the  city  ;            .           .           .           .  ib. 

Or  by  decrees  of  Councils ;          .          .          .          .          .  ib. 

Or  by  edicts  of  princes.    ......  156 

5.  Many  Primates  subject  to  none  of  the  five  great  Patriarchs.       .          .  ib. 

The  case  between  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch  and  Cyprian  Bishops 

[at  the  Council  of  Ephesus.]            .           .           .           .  ib. 

The  case  of  the  Cyprian  Bishops  applied.             .           .           .  157 

The  proof  in  this  cause  ought  to  rest  upon  our  adversaries  :  [for  men  are  not 

put  to  prove  negatives.  .  .  .  .  .  .158 

(Why  York  is  set  before  London.)          ....  159 

Yet,  for  further  manifestation  of  the  truth,  it  is  to  be  considered,  that] 

1.  The  Britannic  Church  is  ancienter  than  the  Roman.   .           .           .  160 

2.  The  Britannic  Churches  sided  with  the  Eastern  against  the  Roman.  ib. 

3.  The  British  Bishops  were  ordained  at  home.     ....  161 

4.  The  answer  of  Dionothus.       .  .  .  .  .  .162 

Confirmed  by  two  British  Synods.           ....  163 


CHAP.  VI. 

That  the  king  and  Church  of  England  had  both  sufficient 
authority,  and  sufficient  grounds,  to  withdraw  their  obedi- 
ence from  Rome.    .         .         .         .         .         .  .165 

I.  Sovereign  princes  have  power  to  alter  whatsoever  is  of  human  institution 

in  ecclesiastical  discipline.        .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

[Dr.  Holden's  three  objections  answered — 

1.  True  case  of  England  against  Rome.]         .  .  .  166 


CONTENTS. 


89 


Page 

2.  Protestants  in  their  reformation  have  altered  no  articles  of 


religion  nor  sacred  rites,  nor  violated  charity.        .  .  167 

3.  Protestants  in  their  reformation  have  not  swerved  from  the 

law  of  nature,  or  the  positive  laws  of  God.  .  .  168 

In  cases  doubtful  we  may  not  disobey  the  king  and  the 
laws.  .  .  .  .  .  .169 

Unjust  commands  may  be  justly  obeyed.  .  .  ib. 

[The  Romanists  themselves  do  acknowledge,  that] 

1.  Princes  are  obliged  to  protect  their  siibjects  from  the  tyranny 

of  ecclesiastical  judges ;         .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

2.  Kings  may  exercise  external  acts  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction 

by  fit  delegates.         .  .  .  .  .  .170 

The  emperors  of  old  did  the  same  ;       .  .  .171 

[That  is,  under  civil  pains.]      .  .  .  .172 

Popes  convented,  imprisoned,  deposed,  by  emperors.      .  ib. 

3.  The  Council  of  Tours  [with  S.  Clara]  allows  to  withdraw 

obedience  from  the  Pope  in  certain  cases.      .  .  .173 

Princes  may  reform  new  canons  by  old.     .  .  .175 

Patriarchal  power  subject  to  imperial.         ....  176 

Emperors  have  changed  Patriarchs ;         .  .  .  177 

By  their  [own]  authority.  .  .  .  .  .178 

English  kings  as  sovereign  as  the  emperors.         .  .  ib. 

II.  Two  sorts  of  ^roMnrfs  for  substraction  of  obedience;       .  .  .  179 

[Personal  faults,  which  reflect  upon  none  but  the  persons 

who  are  guilty. 
Faulty  principles,  which  do  warrant  a  more  permanent 
separation.]       .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

1.  Our  first  ground  [of  separation  from  Rome;  viz.  the  intolerable 

extortions  and  excessive  rapine  of  the  Court  of  Rome.  .  180 

Testimony  of  Matthew  Paris.         .  .  .  .181 

  Grosthead,  Bishop  of  Lincoln.         .  .  182 

  Sewalus,  Archbishop  of  York.]         .  .  183 

2.  Our  second  ground ;  [viz.  the  most  unjust  usurpations  and 

extreme  violations  of  all  sorts  of  rights  by  the  Court  of 
Rome.  .......  ib. 

Of  the  rights  of  the  king.  .  .  .  .  ib. 

(Arch-priest  Blackwell  scandalized  at  the  doctrine  of 
Cardinal  Allen,  '  That  none  can  be  admitted  king  of 
England  without  the  Pope's  leave.')  .  .  184 

Case  of  Henry  the  Second.     .  .  .  .186 

Case  of  King  John    .  .  .  .  .187 

Of  the  rights  of  the  nobility.  .  .  .  .189 

Of  the  rights  of  the  Bishops.         .  .  .  .  ib. 

Of  the  rights  of  the  people.]         .  .  .  .190 

3.  The  third  ground  ;  [viz.  that  foreign  jurisdiction  so  exercised 

was  destructive  to  ecclesiastical  discipline.]  .  .  .  ib. 

4.  The  fourth  ground  ;  [viz.  the  inconveniences  in  which  adlier- 

ence  to  the  Pope  would  have  involved  us.  .  .191 

5.  The  last  ground;  viz.  the  Pope's  challenge  of  a  spiritual 

monarchy  by  Divine  right.]  .  .  .  .192 


90 


CONTENTS. 


Page 


[No  defect  in  the  manner  of  proceeding  of  the  king  and  Church  of 
England  :  viz.  that  a  remonstrance  was  not  first  made  to 
the  Pope  himself.      .  .  ,  .  .  .192 

1.  The  Roman  Bishops  are  not  our  lawful  Patriarchs.      .  .193 

2.  Addresses  to  the  Pope  proved  vain  and  fruitless  by  frequent 

experience  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

3.  Henry  the  Eighth  himself  an  unsuccessful  suitor  to  Clement 

the  Seventh.]  .  .  .  .  .  .196 

III.  The  moderation  of  the  English  Reformers  [in  the  manner  of  their 

separation.     .......  197 

1.  Neither  they  nor  we  deny  the  being  of  any  other  Churches, 

nor  possibility  of  salvation  in  them.    .         .  .  .  ib. 

Roman  Catholics  answered,  who  lay  hold  on  this  our  cha- 
ritable assertion.  .  .  .  .  .198 

2.  Our  separation  is  made  with  as  much  inward  charity  as  is 

possible.        .  .  .  .  .  .  .199 

3.  We  do  not  arrogate  to  ourselves  either  a  new  Church  or  a  new 

religion  or  new  Holy  Orders.  ....  ib. 

4.  We  are  ready  in  the  preparation  of  our  minds  to  believe  and 


practise  whatsoever  the  Catholic  Church,  even  of  this  present 
age,  doth  universally  and  unanimously  believe  and  practise.]  200 


CHAP.  VII. 


That  all  kingdoms  and  republics  of  the  Roman  communion, — 
Germany,  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  Sicily,  Brabant,  Venice, 

— do  the  same  thing  in  effect,  when  they  have  occasion.     .  ib. 

[For  all  Protestant  states,  this  admits  no  dispute.  .  .  .  ib. 
For  the  Grecian,  and  all  other  Eastern,  Churches,  it  can  no  more  be  doubted 

of  than  of  the  Protestants.  .  .  .  .  •  .  ib. 
Roman  Catholic  states : —              .           .           .           .           •  .201 

I.  The  French  and  German  jEm;)e)-o?-«.]              .           .          .          .  ib. 
The  case  of  England  not  the  same  with  [that  of]  Germany  [in  two 

respects.       .          .          .          .          •          •          .  ib. 
Yet  the  emperors  have  done  as  much  in  relation  to  the  Court  of 

Rome,  as  the  kings  of  England.]      ....  205 

1.  Emperors  convocated  Synods  ;             .           .           .           .  ib. 

And  confirmed  Synods  ;           .....  ib. 

And  by  them  reformed  the  Church.                .          .          .  206 

The  English  Reformation  not  schismatical.         .          .  207 

1.  [The  schism  was  begun  before  the  Reformation.    .  ib. 

2.  Great  necessity  of  reformation  both  in  Germany 

and  England.  .  •  •  •  .  ib. 
Testimony  of  Adrian  the  Sixth.  .  .  ib. 
 Cardinal  Pole.           .          .  208 


CONTENTS. 


91 


Page 


3.  The  German  emperors  did  not  only  desire,  but  in 

some  measure  effect,  a  reformation.         .          .  209 
The  Concordats,  &c.            .          .  .210 

The  Interim.           .          .          .          .  ib. 

The  declaration  of  the  Emperor  Ferdinand.]  211 

2.  The  emperors  made  themselves  the  last  judges  of  their  [own] 

liberties  and  necessities  [,  and  of  those  of  their  people].        .  ib. 

3.  Emperors  enjoyed  investitures.            ....  213 

4.  Emperors  have  excluded  legates,  &c. ;              .           .           .  ib. 

5.  And  neglected  the  Pope's  Bulls  &c.  ;    .  .  .  .214 

6.  And  seized  upon  Papal  pretended  rights  ;         .           .           .  215 

7.  And  have  imposed  oaths  of  allegiance.              .           .           .  216 

8.  Tlie  Germans  against  pardons,  indulgences,  &c.          .          .  ib. 

9.  Emperors  have  deposed  Popes,  and  appealed  from  them,  &c.  .  217 
[Two  answers  of  German  Bishops  ; 

1.  Of  the  German  and  French  to  Anastasius  the  Second.      .  218 

2.  Of  the  Archbishops  of  Cologne  and  Triers  with  the  Synod 

of  Cologne  to  Nicolas  the  First.]           .          .          .  219 

II.  The  French  no  vassals  of  the  Roman  Court.              .           .           .  ib. 

[The  case  of  Hincmar.      .          .          .          -          .          .  ib. 

1.  The  kings  of  France  have  convented  the  Popes  before  them  ;   .  220 

2  have  appealed  from  Popes  to  Councils  j    .  ib. 

3  have  protested  against  the  Pope's  decrees ;  221 

4  have  made  laws  to  repress  the  insolencies 

and  exorbitances  of  the  Papal  Court.  ]         .          .            .  ib. 

The  liberties  of  the  French  Church.         ....  225 

III.  The  king  of  .Spam  asserts  the  liberties  of  his  own  Churches.           .  228 

[In  Sicily.   229 

This  power  challenged  by  him  in  Sicily  by  the  Bull  of  Urban 

the  Second.    .          .          .          .          ,          .          .  ib. 

1.  Authority  of  the  Pope  to  make  such  a  Bull       .          .  230 

2.  SimilarBullofNicholastheSecondtothekingsofEngland  ib. 

3.  The  self-same  power  assumed  by  the  king  of  Spain 

in  his  other  dominions.          .          .          .          .  ib. 

The  case  of  Urban  the  Eighth  and  Philip  the 

Fourth.          .          .          .          .          .  ib. 

Complaints  of  the  Estates  of  Castile.      .          .  231 

Other  instances  of  the  same  kind.           .          .  235 
The  reception  in  Brabant  and  Flanders  of  Urban  the  Eighth's  Bull 

against  Jansenius.]     ......  236 

IV.  The  king  of  Por<«^a;  doth  the  same  [as  the  king  of  Spain.             .  237 

Answers  of  the    University  of  Lisbon  to   certain  questions 

moved  to  them  by  the  States  of  Portugal.      .          .          .  239 

V.  The  Republic  of  Venice.]        .  .  .  .  .  .240 

Venetian  laws.       .           .           .           .           .           .           .  ib. 

The  Bull  of  Pope  [Paul  the  Fifth].          .          .          .          .  ib. 

Slighted  by  the  Venetians.            .....  241 

Venetian  doctrines.           ......  242 

1.  [These  privileges  not  possessed  by  the  Venetians  by  grant  of 

the  Popes.     .......  243 


93 


CONTENTS. 


Page 


2.  Difference  between  Venice  and  England   in  their 

several  departures  from  Roman  obedience.         .  244 

3.  Difference  between  Venice  and  England  in  their 

several  departures  from  Roman  doctrine.          .  ib. 

The  chiefest  difference  between  our  case  and  that  of  Venice.]       .  245 

The  conclusion  of  the  Venetian  troubles.              .          .          .  ib. 


CHAP.  VIII. 

That  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Rome  are  many  ways  guilty  of 

schism,  and  the  true  cause  of  the  dissensions  of  Christendom.  246 

The  Church,  but  principally  the  Court,  of  Rome  is  four  ways  guilty  of 

schism.  ........  ib. 

I.  [The  Churcli  of  Rome  seeks  to  usurp  a  higher  place  in  the 

body  ecclesiastical  than  is  due  unto  her.        .  .  .  247 

II.  The  Court  of  Rome  hath  separated  three  parts  of  the  Christian 
world  from  its  communion,  and  as  far  as  in  it  lies  from  the 
communion  of  Christ.  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

By  its  doctrines  ;  .....  ib. 

By  its  censures.  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

III.  The  Bishops  of  Rome  have  rebelled  against  general  Councils.  248 

Decrees  of  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle,  '  That 
the  Pope  is  subject  to  a  general  Council.'       .  .  250 

Objected  to  as  unconfirmed  by  the  Pope  because  not 
conciliarly  made.]  .  .  .  .  ib. 

1.  The  Pope's  confirmation  of  Councils  of  no 

value.       .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

2.  The  decree  of  the  Council's  superiority  above 

the  Pope  most  conciliarly  made.    .  .251 
[The  decree  not  to  be  understood  only  of  dubious  Popes.  252 

IV.  The  Popes  have  broken  or  taken  away  all  the  lines  of  Aposto- 
lical succession  except  their  own.        .  .  .  .  ib. 

The  name  of  Universal  Bishop  taken  in  three  senses :    .  253 

1.  As  implying  universality  of  care.    .  .  .  ib. 

2.  As  implying  universality,  not  only  of  care,  but  of 

jurisdiction.  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

3.  E.xclusively,  for  '  the  only  Bishop  of  the  world.'     .  254 
V.  Two  other  novelties  challenged  by  the  Popes  :  .  .  .  ib. 

1.  Infallibility  of  judgiucnt.  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

2.  A  temporal  power  over  princes  either  directly  or  indirectly.]     .  255 


CONTENTS. 


93 


CHAP.  IX. 

Page 

An  answer  to  the  objections  of  the  Romanists.      .         .         .  256 

I.  We  liave  not  separated  ourselves  from  the  Catholic  Church.       .  .  257 

II.  [We  are  not  contumacious  towards  the  Council  of  Trent]       .  .  ib. 

The  Council  of  Trent  not  general ;  .  .  .  .258 

Nor  free  j  .......  ib. 

Nor  lawful.  .  .  .  .  •  •  .259 

III.  We  have  not  substracted  our  obedience  from  our  lawful  Patriarch.     .  ib. 

[1.  The  British  islands  were  not,  nor  ought  to  be,  subject 

to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Roman  Patriarch.             .  ib. 
2.  Patriarchal  power  is  not  of  Divine  right,  and  therefore 

may  either  be  quitted  or  forfeited  or  transferred.      .  260 

a.  The  Roman  Bishops  quitted  their  Patriarchate.    .  ib. 
/3.  K^A  forfeited  \t;               .          .          .  .261 

By  rebellion ;      .    .          .          .          .          .  ib. 

And  by  abuse.        .  .  .  .  .262 

y.  [Their]  Patriarchal  power  was  lawfully  transferred.  264 
3.  The  power  which  we  rejected  was  not  Patriarchal  nor 

canonical.     .          .          .          .          .          .  ib. 

IV.  Gregory  the  Great  acquired  no  Patriarchal  right  in  England  by  the 
conversion  of  it.            .          .          .          .          .          .          .  266 

[Consideration  1.     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

  2  ib. 

  3  267 

  4.     .  .  .  .  .  .  .268 

  5.     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ib. 

V.  Minor  objections.]         .  .  .  .  .  .  .269 

1.  We  condemn  not  our  fathers.  .  .  .  .  ib. 

2.  Our  Bishops  not  ordained  by  Presbyters.         .  .  .270 

3.  Our  matter  and  form  in  Presbyterial  ordination  justified.  .  271 

4.  We  derive  no  jurisdiction  from  the  crown.  .  .  .  272 
Bishops  not  subject  to  nor  ordained  by  Presbyters  of  old  in 

Britain.          .          .          .          .  .  .  .273 

[Instances  from  Bede  mistaken.  .  .  .  ib. 

First  mistake.             .  .  .  .274 

Second                     .          .  .  .  .  ib. 

Third                         .          .  .  .  .  ib. 

Fourth                       .          .  .  .  .  ib. 

Fifth   ]  275 

Unformed  Churches  no  fit  precedent.        .  .  .  .  ib. 

CHAP.  X. 

The  conclusion  of  the  treatise.  .         .         .         .  .276 

[Of  the  Answer  to  La  Milletito.             .          .          .          .  ib 

Hard  condition  of  the  English  exiles.       .          .          .          .  ib. 

Recapitulation.                ......  277 

How  far  the  Protestant  and  Roman  Churches  are  reconcileable.]  278 


DISCOURSE  II. 


A  JUST  VINDICATION 

OF  THE 

CHURCH   or  ENGLAND. 

[First  printed  at  London,  A.  D.  1654.] 


CHAP.  I. 

THE  SCOPE  AND  SUM  OF  THIS  TREATISE. 

Nothing  hath  been  hitherto  or  can  hereafter  be  objected  Nothing 
to  the  Church  of  England,  which,  to  strangers  unacquainted 

bablv  ob- 

^xith.  the  state  of  our  affairs,  or  to  such  of  om*  natives  as  have  the'church 
only  looked  upon  the  case  superficially,  hath  more  colour  of 
truth,  at  first  sight,  than  that  of  schism;  that  we  have  withdrawn  schism, 
our  obedience  from  the  \dcar  of  Christ,  or,  at  least,  from  our 
la^vful  Patriarch,  and  separated  oui'selves  from  the  communion 
of  the  Catholic  Chui'ch  : — a  grievous  accusation,  I  confess,  if  it 
were  true ;  for  we  acknowledge  that  there  is  no  salvation  to 
be  expected  ordinarily  without  the  pale  of  the  Church. 

But,  when  aU  things  are  judiciously  weighed  in  the  balance  But  no- 
of  right  reason ;  when  it  shall  appear  that  we  never  had  any  unjulth?.*"^* 
such  foreign  Patriarch  for  the  first  six  hundred  years  and 
upwards,  and  that  it  was  a  gross  violation  of  the  canons  of 
the  Cathohc  Church,  to  attempt  after  that  time  to  obtrude 
any  foreign  jurisdiction  upon  us ;  that,  before  the  Bishops  of 
Rome  ever  exercised  any  jurisdiction  in  Britain,  they  had 
quitted  their  lavrful  Patriarchate,  wherevvith  they  were 
invested  by  the  authority  of  the  Church,  for  an  uidawful 
monarchy  pretended  to  belong  unto  them  by  the  institution 
of  Christ ;  that  whatsoever  the  Popes  of  Rome  gained  upon 
us  in  after  ages,  without  our  own  free  consent,  was  mere 
tyranny  and  usurpation  ;  that  our  Kings  with  tlieir  Synods 


96 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    and  Parliaments  had  power  to  revoke^  retract,  and  abrogate, 

  whatsoever  they  found  by  experience  to  become  burdensome 

and  insupportable  to  their  subjects ;  that  they  did  use  in  all 
ages,  mth  the  consent  of  the  Church  and  Kingdom  of  Eng- 
land, to  Hmit  and  restrain  the  exercise  of  Papal  power,  and 
to  provide  remedies  against  the  daily  encroachments  of  the 
Roman  Court,  so  as  Hemy  the  Eighth,  at  the  Reformation  of 
the  English  Church,  did  but  tread  in  the  steps  of  his  most 
renowned  ancestors,  who  flourished  whilst  Poperj^  was  in  its 
zenith,  and  pursued  but  that  way  which  they  had  chalked 
out  unto  him,  a  way  warranted  by  tlie  practice  of  the  most 
Christian  emperors  of  old,  and  frequented  at  this  day  by  54 
the  greatest,  or  rather  by  all  the  princes  of  the  Roman  com- 
munion, so  often  as  they  find  occasion ;  when  it  shall  be 
made  e\ident,  that  tlie  Bishops  of  Rome  never  enjoyed  any 
quiet  or  settled  possession  of  that  jioAver  which  was  after 
deservedly  cast  out  of  England,  so  as  to  beget  a  lawful  pre- 
scription ;  and,  lastly,  that  we  have  not  at  all  separated  our- 
selves from  the  communion  of  the  Cathohc  Chui-ch,  nor  of 
any  part  thereof,  Roman  or  other,  qua  tales — as  they  are 
such,  but  only  in  their  innovations,  wherein  they  have  sepa- 
rated tliemselves  first  from  their  common  Mother  and  from 
the  fellowship  of  their  own  Sisters  :  I  say,  when  all  this  shall 
be  cleared,  and  the  schism  is  brought  home  and  laid  at  the 
right  door,  then  we  may  safely  conclude,  that  by  how  much 
we  should  turn  more  Roman  than  we  are  (wliilst  things  con- 
tinue in  the  same  condition),  by  so  much  we  should  render 
ourselves  less  Catholic,  and  plunge  ourselves  deeper  into 
schism  whilst  we  seek  to  avoid  it. 
The  me-  For  the  clearer  and  fuller  discussion  and  demonstration 
served  iii  wliereof,  I  shall  observe  this  method  in  the  ensuing  Discourse. 
courS^  I.  First  %  to  state  the  question  ;  and  shew,  what  is  schism 
in  the  abstract,  who  are  schismatics  in  the  concrete,  and  what 
we  understand  by  the  Church  of  England  in  tliis  question. 

II.  Secondly,  I  will  lay  down  six  grounds  or  propositions, 
every  one  of  wliich  singly  is  sufficient  to  wipe  away  the  stain 
and  guilt  of  schism  from  the  Church  of  England  ;  how  much 
more  when  they  are  all  joined  together  ?    My  six  grounds  or 


'  [Chap,  ii.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


97 


propositions  are  these.    First  ^,  that  Protestants  were  not  the  Discourse 

authors  of  the  late  great  separation  from  Eome,  but  Roman  '  

CathoHcs  themselves,  such  as  in  all  other  points  Avere  chief 
acbocates  and  pillars  of  the  Roman  Church,  and  so  many, 
that  the  names  of  all  the  known  dissenters  might  be  written 
in  a  little  ring.  Secondly that,  in  abandoning  the  Com-t  of 
Rome,  they  did  not  make  any  new  law,  but  only  declare  and 
restore  the  old  law  of  the  land  to  its  former  vigour,  and  vindi- 
cate that  liberty  left  them  as  an  inheritance  by  their  an- 
cestors, from  the  encroachments  and  usurpations  of  the  Court 
of  Rome.  Thii-dly  ^,  that  the  ancient  British,  and  Scottish  or 
Irish,  Churches  were  ever  exempted  from  the  patriarchal  juris- 
diction of  the  Roman  Bishops,  imtil  Rome,  thirsting  after  an  uni- 
versal unlawful  monarchy,  quitted  their  [her?]  lawful  eccle- 
siastical power ;  and  so  ought  to  continue  free  and  exempted 
from  all  foreign  jurisdiction  of  any  pretended  Patriarch  for 
evermore,  according  to  the  famous  canon  of  the  general 
Council  of  Ephesus,  which  Gregorj^  the  Great  reverenced  as 
one  of  the  four  Gospels''.  Fourthly'',  that  though  the  authors 
of  that  separation  had  not  themselves  been  Roman  Catholics ; 
and  though  the  acts  or  statutes  made  for  that  end  had  not 
been  merely  declarative,  but  also  operative ;  and  although 
Britain  had  not  been  from  the  beginning,  both  de  Jure  and  de 
facto,  exempted  from  Roman  jnrisdiction;  yet  the  King  and 
Church  of  England  had  both  sufficient  authority,  and  suffi- 
cient grounds,  to  Avithdraw  their  obedience  as  they  did. 
Fifthly^,  that  all  the  sovereign  princes  and  republics  in 
Europe  of  the  Roman  communion,  whensoever  they  have 
occasion  to  reduce  the  Pope  to  reason,  do  either  practise,  or 
plead  for,  the  same  right,  or  both.  Sixthly'',  that  the  Papacy 
itself  {qua  talis),  as  it  is  now  maintained  by  mauy,  with  uni- 
versality of  jurisdiction,  or  rather  sole  jurisdiction, 7«re  Divino, 
with  superiority  above  general  Councils,  with  infallibiUty  of 
judgment,  and  temporal  power  over  princes,  is  become  by  its 
rigid  censiires,  and  new  Creeds,  and  exorbitant  decrees,  in  a 
great  part  actually,  and  altogether  causally,  guilty  both  of 
this  and  all  the  greater  schisms  in  Christendom. 

[Chap,  iii.]  iii.  Ep.lO.Op.  tom.ii.  pp.  515.  B. G32.E.] 


Chap,  iv.] 
Thap.  v.] 

;Gieg.  M,  Epist.,  lib.  i.  Ep.  25 ;  lib. 


f  [Chap.  vL] 


BRAMHALL. 


II 


98 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part      III.  Lastly',  I  will  give  a  satisfactory  answer  to  those  objec- 
— L —  tions,  wliicli  tliose  of  the  Roman  communion  do  bring  against 
us  to  prove  us  schismatics. 


CHAP.  II.  i 

THE  STATING   OF  THE  QUESTION  : — WHAT   IS   SCHISM  ;    WHO   ARE  SCHIS- 
MATICS ;  AUD  WHAT  IS  SIGNIFIED  BY  THE  CHUBCH  OF  ESGI-AND  IN  THIS 


Even-  pas-      EvERY  sudden  passionate  heat  or  misunderstanding  or 
not  schism,  shaking  of  chai'ity  amongst  Cluistians,  though  it  were  even 
between  the  principal  pastors  of  the  Chm'ch,  is  not  presently 
[Acts  XV.    schism.    As  that  between  St.  Paid  and  Barnabas  in  the  Acts 
^^'^         of  the  Apostles, — who  dare  say  that  either  of  them  were 
schismatics  ?  or  that  between  St.  Hierome  and  Ruffinus,  who 
charged  one  another  mutually  with  heresy^ ;  or  that  between 
St.  Chrysostom  and  Epiphanius,  who  refused  to  join  in 
prayers ;   St.  Chrvsostom  wishing  that  Epiphanius  might 
never   return   home  alive,  and  EpiiDhanius   wishing  that 
St.  Chrysostom  might  not  die  a  Bishop  ^  ;  both  which  things, 
by  the  just  disposition  of  Almighty  God,  fell  out  according  to 
the  passionate  and  uncharitable  desii*es  of  these  holy  persons; 
who  had  Christian  charity  still  radicated  in  their  hearts, 
though  the  violent  torrent  of  sudden  passion  did  for  the  time 
bear  down  all  other  respects  before  it.    Tliese  were  but  per- 
sonal heats,  wliich  reflected  not  upon  the  pubhc  body  of  the 
Church ;  to  wliich  they  were  all  ever  ready  to  submit,  and  in 
which  none  of  them  did  ever  attempt  to  make  a  party  by 
gathering  disciples  to  himself.    Such  a  passionate  heat  is 
Acts  XV.     aptly  styled  by  the  Holy  Ghost  "irapo^vcr^o^" — "a  paroxysm," 
1"  Conten-  or  a  sharp  fit  of  a  feverish  distemper,  which  a  little  time  without 
Vers.f'"""        other  apphcation  AidU  infallibly  remedy. 
Ecclesiasti-     Secondly,  eveiy  premeditated   clashing   of  Bishops  or 
onong'^'^*^'^  Chm'ches,  about  points  of  doctrine  or  discipline,  long  and 

continu- 
ance not         i  [Chap,  ix.]  St.  Augustin's  Ixxiiird.  Epistle,  Ad 
always           j  [Not  to  mention  St.  Jerome's  three  Hieron.,  §  6— 8.  tom.  ii.  pp.  165,  166.] 
sctiism.       books  of  "  Apology  "  .-.gainst  Ruffinus'  t  [Socrates  (Hist.  Eccles.,  lib.  vi.  c. 

two  books  of  "Invectives"  (Op.   S.  14.)  mentions   the  story,  but  rather 

Hieron.  tom.  iv.  P.  ii.  pp.  350,  sq.),see  doubtfully.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


99 


resolutely  maintained,  is  not  presenth'  criminous  schism ;  so  Discourse 

long  as  they  forbear  to  censiu'e  and  condemn  one  another  —  

and  to  expel  one  another  from  their  communion,  and  are 
ready  to  submit  to  the  determinations  of  a  general  Council. 
Such  were  the  contentions  of  the  Roman  and  African  Bishops 
about  rebajitization  and  appeals  I  It  were  hard  to  say,  that 
those  two  blessed  Saints,  Cyprian  and  Austin,  and  all  those 
pious  prelates  who  joined  with  them,  Uved  and  died  schis- 
matics. 

"With  this  general  truth  agrees  that  of  Doctor  Holden™ 
fully,  that  '  when  there  is  a  mutual  division  of  two  parts  or 
members  of  the  mystical  Body  of  the  Chm'ch,  one  fi'om  the 
other,  yet  both  retain  communion  with  the  imiversal  Chm-ch 
(Avhich  for  the  most  part  springs  from  some  doubtful  opinion, 
or  less  necessaiy  part  of  Di^"ine  worship),  quamcunque  jiartem 
amplexus  fuer'is,  schismaticus  non  undies,  qu'qrpe  quod  xiniversa 
Ecclesia  neutram  damndrit — whatsoever  part  one  take,  he  is 
no  schismatic,  because  the  universal  Church  hath  condemned 
neither  part.'  Whether  he  hold  himself  to  this  principle,  or 
desert  it,  it  is  not  my  purpose  here  to  discuss. 

But  this  is  much  sounder  doctrine  than  that  of  Mr.  Knott", 
that  '  the  parts  of  the  Church  cannot  be  divided  one  fi-om 
another  except  they  be  di^dded  from  the  whole,  because  those 
things,  which  are  united  to  one  third,  are  united  also  between 
themseh  es which  error  he  would  seem  to  have  sucked 
from  Doctor  Potter",  whom  he  either  woiild  not  or  at  least 
did  not  understand ; — that  "  whosoever  professeth  himself  to 
forsake  the  communion  of  any  one  member  of  the  Body  of 
Christ,  must  confess  himself  consequently  to  forsake  the 
whole  of  which  he  makes  this  use; — that  Protestants  forsake 
the  communion  of  the  Church  of  Rome  ;  and  yet  do  confess 
it  to  be  a  member  of  the  Body  of  Christ ;  therefore  they  for- 

'  [Concerning  the  rebaptization  of  "  Hen.  Holdcn,  Append,  [ad  Lib. 

heretics,  between  St.  Cyprian,  with  the  De  Resolut.  Fidei,]  De  Schism.,  Art.  1. 

African  Bishops,  and  Stephen,  A.  D.  pp.  483,  484.  [Paris.  1652.] 

255,256; — concerning  appeals  to  Rome,  "  "Infidelity    Unmasked,"  [c.  7.] 

between  St.  Augustin,  with  the  African  sect.  176.  p.  591.  [Gant.  1652.] 

Bishops,  and  the  Popes  Zosimus,  Boni-  "  Idem,  [c.  7.  sect.  84.]  p.  516; 

face  I.,  and  Celestine  I.,  A.D.  418—422,  [from  Dr.  Potter's  Answer  to  "  Charity 

upon  the   question   of  restoring  the  Mistaken"  (a  former  work  by  Knntt), 

priest  Apiarius :  Fleury,  Hist.  Ecclcs.,  sect.  3.  p.  76.] 
iiv.  vii.  and  xxiv.] 

h2 


100 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    Sake  thc  commuuion  of  the  whole  Church.    The  answer  ia 

 '■  easy, — that  whosoever  doth  separate  himself  from  any  part  of 

the  Catholic  Church  as  it  is  a  part  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
doth  separate  himself  from  every  part  of  the  Cathohc  Church, 
and  consequently  from  the  universal  Church,  which  hath  no 
existence  but  in  its  parts.  But  if  one  part  of  the  universal 
Church  do  separate  itself  from  another  part,  not  absolutelj', 
or  in  essentials,  but  respectively,  in  abuses  and  innovations ; 
not  as  it  is  a  part  of  the  universal  Church,  but  only  so  far  as 
it  is  corrupted  and  degenerated ;  it  doth  still  retain  a  com- 
munion, not  only  with  the  Catholic  Church  and  with  aUoG 
orthodox  members  of  the  Catholic  Church,  but  even  mth  that 
corrupted  Church  fi'om  which  it  is  separated,  except  only  in 
corruptions.  We  may  well  enlarge  the  former  ground : — that 
if  two  particular  Churches  shall  separate  themselves  one  from 
another ;  and  the  one  retain  a  communion  with  the  universal 
Church,  and  be  ready  to  submit  to  the  determinations  thereof ; 
and  the  other  renounce  the  communion  of  the  universal 
Church,  and  contumaciously  despise  the  jurisdiction  and  the 
decrees  thereof ;  the  former  continues  Cathohc,  and  the  latter 
becomes  schismatical.  To  shew  that  this  is  om*  present  con- 
dition with  the  Church  of  Rome,  is  in  part  the  scope  of  this 
treatise.  They  have  subjected  Oecumenical  Councils,  which 
are  the  sovereign  tribunals  of  the  Church,  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Papal  Court.  And  we  are  most  ready  in  all  our  differ- 
ences to  stand  to  the  judgment  of  the  truly  Cathohc  Chui'ch, 
and  its  lawful  representative  a  free  general  Council.  But  we 
are  not  wiUing  to  have  their  'wtual  Church,'  that  is,  the  Court 
of  Rome,  obtruded  upon  us  for  the  Catholic  Church,  nor  a 
partial  sjnod  of  Italians  for  a  free  general  Council. 
The  sepa-  Thirdly,  there  may  be  an  actual  and  criminous  separation 
b'e'iVee"^  of  Churches  which  formerly  did  join  in  one  and  the  same 
schism  and  commuuiou  j  and  yet  the  separators  be  innocent,  and  the 
the^  other  persons  from  whom  the  separation  is  made  be  nocent  and 
guilty.  guilty  of  schism,  because  they  gave  just  cause  of  separation 
from  them.  It  is  not  the  separation,  but  the  cause,  that  makes 
Actsxix.9.  the  schism.  St.  Paul  himself  made  such  a  separation  among 
I  Tim.  vi.  his  disciples  :  and  Timothy  is  expressly  commanded,  that  "if 
any  man  did  teach  otherwise,  and  consented  not  to  whole- 
some words,  even  to  the  words  of  oiu'  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 


THE  CHtmCH  OF  ENGLAXD. 


to  tlie  doctrine  wliicli  is  according  to  godliness,  at^iaraao  airb  Discourse 

Twv  TOLovTwv — witlidraw  thyself — stand  aloof — or  separate  '■  

thyself,  from  such  persons."  It  is  true,  that  they  who  first 
desert  and  forsake  the  communion  of  their  Christian  bretliren, 
are  schismatics;  but  there  is  a  moral  defection  as  well  as  [a] 
local ;  it  is  no  schism  to  forsake  them,  who  have  first  them- 
seh  es  forsaken  the  common  Faith  :  wherein  we  have  the 
confession  of  our  adversaries ; — "  They  who  first  separated 
themselves  from  the  primitive  pure  Church  and  brought  in 
corruptions  in  Faith,  practice.  Liturgy,  and  use  of  Sacra- 
ments, may  truly  be  said  to  have  been  heretics,  by  departing 
from  the  pure  Faith  ;  and  schismatics,  by  dividing  themselves' 
from  the  external  communion  of  the  true  uncorrupted 
Church  P."  It  is  no  schism  to  separate  from  heretics  and 
schismatics  in  their  heresy  and  schism.  This  is  all  the  crime 
which  they  can  object  to  us.  The  Court  of  Rome  would  have 
obtruded  upon  us  new  articles  of  Faith ;  we  haA  e  rejected 
them  :  they  introdviced  unlawful  rites  into  the  Liturgies  of 
the  Church  and  use  of  the  Sacraments ;  we  have  reformed 
them  for  ourselves  :  they  went  about  to  violate  the  just 
liberties  and  pri^dleges  of  our  Church ;  we  have  ^indicated 
them.  And  for  so  doing  they  have  by  their  censures  and 
BuUs  separated  us  and  chased  us  from  their  communion, 
Wliere  lies  the  schism  ? 

Fourthly,  to  -withdraw  obedience  from  a  particular  Church,  To  witii- 
or  from  a  lawful  superior,  is  not  always  criminous  schism,  d^ence'is" 
Particular  Chiu'ches  mav  sometimes  err,  and   sometimes  ^'^''y* 

criminous 

clash  with  the  universal  Church.  Patriarchs  and  other  schism, 
subordinate  superiors  may  err,  and  sometimes  abuse  their 
authority,  sometimes  forfeit  their  authority,  sometimes  dis- 
claim their  authority,  or  usm-p  more  authority  than  is  due  unto 
them  by  the  canons.  They  Avoiild  persuade  us,  that  "^obedience 
is  to  be  yielded  to  a  Church  determining  errors  in  points  not 
fundamental  1.'  But  they  confoimd  obedience  of  acquiescence 
with  oliedience  of  conformity.  They  forget  willingly  that  we 
acknowledge  not  that  they  ever  had  any  lawful  authority 
over  us  :  'par  in  parem  non  habet  potestateni' — '  equals  have 
no  jurisdiction  over  their  equals.'   The  only  difficulty  is,  that 

V  Infidelity  Unmasked,  cli.  7.  sect.  Id.  [ch.  7.  sect.  41.1  p.  482. 

112.  p.  534. 


103 


A  JUST  VINDIC  ATION  OF 


this  seems  to  make  inferiors  judges  of  their  superiors^  the 
flock  of  their  pastor,  tlie  clergy  of  their  Bishop,  the  Bishop 
of  his  Metropolitan,  the  Metropolitan  of  his  Patriarch ; 
whereas  in  truth  it  only  gives  them  a  'judgment  of  discretion'^,'' 
and  makes  them  not  to  he  judges  of  their  superiors,  but  only 
to  be  their  own  judges  '  salvo  moderamine  inculpatse  tiitelee,' 
to  preserve  themselves  from  sin  or  heresy  obtruded  upon  them 
under  the  specious  pretences  of  obedience  and  charity.  This 
is  not  deficere,  but  prospicere ;  not  to  renounce  due  obedience 
to  theii"  lawful  superiors,  but  to  pro\'idc  for  their  own  safety. 

Some  things  are  so  e\ddent,  that  the  judgment  of  the  57 
Church  or  a  superior  is  not  needful.  Some  things  have  been 
already  judged  and  defined  by  the  Church,  and  need  no  new 
determination.  If  a  superior  presume  to  determine  contrary 
to  the  determination  of  the  Church,  it  is  not  rebellion,  but 
loyalty,  to  disobey  him. 

"When  Eunomius  the  Arian  was  made  Bishop,  '  not  one  of 
his  flock,  rich  or  poor,  young  or  old,  man  or  woman,'  would 
communicate  with  him  in  the  pubhc  service  of  God,  but  left 
him  to  officiate  alone  ^  When  Nestorius  did  first  publish  his 
heresy  in  the  church  in  these  words,  "  If  any  man  caU  the 
Virgin  Mary  the  Mother  of  God,  let  him  be  accursed,"  the 
people  made  a  noise,  ran  out  of  the  church,  and  refused  ever 
after  to  communicate  with  him'.  Valentinian  the  Emperor 
shunned  the  communion  of  Sixtus  the  Third  Many  of  the 
Roman  clergy  withdrew  themselves  from  the  communion  of 
Anastasius  their  Bishop,  because  he  had  communicated  with 
the  Acacians  Rusticus  and  Sebastianus,  two  of  the  Pope's 
chiefest  deacons,  did  not  only  themselves  forbear  the  com- 
munion of  Vigilius,  but  drew  with  them  a  good  part  of  the 
Church  of  Rome  and  other  Occidental  Churches  y. 

It  cannot  be  denied,  but  that  among  many  examples  of  this 


r  [See  the  Answer  to  La  Milletiere, 
p.  4y.  Discourse  i.  Part  i.] 

'  Theodor.  [Hist.  Eccles.]  lib.  iv.  c. 
15.  [Eunomius  was  made  Bp.  of  Samo- 
sata  upon  the  expulsion  of  the  orthodox 
Bishop,  Eusebius,  A.  D.  370.] 

t  Cyril.  Epist.  ad  Coelestinum,  Ep.  9. 
[p.  37.  D.  E.  tom.  V.  P.  ii.  Paris.  1638. 
—The  words  in  question  were  uttered 
aloud  in  the  church  during  service,  not 
however  by  Nestorius  himself,  but  in 


his  presence  by  one  Dorotheus,  a  Bishop 
who  held  the  same  opinions  with  him.J 

"  [Processus  Sixii  III.  in  Act.  Con- 
oil.  Roman.  A.D.  433.  cap.  4.  ap.  Labb.] 
Concil.  tom.  ii.  [p.  1267.] 

^  Lib.  Roman.  Pontif.  in  [Vita] 
Anastas.  [II.  A.  D.  496.] 

y  [Baron.  Annal.  tom.  vii.  an.  548. 
550.] — Libell.  Maurit.  [Imperatoris  ad 
Gregor.  I.  Papam.]  ap.  Baron.  Annal. 
tom.  viii.  an.  590.  num.  28. 


THE  CHUllCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


103 


kind  some  are  reprehensible,  not  because  tliey  did  arrogate  to  Discourse 

themselves  a  liberty  which  they  had  not,  but  because  they  '-  

abused  that  liberty  wliich  they  had,  either  by  mistaking  the 
matter  of  fact,  or  by  presuming  too  much  upon  their  own 
judgments.  To  prevent  which  inconveniencies,  the  eighth 
Synod  decreed,  not  by  way  of  censm-e  but  of  caution,  as  a 
preservative  from  such  abuses  for  the  future,  that  "  no  clerk, 
before  diligent  examination  and  synod  ical  sentence,  should 
separate  himself  from  the  communion  of  his  proper  Bishop,  no 
Bishop  of  his  Metropolitan,  no  Metropolitan  of  his  Patriarch 

Then  what  is  schism  ?     Schism   signifies  a  criminous  What  is 
scissure,  rent,  or  division  in  the  Church,  an  ecclesiastical  mere^J ^" 
sedition,  like  to  a  mutiny  in  an  army  or  a  faction  in  a  state. 
Therefore  such  ruptures  are  called  by  the  Apostle  indifferently  J  Cor.  i.  lo. 
a-x^crp'ara  or  Scxocrraa-Lat,  schisms,  or  seditious  segregations 
of  an  aggregate  body  into  two  opposite  parties.    And  there 
seems  to  me  to  be  the  same  difference  between  heresy,  pro- 
perly so  called,  and  schism,  which  is  between  an  inward  sick- 
ness and  an  outward  Avound  or  ulcer.    Heresy  floweth  from 
the  corruption  of  Faith  within;  schism  is  an  exterior  breach,  or 
a  solution  of  continuity,  in  the  body  ecclesiastic.  Consider 
then  by  what  nerves  and  ligaments  the  body  of  the  Chiu'ch  is 
united  and  knit  together,  and  by  so  many  manner  of  ruptures 
it  may  be  schismaticaUy  rent  or  divided  asunder. 

The  communion  of  the  Christian  Cathohc  Church  is  partly 
internal,  partly  external. 

The   internal  communion  consists  principally  in  these  \Vherein 
things  :  to  believe  the  same  entire  substance  of  sa^ang  neces-  commu- 
sary  trath  revealed  by  the  Apostles,  and  to  be  ready  implicitly  "onsi^t?'^ 
in  the  preparation  of  the  mind  to  embrace  all  other  super- 
natural verities  when  they  shall  be  sufficiently  proposed  to 
them ;  to  judge  charitably  one  of  another ;  to  exclude  none 
from  the  Catholic  communion  and  hope  of  salvation,  either 
eastern,  or  western,  or  southern,  or  northern  Christians, 
which  profess  the  ancient  Faith  of  the  Apostles  and  primitive 
Fathers,  established  in  the  first  general  Councils,  and  com- 
prehended in  the  Apostolic,  Nicene,  and  Atlianasian  Creeds; 
to  rejoice  at  their  well  doing ;  to  sorrow  for  their  sins ;  to 

^  Synod.    [(Ecumenic]   viii.  [scil.      [in  titulo ;  ap.  Labb.  Concil.  torn.  viii. 
Constantinop.  iv.  A.  D.  870.J  can.  10.     p.  1132.] 


104 


A  jrST  VIXDICATIOX  OF 


Part   condole  witli  them  in  their  sufferings  ;  to  pray  for  their  con- 

 stant  perseverance  in  the  true  Christian  Faith,  for  their 

reduction  from  all  their  respective  errors,  and  their  re-union 
to  the  Chiirch  in  case  they  be  divided  from  it,  that  we  may 
[iPet.  ii.  be  all  one  sheepfold  under  that  One  Great  "Shepherd  and 
Bishop  of  our  souls  and,  lastly,  to  hold  an  actual  external 
communion  with  them  'in  votis' — ^in  our  desii'es,  and  to 
endeavour  it  by  all  those  means  which  are  in  our  power. 
This  internal  communion  is  of  absolute  necessity  among  all 
Cathohcs. 

Wherein        External  communion  consists,  first,  in  the  same  Creeds 
commu-     or  Symbols  or  Confessions  of  Faith,  which  are  the  ancient 
consist"^  badges  or  cognizances  of  Christianity  ;  secondly,  in  the  parti- 
cipation of  the  same  Sacraments ;  thirdly,  in  the  same  ex- 
ternal worship,  and  frequent  use  of  the  same  Divine  Offices  or 
Liturgies  or  forms  of  serAdng  God  ;  fourthly,  in  the  use  of  the  58 
same  public  rites  and  ceremonies  ;  fifthly,  in  giving  commu- 
nicatory letters  from  one  Church  or  one  person  to  another ; 
and,  lastly,  in  admission  of  the  same  discipline,  and  subjection 
to  the  same  supreme  ecclesiastical  authority,  that  is,  Episco- 
pacy, or  a  general  Council :  for  as  single  Bishops  are  the 
Heads  of  particular  Chiu"ches,  so  Episcopacy,  that  is,  a  general 
Council,  or  Oecumenical  assembly  of  Bishops,  is  the  Head  of 
the  universal  Church 
[Internal       Internal  communion  is  due  always  from  all  Clnistians  to 
nion  may   all  Christians,  even  to  those  with  whom  Ave  cannot  communi- 
nai  co^^^"^"  ^^^^  externally  in  many  things,  whether  credenda  or  agenda — 
ma\"'be     opiiiions  Or  practices.    But  external  actual  communion  may 
suspended;  sometimes  be  suspended  more  or  less  by  the  just  censures  of 
the  Church,  'clave  non  err  ante.'    As  in  the  primitive  times 
some  were  excluded  'ci  ccetu  jjarticipantium' — only  from  the  use 
of  the  Sacraments;  others  moreover '«  coetu  procumbentium' — 
both  from  Sacraments  and  Prayers;  others  also  '  a  coetu  audien^ 
tium' — from  Sacraments,  Prayers,  and  Sermons ;  and,  lastly, 
and  with-   some  'a  coetu  fidelium' — from  the  society  of  Christians And  as 
drawn.      external  communion  may  be  suspended,  so  likewise  it  may 
sometimes  be  waved  or  withdrawn  by  particular  Churches  or 
persons  from  their  neighbour  Churches  or  Clu'istians  in  their 


»  [Compare  Bingham's  Orig.  Eccles.,  [Compare Bingham'sOrig.  Eccles., 

bk.  xvi.  c.  l.J  bk.  xvi.  c.  2.  §  7  ;  bk.  xviii.  c.  1.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  105 

• 

innovations  and  errors  :  especially  when  they  go  about  to  Discourse 

obtrude  new  fancies  upon  others  for  fundamental  truths  and  ^-^ — 

old  articles  of  Faith.  Christian  charity  is  not  blind,  so  as  not 
to  distinguish  the  integral  and  essential  parts  of  the  body 
from  superfluous  wens  and  excrescences.  The  canons  do  not 
obUge  Christians  to  the  arbitrary  dictates  of  a  Patriarch,  or  to 
suck  in  all  his  errors  ;  like  those  servile  flatterers  of  Dionysius 
the  Sicilian  tyrant,  who  licked  up  his  very  spittle  and  pro- 
tested it  was  more  sweet  than  nectar*^. 

Neither  is  there  the  like  degree  of  obligation  to  an  exact  There  is 
communion  in  all  externals.  There  is  not  so  great  conformity  neressitv  of 
to  be  expected  in  ceremonies,  as  in  the  essentials  of  Sacra-  catTiigin  all 
ments  (the  '  Queen's  Daughter  was  an'ayed  in  a  garment  externals, 
wrought  about  with  divers  colours')  ;  nor  in  all  Sacraments  [Ps..xiv.io. 
improperly  and  largely  so  called  by  some  persons  at  some  book  Vers.] 
times,  as  in  Baptism  and  the  Holy  Eucharist,  which  by  the 
consent  of  all  parties  are  more  general,  more  necessary,  more 
principal  Sacraments.    Neither  is  so  exact  an  harmony  and 
agreement  necessary  in  all  the  explications  of  articles  of 
Faith,  as  in  the  articles  themselves ;  nor  in  superstructions, 
as  in  fundamentals ;  nor  in  scholastical  opinions,  as  in  cate- 
chetical grounds :  nor  so  strict  and  perpetual  an  adherence 
required  to  a  particular  Chiu'ch,  as  to  the  universal  Church ; 
nor  to  an  ecclesiastical  constitution,  as  to  a  DiAine  ordinance, 
or  Apostolical  tradition.    Human  privileges  may  be  lost  by 
disuse,  or  by  abuse ;  and  that  which  was  advisedly  established 
by  human  authority,  may  by  the  same  authority  upon  suffi- 
cient grounds  and  mature  deliberation  be  more  advisedly 
abrogated.    As  the  limits  and  distinctions  of  provinces  and 
Patriarchates  were  at  first  introduced  to  comply  with  the 
civil  government,  according  to  the  distribution  of  the  pro- 
vinces of  the  Roman  Empire,  for  the  preservation  of  peace 
and  unity,  and  for  the  ease  and  benefit  of  Chiistians,  so 
they  have  been  often,  and  may  now  be,  changed  by  sove- 
reign and  synodical  authority,  according  to  the  change  of 
the  Empire,  for  the  peace  and  benefit  of  Christendom. 

Neither  the  rules  of  prudence  nor  the  laws  of  piety  do  christian 
oblige  particular  Churches  or  Christians  to  communicate  in  n°^"Jm. 
all  opinions  and  practices  with  those  particular  Churches  or  {j"f,y"n*a„ 

<=  [Athen.,  Deipnos.,  vi.  13.]  opinions; 


106 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    Christians  with  whom  they  hold  Cathohc  communion.  The 

 Roman  and  African  Churches  held  good  communion  one 

with  another,  whilst  they  differed  both  in  judgment  and 
practice  about  rebaptization.  Cannot  one  hold  communion 
with  the  Fathers  that  were  Chiliasts,  except  he  turn  Millenary? 
The  British  Churches  were  never  judged  schismatical,  because 
they  differed  from  the  rest  of  the  West  about  the  observation 
of  Easter.  We  see  that  all  the  famous  and  principal 
Churches  of  the  Chi'istian  world,  Grecian,1loman,  Protestant, 
Armenian,  Abissene,  have  their  pecuhar  differences  one  with 
another,  and  each  of  them  among  themselves.  And  though 
I  am  far  from  belie\'ing,  that,  when  logomachies  are  taken 
away,  their  real  dissensions  are  half  so  niimerous,  or  their 
eiTors  half  so  foul,  as  they  are  painted  out  hj  their  adver- 
saries (emulation  was  never  equal  judge) ;  and  though  I  hope  59 
[Riatt. XXV.  Christ  will  say  "Come  ye  blessed"  to  manj^,  Avhom  fiery 
zealots  are  ready  to  turn  away  Avith  "  Go  ye  cm'sed yet  to 
hold  communion  with  them  all  in  all  things  is  neither  lawful 
nor  possible. 

[^t  some-  Yea,  if  any  particular  Patriarch,  Prelate,  Church,  or 
mitsand  Churches,  how  eminent  soever,  shall  endeavour  to  obtrude 
mands'se'-  their  own  singularities  upon  others  for  Catholic  verities,  or 
paration.]  enjoin  sinful  duties  to  their  subjects,  or  shall  -sdolate  the 

undoubted  privileges  of  their  inferiors  contrary  to  the  canons 
of  the  Fathers  ;  it  is  very  lawful  for  their  own  subjects  to  dis- 
obey them,  and  for  strangers  to  separate  from  them.  And  if 
either  the  one  or  the  other  have  been  drawn  to  partake  of 
their  errors  upon  pretence  of  obedience  or  of  Catholic  com- 
munion, they  may  without  the  guilt  of  schism,  nay  they 
ought,  to  reform  themselves,  so  as  it  be  done  by  lawful 
authority,  upon  good  grounds,  with  due  moderation,  without 
excess,  or  the  A-iolation  of  charity ;  and  so  as  the  separation 
from  them  be  not  total,  but  only  in  then'  errors  and  innova- 
tions ;  nor  perpetual,  but  only  dvu-ing  their  distempers  : — as 
a  man  might  leave  his  father's  or  his  brother's  house,  being 
infected  with  the  plague,  with  a  purpose  to  return  thither 
again  so  soon  as  it  was  cleansed.  This  is  no  more  than  what 
Gerson  hath  taught  us  in  sundiy  places  : — '  It  is  lawful  by  the 
law  of  natui-e  to  resist  the  injury  and  violence  of  a  Pope  ^ 

"  Regulffi  Morales,  tit.  De  Praecept.  Decalog.  [Op.  P.  ii.  fol.  131.  Paris.  1521.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


107 


and^  "  if  any  one  should  convert  his  Papal  dignity  to  be  an 
instrument  of  wickedness  to  the  destruction  of  any  part  of 
the  Church  in  temporalities  or  spiritualities^  and  if  there 
appears  no  other  remedy  but  by  withdrawing  oneself  from 
the  obedience  of  such  a  raging  power,  ....  until  the  Church 
or  a  Council  shall  provide  otherwise  ;  it  is  lawful  He  adds 
farther,  that  '  it  is  lawful  to  slight  his  sentences/  yea,  "  to 
tear  them  in  pieces,  and  throw  them  at  his  head 

Bellarmine  in  effect  saith  as  much ; — "  As  it  is  lawful  to 
resist  the  Pope,  if  he  should  invade  our  bodies ;  so  it  is  lawful 
to  resist  him  invading  of  souls,  or  troubling  the  common- 
wealth ;  and  much  more  if  he  should  endeavour  to  destroy 
the  Church ;  I  say  it  is  lawful  to  resist  him  by  not  doing 
that  which  he  commands  and  by  hindering  him  from  putting 
his  will  in  executions."  We  ask  no  more.  The  Pope 
invaded  our  souls  by  exacting  new  oaths  and  obtruding  new 
articles  of  Faith  ;  he  troubled  the  commonwealth  with  his  ex- 
tortions and  usm'pations ;  he  destroyed  the  Church  by  his 
provisions,  reservations,  exemptions,  &c.  We  did  not  judge 
him,  or  punish  him,  or  depose  him,  or  exercise  any  jurisdic- 
tion over  him  ;  but  only  defended  ourselves^  by  guarding  his 
blows  and  repelling  his  injuries. 

I  may  not  here  forget  St.  Ignatius  the  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, whom  Pope  John  the  Eighth  excommunicated  for 
detaining  the  jmisdiction  of  Bulgaria  from  the  See  of  Rome; 
but  he  disobeyed  the  Pope's  censures,  as  did  also  his  suc- 
cessors, and  yet  was  reputed  a  Saint  after  his  death  :  whom 
Baronius  excusetli  in  this  manner, — "Neque  est  ut  quis  oh 
litem  hanc,  &c." — "  let  no  man  think  that  for  this  controversy 
Ignatius  was  either  disaffected  to  the  Roman  See,  or  un- 
grateful, seeing  he  did  but  defend  the  rights  of  his  own 
Chm'ch,  to  which  he  was  bound  by  oath  under  pain  of  eternal 
damnation  If  it  be  not  only  lawful  hwt  necessary  (in  the 
judgment  of  Baronius),  yea,  necessary  under  the  pain  of  dam- 
nation, for  every  Bishop  to  defend  the  rights  of  his  particular 
See  against  the  encroachments  and  usurpations  of  the  Roman 

e  Lib.  de  Auferibilitate  Papae,  Con-  ^  De  Roman.  Pontif.  lib.  ii.  c.  29. 

sider.  14.  [Op.  P.  i.  fol.  35.]  [Op.  torn.  i.  p.  820.  A.] 

f  De  Unit.  Eccles.,   Consider.   10.  "  Baron.  Annal.  torn.  x.  an.  878. 

[Op.  P.  i.  fol.  38 — "  Possunt  occurrere  num.  42. 
casus,  in  quibus  .  , .  liceret,  &c,"] 


108 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


p  A^R  T  Bishop,  and  to  contemn  his  censures  in  that  case  as  invaUd  ; 

 ■  how  much  more  is  it  lawful,  yea,  necessary,  for  aU  the  Bishops 

in  the  world  to  maintain  the  right  of  their  whole  Order,  and 
of  Episcopacy  itself,  against  the  oppressions  of  the  Coui't  of 
Rome,  which  would  swallow  up,  or  rather  hath  swallowed  up, 
all  original  jui'isdiction  and  the  whole  power  of  the  Keys. 

From  this  doctrine  Dr.  Holden  doth  not  dissent ;  "  Non 
tamen  is  ego  sum,  &c." — "  yet  I  am  not  he  who  dare  affirm, 
that  diseases  and  bad  manners  and  humovirs  may  not  some- 
times be  mingled  in  any  society  or  body  whatsoever ;  yea,  I 
confess  that  such  kinds  of  faults  are  sometimes  to  be  plucked 
up  by  the  roots,  and  the  over-luxurious  branches  to  be  pruned 
away  with  the  hook It  is  true,  he  would  not  have  this 
reformation  in  essential  articles'' ;  we  offered  not  to  touch 
them  :  nor  without  the  consent  of  la^i'ful  superiors ;  we  had 
the  free  and  deliberate  consent  of  all  our  superiors  both  civil 
and  ecclesiastical.  A  little  after  he  adds,  "  I  confess  also, 
that  particular  and  as  it  were  private  abuses,  which  have  only 
infected  some  certain  persons  ...  or  Church,  whether  Epi- 
scopal or  Archiepiscopal  or  .  .  .  national,  may  be  taken  away 
by  the  care  and  dihgence  of  that  particular  congregation';" 
we  attempted  no  more. 

The  sorts  of     We  sce  then  what  mere  schism  is  ;  a  culpable  ruptm'e  or  60 

Ic™isra.  breach  of  the  Catholic  communion,  a  loosing  of  the  band  of 
peace,  a  ^dolation  of  Christian  charity,  a  dissohdng  of  the 
unity  and  continuity  of  the  Church  :  and  how  this  crime  may 
be  committed  inwardly ; — by  temerarious  and  uncharitable 

[isa.  ixv.  judgment,  when  a  man  thinks  thus  with  himself,  "  Stand 
from  me,  for  I  am  holier  than  thou by  lack  of  a  true 
Christian  sjnnpathy  or  fellow-feeling  of  the  M-ants  and  suffer- 
ings of  ovir  Christian  brethren ;  by  not  wishing  and  desiring 
the  peace  of  Christendom  and  the  reunion  of  the  Catholic 
Church  ;  by  not  contributing  our  prayers  and  endeavom's  for 
the  speedy  knitting  together  and  consolidating  of  that  broken 
bone  :  and  outwardly ; — ^by  rejecting  the  true  badges  and 
cognizances  of  Christians,  that  is,  the  ancient  Creeds ;  by 
separating  a  man's  self  without  sufficient  ground  from  other 
Christians  in  the  participation  of  the  same  Sacraments,  or  in 

'  Append,  de  Schismat.  art.  1.  p.  51C.        '  [Ibid.  pp.  .51",  518.] 
k  [Ibid.  p.  517.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


109 


the  use  of  the  same  Divine  Offices  and  Liturgies  of  the  Discourse 

Church  and  public  worship  and  service  of  Almighty  God,  or  '■  

of  the  same  common  rites  and  ceremonies ;  by  refusing  to 
give  communicatory  letters  to  Catholic  orthodox  Christians ; 
by  not  admitting  the  same  discipline,  and  by  denying  or 
withdrawing  our  obedience  unlawfully  from  lawful  superiors, 
whether  it  be  the  Church  universal  or  particular,  essential  or 
representative,  or  any  single  superior,  either  of  Divine  or 
human  institution ;  by  separating  of  themselves  from  the 
communion  of  the  Catholic  Church,  as  the  Novatians,  or  by 
restraining  the  Catholic  Church  unto  themselves,  as  the 
Donatists  of  old  and  the  Romanists  at  this  day. 

What   the  Catholic  Church   signifies,   was   sufficiently  what  the 
debated  between  the  Catholic  Bishops  and  the  schismatical  church*^ 
Donatists  at  the  Colloquy  of  Carthage ;  neither  the  Church  sign'^^s. 
of  Rome  in  Em-ope  nor  the  Church  of  Cartenna  in  Afric, 
with  the  several  Churches  of  their  respective  communions, 
but  the  whole  Church  of  Christ  spread  abroad  throughout 
the  whole  world.  "Afrorum  Christianorum  Catholicorum  hcec  vox 
est,  &c." — "this  is  the  voice  of  the  African  CathoUc  Christians, 
we  are  joined  in  communion  with  the  whole  Christian  world ; 
this  is  the  Church  which  we  have  chosen  to  be  maintained, 
&c.'"  " 

Now,  the  Catholic  Church  being  totum  homogeneum,  every  Each  mem- 
particular  Church  and  every  particular  person  of  this  Catholic  f.^thoilc'^ 
communion  doth  participate  of  the  same  name  inclusively,  so 
as  to  be  justly  called  Catholic  Churches  and  Catholic  Chris-  inclusively, 
tians  ;  but  not  exclusively,  to  the  prejudice  or  shutting  out  of 
other  Churches  or  other  persons.  As  the  King  of  Spain  styles 
himself  and  is  styled  by  others  the  Catholic  King,  not  as  if 
he  were  an  universal  monarch,  or  that  there  were  no  other 
sovereign  princes  in  the  world  but  himself :  so  the  Church 
of  Rome  is  called  a  Catholic  Church,  and  the  Bishop  of  Rome 
a  Catholic  Bishop  ;  and  yet  other  Chm'ches  and  other  Bishops 
may  be  as  Catholic,  and  more  Catholic  than  they.    I  like 
the  name  of  Catholic  well,  but  the  addition  of  Roman  is  in 
truth  a  diminution. 

Schism  for  the  most  part  is  changeable,  and  varies  its  schism  is 

chaiige- 

■n  [Gesta]  Collat.  Carthag.,  Collat.     tuip  ed.  Dupin,  Paris.  1 702,  p.  302.]  able. 
Tert.  [Diei,  §  100,  in  Append,  ad  Opta- 


110 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  symptoms  as  the  chameleon  colours  :  as  it  was  said  of  the 

 schism  of  the  Donatists,  that  "  the  passion  of  a  disordered 

woman  brought  it  forth,  ambition  nourished  it,  and  covetous- 
ness  confirmed  it"."    And  therefore  it  is  as  hard  a  task  to 
shape  a  coat  for  schismatics,  as  for  the  moon,  which  changeth 
its  shape  every  day.    The  reason  is,  because,  ha^ang  once 
deserted  the  Catholic  communion,  they  find  no  beaten  path 
to  walk  in,  but  are  like  men  running  down  a  steep  hill,  that 
cannot  stay  themselves ;  or  like  sick  persons,  that  toss  and 
turn  themselves  continually  from  one  side  of  their  bed  to  the 
other,  searching  for  that  repose  which  they  do  not  find. 
And  for  the  Hencc  it  comes  to  pass,  that  schism  is  veiy  rarely  found  for 
TOmpfi!"^'   any  long  space  of  time  without  some  mixtm-e  of  heretical 
hc'i^Ucai'^  pra^ity,  it  being  the  use  of  schismatics  to  broach  some  new 
pravity;     doctrinc  for  the  better  justification  of  their  separation  from 
the  Church.    Heretical  errors  in  point  of  Faith  do  easily 
produce  a  schism  and  separation  of  Christians  one  from  an- 
other in  the  use  of  the  Sacraments,  and  in  the  public  sendee 
of  God  :  as  the  Arian  heresy  produced  a  different  doxology  in 
the  Church ;  the  orthodox  Christian  saying,  "  Glory  be  to 
the  Father,  and  to  the  Son,   and  to  the  Holy  Ghost 
and  the  heretical  Arian,  "  Glory  be  to  the  Father,  by  the  Son, 
in  the  Spuit  °."   So,  of  later  times,  the  opinions  of  the  lawful- 
ness of  detaining  the  Cup  from  the  laity,  and  of  the  necessity 
of  adoring  the  Sacrament,  have  by  consequence  excluded  the 
Protestants  from  the  participation  of  the  Eucharist  in  the  61 
Roman  Church.    Thus  heresy  doth  naturally  destroy  unity 
and  uniformity  ; — that  is  one  symptom  of  schism, 
[and  viola-     But  it  destroys  order  also,  and  the  due  subordination  of  a 
oi-der°]      flock  to  then  lawful  pastor,  nothing  being  more  common  with 
heretics  than  to  contemn  their  old  guides,  and  to  choose  to 
themselves  new  teachers  of  their  OAvn  factions,  and  so  '  erect 
an  altar  against  an  altar'  in  the  Chm'ch ; — that  is  another 
principal  branch  of  schism.    So  a  different  faith  commonly 
produceth  a  different  disciphne  and  different  forms  of  worshiji. 
Four  ways      A  man  may  render  himself  guilty  of  heretical  pra^ity  four 
heretical,    ways.  Fil'st,  by  disbeheving  any  fundamental  article  of  Faith, 


"  [Optatus,  De  Schism.  Donatist.,     20  Philostorg.,  Hist.  Eccles.,  lib.  iii. 

lib.  i.  c.  19.]  c.  1.3.] 

■>  [Sozom.,  Hist.  Eccles.,  lib.  iii.  c. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


Ill 


or  necessary  part  of  saving  truth,  in  that  sense  in  which  it  Discourse 

was  evermore  received  and  beUeved  by  the  universal  Church.  '- — 

Secondly,  by  believing  anj'  superstitious  errors  or  additions 
which  do  virtually  by  necessary  and  evident  consequence 
subvert  the  Faith  and  overthroAV  a  fundamental  truth. 
Thirdly,  by  maintaining  lesser  errors  obstinately  after  suffi- 
cient conviction.  But,  because  that  consequence  which  seems 
clear  and  necessary  to  one  man,  may  seem  weak  and  obscure 
to  another ;  and  because  we  cannot  penetrate  into  the  hearts 
of  men,  to  judge  Avhether  they  be  obstinate,  or  do  implicitly 
and  in  the  preparation  of  their  minds  believe  the  ti'uth ;  it  is 
good  to  be  sparing  and  reserved  in  censui-ing  heretics  for 
obstinacy.  Fourthly,  by  maintaining  lesser  errors  with  fro- 
wardness  and  opposition  to  lawful  determinations.  Though 
it  be  not  in  the  power  of  any  Council,  or  of  all  the  Councils 
in  the  world,  to  make  that  truth  fundamental  -n  hich  was  not 
fundamental ;  or  to  make  that  proposition  heretical  in  itself, 
which  was  not  heretical  ever  from  the  days  of  the  Apostles ; 
or  to  increase  the  necessary  articles  of  the  Christian  Faith 
either  in  number  or  substance  ;  yet,  when  inferior  questions 
not  fundamental  are  once  defined  by  a  laAvful  general  Council, 
all  Christians,  though  they  cannot  assent  in  their  judgments, 
are  obliged  to  passive  obedience,  to  possess  their  souls  in 
patience.  And  they,  who  shall  oppose  the  aiithority  and  dis- 
turb the  peace  of  the  Church,  desen  e  to  be  punished  as 
heretics. 

To  sum  up  all  that  hath  been  said ;  whosoever  doth  pre-  Who  are 
serve  his  obedience  entire  to  the  universal  Church,  and  its 
representative  a  general  Council,  and  to  all  his  superiors  in 
their  due  order,  so  far  as  by  law  he  is  obliged ;  who  holds  an 
internal  communion  ^vith  all  Christians,  and  an  external 
communion  so  far  as  he  can  with  a  good  conscience ;  who 
approves  no  reformation  but  that  which  is  made  by  lawful 
authority,  upon  sufficient  grounds,  with  due  moderation ; 
who  derives  his  Christianity  hy  the  uninterrupted  line  of 
Apostolical  succession  ;  who  contents  himself  with  his  proper 
place  in  the  ecclesiastical  body ;  who  disbeUeves  nothing 
contained  in  Holy  Scripture,  and  if  he  hold  any  errors  un- 
wittingly and  unwillingly,  doth  implicitly  renounce  them  by 
his  fuller  and  more  firm  adherence  to  that  infallible  rule ; 


112 


A  JUST  VINDICATION'  OF' 


Part    who  believeth  and  practiseth  all  those  credenda  and  agenda, 

 '-  which  the  uni^'ersal  Churcli  spread  over  the  face  of  the  earth 

doth  unanimously  beheve  and  practise  as  necessary  to  salva- 
tion, without  condemning  or  censuring  others  of  different 
judgment  from  himself  in  inferior  questions,  without  obtruding 
his  own  opinions  upon  others  as  articles  of  Faith ;  who  is  im- 
phcitly  prepared  to  beheve  and  do  all  other  speculative  and 
practical  truths,  when  they  shall  be  revealed  to  him  ;  and,  in 
sum,  '  qui  sententiam  diversce  opinionis  vinculo .  non  preeponit 
unitatis^ ' — '  that  prefers  not  a  subtlety  or  an  imaginary 
truth  before  the  bond  of  peace he  may  securely  say,  "  My 
name  is  Christian,  my  surname  is  Catholic 
Who  are  From  hence  it  appeareth  plainly,  by  the  rule  of  contraries, 
tics' '"^  who  are  schismatics ;  whosoever  doth  xmcharitably  make 
ruptures  in  the  mystical  Body  of  Christ,  or  'sets  up  altar 
against  altar'  in  His  Church,  or  Vv'ithdraws  his  obedience  from 
the  Catholic  Chm'ch,  or  its  representative  a  general  Council, 
or  fi'om  any  lawful  superiors,  without  just  grounds ;  whoso- 
ever doth  hmit  the  Cathohc  Chui'ch  unto  his  OAvn  sect,  ex- 
cluding all  the  rest  of  the  Christian  world,  by  new  doctrines, 
or  erroneous  censures,  or  tyrannical  impositions ;  whosoever 
holds  not  internal  communion  with  all  Christians,  and  ex- 
ternal also  so  far  as  they  continue  in  a  Catholic  constitution; 
whosoever,  not  contenting  himself  with  his  due  place  in  the 
Church,  doth  attempt  to  usurp  an  higher  place,  to  the  dis- 
order and  distm'bance  of  the  whole  body ;  whosoever  takes 
upon  him  to  reform  without  just  authority  and  good  grounds ;  C2 
and,  lastly,  whosoever  doth  wilfully  break  the  hne  of  Aposto- 
lical succession,  Avhich  is  the  very  nerves  and  sinews  of  eccle- 
siastical unity  and  communion,  both  with  the  present  Chm'ch, 
and  with  the  Cathohc  Symbohcal  Chm-ch  of  all  successive 
ages;  he  is  a  schismatic  [qua  talis),  whether  he  be  guilty  of 
heretical  pravity  or  not. 
What  is  un-  Now,  having  seen  who  are  schismatics,  for  clearing  the 
the  ciuirfh  statc  of  the  qucstiou  whether  the  Church  of  England  be 
ofEngiand.  gchismatical  or  not,  it  remaineth  to  shew  in  a  word  what  we 
understand  by  the  Church  of  England. 


^  August.,  Cont.  Ciescon.,  lib.  ii.  'i  [Pacian.,  Ad  Sympronian.  Nova- 
[The  sentiment  occurs  in  c.39.  (torn.  ix.  tianum,  as  quoted  in  the  motto  of  this 
p.  430.  B.  C),  but  not  tlie  words.]  Discourse.] 


THE  CHUHCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


113 


Firstj  we  imderstand  not  tlie  English  nation  alone,  but  the  Discourse 

English  dominion,  including  the  British,  and  Scottish  or  —  

Irish,  Christians  :  for  Ireland  was  the  right  Scotia  major ;  and 
that  which  is  now  called  Scotland,  was  then  inhabited  by 
British  and  Irish  under  the  name  of  Picts  and  Scots  ^ 

Secondly,  though  I  make  not  the  least  doubt  in  the  world, 
but  that  the  Church  of  England  before  the  Reformation  and 
the  Church  of  England  after  the  Reformation  are  as  much 
the  same  Church,  as  a  garden,  before  it  is  weeded  and  after 
it  is  weeded,  is  the  same  garden ;  or  a  •sdne,  before  it  be  pruned 
and  after  it  is  pruned  and  freed  from  the  luxuriant  branches, 
is  one  and  the  same  vine :  yet,  because  the  Roman  Catholics 
do  not  object  schism  to  the  Popish  Church  of  England,  but 
to  the  reformed  Church,  therefore,  in  this  question,  by  the 
Church  of  England  we  understand  that  Church,  which  was 
derived  by  lineal  succession  from  the  British,  English,  and 
Scottish  Bishops,  by  mixed  ordination,  as  it  was  legally 
established  in  the  days  of  King  Edward  the  Sixth,  and 
flom'ished  in  the  reigns  of  Queen  Ebzabeth,  King  James,  and 
King  Charles  of  blessed  memory,  and  now  groans  under  the 
hea^y  yoke  of  persecution ;  whether  this  Church  be  schis- 
matical  by  reason  of  its  secession  and  separation  from  the 
Church  of  Rome,  and  the  supposed  withdrawing  of  its  obedi- 
ence from  the  Patriarchal  jurisdiction  of  the  Roman  Bishop. 
As  for  other  aspersions  of  schism,  of  lesser  moment,  we  shall 
meet  with  them  in  our  answers  to  their  objections. 


CHAP.  III. 

THAT  THE  SEPARATION  FROM  HOME  WAS  NOT  MADE  BY  rEOTESTANTS,  BUT 
BY  ROMAN  CATHOLICS  THEMSELVES. 

This  being  the  state  of  the  question,  I  proceed  to  examine  Roman 
the  first  ground  or  proposition  :  that  the  English  Protestants  fi^suuthors 
were  not  the  first  authors  of  the  separation,  but  principal  f^^^ 
Roman  Catholics,  great  advocates  in  their  days  and  pillars  of  Rome, 
the  Roman  Church.    Whether  the  Act  or  statute  of  separa- 
tion were  operative  or  declarative,  creating  new  right,  or 
manifesting  or  restoring  old  right ;  whether  the  power  of  the 

'  [See  Usher,  De  Primord.  Britann.  Eccles.,  cc.  xv.  xvi.] 

ERAMIIALL,  I 


114 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Roman  Cotat  in  England  was  just  or  usurped,  absolute  and 
-  immutable,  or  conditional  and  changeable  ;  wliether  the 
possession  thereof  was  certain  and  settled,  or  controverted 
and  unquiet ;  (though  no  man  thoroughly  versed  in  otu'  laws 
and  histories  can  reasonably  doubt  of  these  things ;)  this  is 
undeniably  true,  that  the  secession  and  substraction  of  obedi- 
ence was  not  made  by  our  Reformers  or  by  any  of  their 
friends  or  favourers,  but  by  their  capital  enemies  and  perse- 
cutors, by  zealots  of  the  Roman  religion. 

And  this  was  not  done  secretly  in  a  corner,  but  openly  in 
the  sight  of  the  sun ;  disputed  pubhcly  and  determined 
beforehand  in  both  our  Uni\  ersities,  which  after  long  de- 
Hberation  and  much  disputation,  done  with  all  diligence,  zeal, 
and  conscience,  made  this  final  resolution  and  profession  : 
"  Tandem  in  hanc  sentmtiam  unanimiter  [omnes]  convenimus  ac 
Concordes  fuimus,  videlicet  Romanum  Episcopum  majorem  ali- 
quam  jurisdictionem  nan  habere  sibi  a  Deo  collatam  in  Sacra 
Scripturd  in  hoc  regno  Anylice,  quam  alium  quemvis  externum 
Episcopum" — "  That  the  Roman  Bishop  had  no  greater 
jurisdiction  within  tlie  kingdom  of  England  confen'ed  upon 
him  by  God  in  Holy  Scripture,  than  any  other  foreign 
Bishops"  After  this  the  same  was  voted  and  decreed  in 
our  national  Synods  and  lastly,  after  all  this,  receiA  ed  and  63 
estabhshed  in  full  Parliament,  by  the  free  consent  of  all  the 
Orders  of  the  kingdom,  with  the  concurrence  and  approba- 
tion of  four-and-twenty  Bishops  and  nine-and-twenty  Abbots, 
then  and  there  present".  To  pass  by  many  other  statutes,  take 


'  [See  Foxe,]  Acts  and  Monum., 
[bk.  viii.  an.  1.534.  vol.  ii.  p.  281,  for  a 
translation,  and  AVilkins,  ConciU,  torn, 
iii.  pp.  771,  772,  for  the  original  Latin, 
of  tlie  decree  of  the  Univ.  of  Cambridge.] 
— Regist.  Epist.Univ.Oxon.  [inter  MSS. 
Bodl.]  Ep.  210,  [for  the  letter  of  Henry 
VIII.  and  the  Acts  of  the  Convocation 
of  the  Univ.  of  Oxford  upon  the  subject ; 
andAVilkins,Coneil.,pp.775,776,forthe 
decree  of  that  University  (see  Wood's 
Antiq.  of  the  Univ.  of  Oxf ,  bk.  i.  in  an. 
1534).  Bramhall's  quotation  is  from  the 
last,  with  the  word  between  brackets 
omitted.] 

'  Sac.  Syn.  [Prov.  Cant.  etEbor.]  an. 
1530  et  1532  [et  Instrum.  super  Sub- 
miss.  Cleri,  an.  1 532;  wherein  the  regal 
supremacy  was  yielded,  —  Syn.  Prov. 


Cant,  et  Ebor.  an.  1534,  wherein  the 

Papal  supremacy  w-as  rejected  ap. 

Wilk.,  Concil.,  tom.  iii.  pp.  724.  744, 
&c.,  754,  755.  769.  782.  See  Collier, 
Ch.  Hist.,  Pt.  ii.  bk.  i.  vol.  ii.  pp.  62, 
&c.  bk.  ii.  p.  94.] 

u  [These  numbers  seem  to  have  been 
intended,  the  one  as  the  total  number  of 
Bishops  (there  were  really  at  that  time 
and  up  to  1540  only  twenty-one;  Coke 
upon  Littleton,  94.  a.),  tlie  other  as  that 
of  Abbots  and  Priors  (Coke  upon  Lit- 
tleton, 97.  a.— Collier,  Ch.  Hist.,  Pt.  ii. 
bk.  ii.  vol.  ii.  p.  164.),  who  were  Lords 
of  Parliament  at  the  time ;  but  the 
largest  numbers  of  either  class,  men- 
tioned by  our  Church  historians  as  aclu- 
ally  present  at  the  passing  of  any  of  the 
Acts  upon  the  subject,  are  only  seven 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


115 


the  very  words  of  one  of  the  main  Acts  itself :  '  That  England  Dj.scoi  rsk 
is  an  empire,'  and  that  '  tlie  King,  as  Head  of  the  body  politic  — — 
consisting  of  the  spiritualty  and  temporalty,  hath  plenary 
power  to  render  final  justice  for  all  matters,  &c.'''  Fii-st, 
England  "is,"  that  is,  originally,  not  shall  be  by  ^^rtue  of  this 
Act.  Wliat  is  it  ?  "  an  empire."  If  it  be  an  empire,  then 
the  sovereigns  thereof  have  the  same  privileges  and  preroga- 
tives within  their  own  dominions,  which  the  old  emperors 
had  in  theii-s.  If  the  King  be  '  Head  of  the  body  politic  con- 
sisting of  the  spiritualty  and  temporalty then  in  England 
the  King  is  the  political  Head  of  tlie  clergy  as  v/ell  as  of  the 
laity.  So  he  ought  to  be,  and  not  he  only,  but  all  the 
sovereign  princes  throughout  the  world,  by  the  very  law  of 
nature. 

What  becomes  now  of  that  grand  exception  against  Romanists 
Protestants,  for  making  their  King  the  Head  or  sovereign  the  Khl? 
governor  (for  these  two  are  convertible  terms)  of  the  English  Healiof thl 
Church  or  clergy  ?  A  title  first  introduced  by  Roman  Church. 
CathoHcs,  and  since  waved  and  laid  aside  by  Protestants,  not 
so  much  for  any  malignity  that  Avas  in  it,  as  for  the  ill  sound's 
sake ;  because  it  seemed  to  intrench  too  much  upon  the  just 
right  of  our  Savdour,  and,  being  subject  to  be  misunderstood, 
gave  offence  to  many  well-affected  Christians  ^.  And  what 
doth  this  law  say  more  than  a  great  Cardinal  said  not  long 
after?  one  that  was  as  near  the  Papacy  as  any  that  ever 
missed  it,  and  was  thought  to  merit  the  Papacy  as  well  as  any 
that  had  it  in  his  days ;  I  mean  Cardinal  Pole  in  his  book 
De  Concilio^: — "Hoc  munus  imperatoribus  Christi  fidem professis 
Deus  Ipse  Pater  assignavit,  ut  Christi  Filii  Dei  vicarias  partes 
gerant " — "  God  the  Father  hath  assigned  this  office  to  Chris- 
tian emperors,  that  they  shoiild  act  the  part  of  Christ  the 
Son  of  God"  (in  general  Councils) ;  and  yet  more  fully  in  his 
answer  to  the  next  question^,  "  Pontifex  Romanus  ut  caput 
sacerdotale  vicarias  Christi  veri  Capitis  partes  gerit,  .  .  .  at 
Ccesar  ut  caput  regale,"  &c. — "  the  Pope  as  a  priestly  Head 
doth  execute  the  OflBce  of  Christ  the  true  Head,  but  we  may 

of  the  former  and  twelve  of  the  latter  y  [Seethe  AnswertoLa  Millet. i).29.] 

(.Touni.  of  the  H.  of  Lords,  quoted  by  ^  Respons.  ad  Quaest.  74.  [p.  527. 

Collier,  as  above,  p.  82).]  Lovan.  1567.] 

=t  24  Hen.  VIII.  c.  12.  ["  For  tlie  »  Respons.  ad  Quaest.  75.  [ibid.] 
Restraint  of  Appeals,"  §  1.] 

I  2 


116 


A  JUST  A  INDICATIOX  OF 


Part  also  truly  say,  tliat  the  emperor  doth  execute  the  Office  of 
j-j^j^^^'  —  Christ  as  a  kiugly  Head and  so  he  concludeth,  "  Christ 
xxviii.  18.]  said  of  Himself,  all  power  is  given  Me  both  iu  Heaven  and 
earth;  in  utrdque  ergo  potestate,  &c. — therefore  -we  cannot 
doubt  but  Christ  hath  His  deputies  for  both  these  powers 
the  Pope  in  the  Chm'ch,  the  emperor  in  the  commonwealth. 
Thus  writes  the  Pope's  own  legate  to  his  brotlier  legates  in 
the  Tridentine  Council,  when  he  desired  to  favour  his  master 
as  much  as  he  coiild. 

But  I  proceed  to  our  statute.  The  King  of  England  '  hath,' 
that  is,  already  in  present  by  the  fundamental  constitution  of 
the  monarchy, nots/t«//  have  from  henceforth;  "j^lenary  jmver," 
without  the  license,  or  help,  or  concurrence  of  any  foreign 
prelate  or  potentate ;  "plenary"  not  solitary ;  'to  reaAev  final 
justice,'  that  is,  to  receive  the  last  appeals  of  his  own  svibjects 
without  fear  of  any  review  from  Rome,  or  at  Rome ;  'for  all 
matters,'  ecclesiastical  and  temporal,  ecclesiastical  by  his 
Bishops,  temporal  by  his  judges.  There  is  a  great  difference 
between  a  king's  administering  justice  in  ecclesiastical  causes 
by  himself,  and  by  his  Bishops.  Listen  to  the  canon  of  the 
Mile^-itan  Council'' :  "It  hath  pleased  the  Synod,  that  what" 
(Bishop)  "  soever  shall  request  of  the  emperor  the  cognizance 
of  public  judgment"  (in  some  cases),  "he  be  deprived  of  his 
honour ;  but  if  he  petition  to  the  emperor  for  Episcopal 
judgment"  (that  is,  to  make  Bishops  his  deputies  or  commis- 
sioners to  hear  it),  "  it  should  not  prejudice  him."  They 
forbid  a  Bishop  of  his  own  accord,  in  those  days,  and  in  some 
cases,  to  make  his  first  address  for  justice  to  a  secular  magis- 
trate :  but  they  do  not  forbid  him  to  appear  before  a  secular 
magistrate  being  cited ;  and  they  allow  him  in  aU  cases, 
though  of  pure  ecclesiastical  cognizance,  to  seek  to  a  sove- 
reign prince  for  an  equal  indiflferent  hearing  by  Bishops 
delegated  and  authorized  by  him. 

The  testimony  of  this  statute  is  so  clear  and  authentic  in 
itself,  that  it  need  not  be  corroborated  with  any  other  Acts  of 

I.  the  same  kind.  Yet  three  things  are  urged  against  it.  First, 
that  Henry  the  Eighth  at  this  time  was  a  favourer  of  the 

II.  Protestants.    Secondly,  that  he  cared  not  for  religion,  but 

Concil.  Milevitan.  Secund.  [A.  D.     ii.  p.  1542.] 
416.]  Can.  19.  [ap.  Labb.  Concil.  torn. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


117 


64  looked  only  to  tlie  satisfaction  of  his  own  humours  and  lusts.  Discoukse 

Thirdly,  that  to  withhold  due  obedience  is  as  schismatical  as  — —  

to  withdraw  it ;  and  that  the  reformed  Church  of  England 
may  be  innocent  of  the  one,  and  yet  guilty  and  accessary  to 
the  other. 

I.  To  the  first  exception  I  rex^ly,  That  Henry  the  Eighth  was  HenryViii. 
so  far,  both  then  and  long  after,  from  being  a  friend  or  the  Pro- 
favourer  of  the  Protestants,  that  he  was  a  most  bitter  perse- 
cutor  of  them ; — (after  this  the  Pope  himself,  though  he  was 
not  well  pleased  to  lose  so  sweet  a  morsel  as  England  was,  so 
well  approved  of  Henry  the  Eighth's  rigorous  proceedings 
against  the  Protestants,  that  he  proposed  him  to  the  emperor 
as  a  pattern  for  his  imitation*^ ;) — insomuch  as  some  strangers 
in  those  days,  coming  into  England,  have  admired  to  see 
one  sulfer  for  denying  the  Pope's  supremacy,  and  another  for 
being  a  Protestant,  at  the  same  time  ;  so,  though  they  looked 
divers  ways,  j-et,  like  Samson's  foxes,  each  had  his  firebrand  [Judg.  xv. 
at  his  tail. 

But,  to  clear  this  point  home,  there  needs  no  more  but  to 
view  the  order  of  the  statutes  made  concerning  religion  and 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  in  the  reign  of  that  king. 

The  Act  for  no  person  to  be  cited  out  of  his  own  diocese, 
except  in  certain  cases'' ;  the  Act  prohibiting  all  appeals 
out  of  England  to  the  Com-t  of  Rome^;  the  Act  for  the  sub- 
mission of  the  clergy  to  the  King*^;  the  Act  for  payment  of 
First-fruits  to  the  Crown  an  Act  for  exoneration  from 
all  exactions  of  the  Court  of  Rome'' ;  the  Act  declaring  the 
King  to  be  supreme  Head  of  the  Chui'ch  of  England' ;  an 
Act  against  Popish  Bulls,  faculties,  and  dispensations  ;  and 
the  Act  for  utterly  extinguishing  the  usurped  authority  of  the 
Roman  Bishop' ; — were  all,  or  the  most  of  them,  enacted 
before  the  eight-and-twentieth  year  of  Henry  the  Eighth. 
And  if  my  notes  fail  me  not  (for  y\e  are  chased  from  om' 
books),  they  were  all  received  and  established  in  Ireland  the 

'  [A.D.  1539.]  Hist.  Concil.  Trident.  Fruits,  with  the  yearly  Pensions  to  the 

lib.  i.  [p.  69.  Lond.  1620.]  King,"  is  26  Henry  VIII.  c.  3.] 

23  Henry  VIII.  [e.  9.]  i>  25  Henry  VIII.  [c.  21.  "  concerning 

^  24  Henry  VIII.  [c.  12.]  Peter  pence  and  Dispensations."] 

'  25  Henry  VIII.  [c.  19.]  '  26  Hen.  VIII.  [c.  1.] 

^  25  Henry  VIII.  [c.  20.  "  For  the  28  Hen.  VIII.  [c.  16.] 

non-payment  of  First  Fruits  to  the  Bp.  '  28  Hen.  VIII.  [c.  10.] 
of  Rome."    The  Act  "for  the  First 


118 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


p  A  u  T  very  same  year,  tlie  Lord  Gray  being  then  Lord  Deputy  of 
- — ■  —  Ireland™.    All  this  wliilc  there  were  no  thoughts  of  any 
reformation ;  all  this  while  the  Protestants  found  little  grace 
from  King  Henry ;  nor  indeed  throughout  his  whole  reign, 
ordinarily. 

The  Au-  As  for  the  suppression  of  monasteries  in  his  time,  I 
nioiiof  m'o-  shall  deal  clearly,  and  declare  what  I  conceive  to  be  the 
[ami  orthe  j^^gi^snt  of  moderate  English  Protestants  concerning  that 

siippiac.  fict. 

tiicm  by  First,  wc  fear  that  covetousness  had  a  great  oar  in  the  boat, 
vnL];  ^i^tl  that  sundry  of  the  principal  actors  had  a  greater  aim  at 
the  goods  of  the  Church,  than  at  the  good  of  the  Church  :  or 
otherwise,  why  did  they  not  (as  they  pretended  and  gave  out) 
preserve  the  spoils  of  the  cloisters  for  public  and  charitable 
uses,  as  the  foundation  of  hospitals,  and  freeing  the  common- 
wealth from  a  great  part  of  its  necessary  charges  ?  why  did 
thc}^  not  restore  the  appropriated  (or,  as  we  call  them  truly, 
iinpropriatcA)  tithes  to  the  incumbents  and  la^rful  owners, 
who  had  actual  cure  of  souls,  from  Avliom  they  had  been  un- 
justly withheld"  ?  especially  considering  that  in  some  parishes 
the  poor  vicar's  stipend  was  not  sufficient  to  maintain  a  good 
ploughman.  The  monks  pretended  that  they  had  able 
members  to  discharge  the  cure  of  souls,  and  what  difference 
whether  the  incumbent  were  a  single  person  or  an  aggregated 
body;  but  Avhat  mere  laymen  coidd  pretend  is  beyond  my 
understanding. 

Secondhr,  we  examine  not  whether  the  abuses  which  were 
then  brought  to  light  were  true  or  feigned;  but  this  we  be- 
lieve, that  foundations,  which  were  good  in  their  original  in- 
stitution, ought  not  to  be  destroyed  for  accessary  abuses,  or 
for  the  faults  of  particular  persons.  So  we  should  neither 
leave  a  sun  in  heaven,  for  that  hath  been  adored  by  Pagans  ; 
nor  a  spark  of  fire,  or  any  eminent  creature,  how  beneficial 
soever,  upon  earth,  for  they  have  all  been  abused.  Therefore 
Lycurgus  is  justly  condemned,  because  out  of  a  hatred  to 


[28  Hen.  VIII.  cc.  5,  6,  8,  13, 1!), 
26,  ill  Sir  Ricli.  Bolton's  Irish  Stat., 
Dubl.  1021.] 

"  Supplication  of  Beggars,  [in  Foxc, 
Acts  ami  Monum.,  bk.  viii.  vol.  ii.  pp. 


229,  &c.,  which  affirms  that  more 
than  a  third  part  of  the  realm  was 
then  (A.  D.  1.527)  in  ecclesiastical 
hands.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


119 


drunkenness  he  cut  down  all  the  vines  in  Sparta,  whereas  he  Discouuse 

should  have  brought  the  fountains  of  water  nearer".   —  

Thirdly,  when  the  clergy  in  a  kingdom  are  really  (and  not 
upon  the  feigned  pretences  of  sacrilegious  persons),  grown  to 
that  excessive  grandeur,  that  they  quite  overbalance  the  laity, 
and  leave  the  commonwealth  neither  sufficient  men  nor  suffi- 
cient means  to  maintain  itself;  it  is  lawful  by  prudent  laws 
C5to  restrain  their  further  groAvth,  as  our  ancestors  and  all  the 
nations  of  Europe  have  done  by  prohibiting  new  foundations  of 
Religious  houses  and  the  alienation  of  lands  to  the  Chiirch 
without  special  license ;  as  we  shall  see  hereafterP.  And  if 
the  excess  be  so  exorbitant,  that  it  is  absolutely  and  evi- 
dently destructive  to  the  constitution  of  the  commonwealth, 
it  is  lawful  (upon  some  conditions  and  cautions  not  necessary 
to  be  here  inserted)  to  prune  the  superfluous  branches,  and 
to  reduce  them  to  a  right  temper  and  equiHbrium,  for  the 
preservation  and  well-being  of  the  whole  body  politic.  It 
hath  been  always  held  lawful  in  some  cases  to  alienate  some 
things,  that  had  formerly  been  given  to  the  Church ;  as  for 
the  redemption  of  Christian  captives,  for  the  sustenance  of 
poor  Christians,  who  are  'Hving  temples,'  in  the  days  of  [iPet.ii.s.] 
famine,  and  for  preservation  of  the  Church  itself  from  demo- 
lition''. But  eradication,  to  pluck  up  good  institutions  root 
and  branch,  is  not  reformation,  which  we  profess,  but  de- 
striiction. 

To  conclude  this  digression.  So  as  monasteries  were 
moderated  in  their  number,  and  in  their  revenues ;  so  as  the 
monks  were  restrained  from  meddling  between  the  pastor  and 
his  flock,  that  is,  the  bark  and  the  tree,  as  it  was  of  old, — 
'  monachus  in  oppido  piscis  in  arido' — 'a  monk  in  a  great 
town  was  thouglit  like  a  fish  upon  dry  land  so  as  the 
abler  sort,  who  are  not  taken  up  with  higher  studies  or 
weightier  employments,  were  inured  to  bestow  their  spare 
houi's  from  their  devotions  in  some  profitable  labour  for  the 
public  good,  that  idleness  might  be  stripped  of  the  cloak  of 

°  [Plutarcli,  De  Poet.  Audiend.,  Op.  Eccles.,  bk.  v.  c.  6.  §  6.] 

Moral,  torn.  i.  p.  40.  ed.  Wyttenb.  '  [In  allusion  to  a  saying  of  S.  An- 

Tlie  story  relates  to  the  Thracian,  not  tony  reported  by  S.  Athanasias  in  Vita 

the  Spartan,  Lvcurgus.]  Anton.,  c.  85.,  Op.  torn.  i.  P.  ii.  p.  859. 

I"  [c.  iv.  pp.'l  11,  &c.]  B.  ed.  Bened.] 

''  [See  authorities  in  Biughani,  Orig. 


120 


A  JU«T  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    Contemplative  devotion ;  so  as  the  vow  of  perpetual  celibate 

 were  reduced  to  the  form  of  our  English  Universities,  so  long 

a  fellow  so  long  unmarried,  or  of  the  Canonesses  and  Biggins* 
on  the  other  side  the  seas,  which  are  no  longer  restrained 
from  wedlock  than  they  retain  their  places  or  habits ;  so  as 
theii'  blind  obedience  were  more  enlightened,  and  secured  by 
some  certain  rules  and  bounds ;  so  as  theii*  mock  poverty 
(for  what  is  it  else  to  profess  want  and  swim  in  abundance  ?) 
were  changed  into  a  competent  maintenance  ;  and,  lastly,  so 
as  all  opinion  of  satisfaction  and  supererogation  were  removed; 
I  do  not  see  why  monasteries  might  not  agree  well  enough 
with  reformed  devotion. 
HenryViii.  So  then,  Hcniy  the  Eighth  at  the  time  of  liis  secession 
Protest-  from  Rome,  and  long  after,  even  so  long  as  he  lived,  was 
neither  friend  nor  favourer  of  the  ensuing  reformation,  nor 
ordinarily  of  Protestants  in  their  persons.  As  may  yet  more 
manifestly  appear  by  that  cruel  statute  of  the  Six  Articles 
which  he  made  after  all  this,  in  the  one-and-thirtieth  year  of 
his  reign,  as  a  trap  to  catch  the  hves  of  the  poor  Protestants : 
a  law  both  "^writ  in  blood'  and  executed  in  blood. 
Much  less  But  suppose  that  Henry  the  Eighth  had  been  a  friend  to 
joined  with  Protestants,  what  shall  we  say  to  all  the  Orders  of  the  king- 
separatimi  ^om  ?  What  shall  Ave  say  to  the  Synods,  to  the  Universities, 
from  Rome.  ^j^g  four-and-twenty  Bishops,  and  nine-and-twenty  Abbots, 
who  consented  to  this  Act  ?  were  all  these  schismatics  ? 
Were  Heath,  Bonner,  Tonstall,  Gardiner,  Stokesley,  Thurleby, 
&c.  all  schismatics  ?  If  they  were,  then  schismatics  were  the 
greatest  opposers  of  the  Reformation,  the  greatest  enemies  of 
the  Protestants,  and  the  greatest  pillars  and  upholders  of  the 
Roman  rehgion.  These  were  they  that  granted  the  supremacy 
to  King  Hemy  the  Eighth, — iVi'chbishop  Warham  told  him 
it  was  his  right  to  have  it  before  the  Pope ;  these  were  they 
that  preached  up  the  supremacy  of  the  King  at  St.  Paul's 
Cross,  and  defended  his  supremacy  in  printed  books ;  these 
consented  to  the  Acts  of  Parliament  for  his  supremacy  and 
the  extinguishing  of  the  power  of  the  Roman  Bishop  in  Eng- 
land ;  these  were  they  who  helped  to  make  the  oath  of  supre- 
macy, and  took  it  themselves";  and  all  others  of  any  note 

'  [i.  e.  Beguines.]  "  [See  authority  for  these  statements 

<  31  Hen.  VIII.  [c.  14.]  in  Foxe,]  Acts  and  Mouum.,  Kn.  1534, 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


121 


throughout  England,  except  only  Fisher,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  Discourse 

and  Sir  Thomas  More,  who  were  in  prison,  before  it  was  en  '-  

acted,  for  opposing  the  King's  marriage"  and  the  succession 
of  his  children  to  the  crown  after  it  was  ordained  in  Parlia- 
ment. And  wise  men  have  thought  that  the  former  had 
taken  it,  if  he  had  not  been  retarded  by  the  expectation  of  a 
Cardinal's  hat,  which  was  come  as  far  as  Calais y. 

Or  rather  what  shall  we  say  to  the  whole  body  of  the  England 
kingdom,  if  we  may  beheve  the  testimony  of  Stephen  Gar-  casUng^ 
diner  Bishop  of  Winchester,  a  learned  person  of  very  near  '^^^^'^ 
relation  to  King  Henry,  and  in  all  other  things  a  great 
zealot  of  the  Roman  CathoUc  party,  in  his  book  "  Of  True 
66  Obedience,"  pubhshed  with  a  preface  to  it  made  by  Bishop 
Bonner  ^.    Thus  he, — "No  foreign  Bishop  hath  authority 
among  us . all  sorts  of  people  are  agreed  with  us  upon 
this  point  with  most  stedfast  consent,  that  no  manner  of 
person,  bred  or  brought  up  in  England,  hath  ought  to  do  mth 
Rome      a  full  confession  of  an  able  adversary,  to  which  I  see 
not  what  can  be  excepted,  unless  it  be  said  of  him,  as  it  was 
of^Eneas  Sylvias'^, ' Stephanus  probavit,  Wintoniensis  negavit' 
• — '  Doctor  Gardiner  approved  it,  but  the  Bishop  of  Winchester 
retracted  it.'    Admit  it  were  so,  as  it  was  indeed,  what  is 


1538.  [bk.  viii.]  vol.  ii.  pp.  278,  &c.— 
Concion.  Tonstall  [ibid.  pp.  284,  &c.] 
et  Longlamis  [ibid.  pp.  326,  &c. — and 
for  the  saying  here  attributed  to  Abp. 
Warham,  Strjpe's  Cranmer,  bk.  i.  c.  4; 
but  the  truth  of  the  anecdote  seems  in- 
consistent both  with  the  public  conduct 
of  that  Archbishop  in  the  management 
of  the  Synod  of  1530,  that  granted  the 
regal  supremacy  (Antiquit.  Britann. 
Eccles.,  p.  325.  Hanov.  Iti05,— Col- 
lier, Pt.  ii.  bk.  i.  vol.  ii.  p.  G2.),  and 
with  his  private  protest  after  that  Synod 
(Wilkins,  Concil.,  torn.  iii.  p.  74()). 
Foxe  also  only  states  generally  (p.  326), 
that  "there  was  appointed  every  Simday 
a  Bishop  to  preach  at  Paul's  Cross 
against  the  supremacy  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome."  The  sermons  of  Tonstall,  Bp. 
of  Durham,  and  Longlands,  Bp.  of 
Lincoln,  were  both  preached  before  the 
King,  the  first  in  1534,  the  second  in 
1538.] 

»  "  Hist,  aliquot  nostri  Saeculi  Mar- 
tyrum,"  [sect,  concern.  Sir  Thomas 
More,  fol.  7,  a.]  edit.  an.  1550  [by 


Maurice  Chawney,  a  Carthusian  monk. 
See  Wood's  Athen.  O.xon.  by  Bliss, 
vol.  i.  pp.  459,  460.  It  is  quoted  by 
King  James,  as  in  next  note.] 

^  Apolog.  Jac.  Regis  pro  Juram. 
Fidel,  [p.  108.  Lond.  1609.] 

z  "De  Vera  Obedientia,"  [first  publ. 
in  1534-1535  in  London,  and  again 
at  Hamburgh  with  Bonner's  Preface  in 
1536  (Tanner's  Bibliolh.  Britannico- 
Hibern.,  art.  Gardiner).  The  passages 
here  quoted  are  in  pp.  812.  817.  of  the 
reprint  of  it  (with  Bonner's  Preface)  in 
Brown's  Appendix  to  Gratius,  Fascieul. 
Rer.  Expetend.  et  Fugiend.,  Lond. 
1690.  Gardiner  is  said  (see  the  Biogr. 
Brit.,  art.  Gardiner,  note  B.)  to  have 
been  the  illegitimate  son  of  a  Dr.  Wood- 
vill.  Bp.  of  Salisbury,  who  was  brother 
to  Elizabeth,  queen  of  Edw.  IV.  and 
grandmother  of  Henry  VIII.] 

^  ["  Ne,  quae  fuerunt  /Eneae,  dican- 
tur  Pii ;"  are  the  words  of  /Eneas  Syl- 
vius himself  in  his  "Bidla  Retractatio- 
num,"  prefixed  to  his  works,  Basil, 
1571.] 


122 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  that  to  the  stedfast  unanimous  consent  of  the  whole  king- 

 dom  ?  which  appears  not  only  from  hence^  but  from  Tonstall's 

Epistle  to  Cardinal  Pole,  and  Bekenshaw's  Commentary 
"Of  the  Sovereign  and  Absolute  Power  of  Kings,"  as  Hkewise 
"Of  the  Difference  between  Kingly  and  Ecclesiastical  Power  V' 
and,  lastly  and  principally,  by  a  book  set  forth  by  the 
English  Convocation,  called  "  The  Institution  of  a  Christian 
And  lie-  man"'."  And  to  shew  yet  further,  that  Ireland  was  unani- 
laiid-  mous  herein  with  England,  we  find  in  the  three-and-thirtieth 
year  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  which  was  before  all  thoughts  of 
reformation,  not  the  Irish  only,  as  the  O  Neals,  O  ReUlys, 
O  Birnes,  O  Carrols,  &c.,  but  also  the  English  famiUes,  as  the 
Desmonds,  Barries,  Roches,  Bourkes,  Avhose  posterities  do 
still  continue  zealous  Romanists,  did  make  their  submissions 
by  indenture  to  Sir  Anthony  Sellenger,  then  chief  governor 
of  that  kingdom,  wherein  they  '  acknowledged  King  Henry 
to  be  their  sovereign  lord,  and  confessed  the  King's  supre- 
macy in  all  causes,  and  utterly  renounced  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Pope''/  So  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  might  well  say, 
that  there  was  an  universal  and  stedfast  consent  in  the 
separation  from  Rome*^. 
The  pre-  H-  The  second  exception  weighs  so  little,  that  it  scarce  de- 
crlmes  of   ^ervetli  an  answer.    Admitting,  but  not  granting,  that  any 


formation. 


HenryViii.  or  all  the  calumnies  of  that  party  against  Henrv  the  Eighth 

no  blemish                         ,          „  ^.          ,  ,         ?              -i-    "       i  i  i 

to  the  Re-  were  true,  whereof  divers  by  their  impossibility  and  by  the 
contradiction  of  their  authors  do  carry  their  own  coudem- 

•>  Cited  by  King  James  in  his  "  Tri-  Archdeacons  (Bonner  included,  then 
plici  Nodo  Triplex  Cuneus,  [sive  Apol.  Archdeacon  of  Leicester),  and  by  seven- 
pro  Juram.  Fidel.,"  p.  107.]  printed  an.  teen  of  the  other  clergy.] 
1609.  [Tonstall's  Epistle  is  in  Foxe,  Council  Book  of  Ireland;  32,  33, 
Acts  and  Monuin.,  bk.  viii.  vol.  ii.  pp.  34,  of  Hen.  VIII. 

289,  &c.,  and  dates  in  l'>:'A.  Bekeu-  e  [That  the  renu7icialion  o(  the  Papal 
shaw  (or  Bekiusau)  published  his  tract  supremacy  was  universal  or  nearly  so, 
"  De  Supremo  et  Absolute  Regis  Im-  see  AVharton's  Observations  on  Strype's 
perio"  in  1546;  and  that  "  De  Vera  Cranmer,  p.  25,  1.  40,  quoted  by  Collier, 
Differentia  Regiffi  et  Ecclesiasticae  Po-  Ch.  Hist.,  Pt.  ii.  bk.  ii.  vol.  ii.  p.  94,  and 
testatis  "  (by  Fox,  Bp.  of  Hereford,  but  the  declarations  themselves  of  the  clergy 
one  of  those  eomnionly  called  the  King's  in  Rymer's  Fcedera,  vol.  xiv.  pp.  487- 
books)  was  first  published  in  1534:  see  527.  It  was  about  an  earlier  and  en- 
Wood's  Athen.  Oxon.  by  Bliss,  vol.  i.  tirely  distinct  question,  viz.  the  ^ran<m^ 
pp.  307,  308;  and  Tanner's  Biblioth.  of  the  re^«?  supremacy  (see  Collier,  as 
Britannic.  Hibern.,  art.  Edw.  Fox.]  above,  bk.  i.  pp.  62,  &c.),  that  the  difR- 
[Published  in  1537,  and  commonly  culties  and  divisions  arose.  Bramhall 
called  the  Bishops'  Book.  See  the  sect.  has  weakened  his  argument  unneces- 
'  On  the  Sacram.  of  Orders,'  fol.  44,  b.  sarily  by  not  clearly  distinguishing  the 
&c.  The  preface  is  sitrned  by  twenty-  two.] 
one,  i.  e.  by  all  the  Bishops,  by  eight 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  123 

nation  written  in  their  foreheads ;  and  although  Henry  the  Discourse 

Eighth  had  been  our  reformer,  as  he  was  not ;  yet  all  this  '  

would  signify  nothing  as  to  this  present  question.    God  doth  [2  Kings  x. 
often  good  Avorlcs  by  ill  agents.    Jehu^s  'heart  was  not  up-  [2  sam. 
right  towards  the  Lord/  yet  God  used  him  as  an  instrument  Ps"xvui. 
to  reform  His  Church  and  to  punish  the  worshippers  of  Baal.  ^2  Kings  x 
We  have  heard  of  late  of  an  aggregative  treason*,  not  known  18-28.] 
before  in  the  world ;  but  never  until  now  of  an  aggregative 
schism.  The  addition  of  twenty  sins  of  another  nature  cannot 
make  that  to  be  schism  which  is  not  schism  in  itself.  We 
are  sorry  for  his  sins  under  a  condition,  that  is,  in  case  they 
were  true,  which  for  part  of  them  we  have  no  great  reason  to 
believe ;  but  we  are  absolutely  withovit  condition  glad  of  our 
own  liberty.    The  truth  is,  God  Almighty  did  serve  Himself 
of  a  most  unlawful  dispensation  granted  by  the  Pope  to  King 
Henry  the  Eighth,  to  marry  his  brother^s  wife,  as  an  occasion 
of  this  great  work : — I  say  unlawful,  because  it  was  after 
judged  unlawful  by  the  Universities  of  England,  Prance, 
Italy,  after  mature  deliberation,  and  some  of  them  upon  oath, 
and  by  above  a  hundred  foreign  doctors  of  principal  reputa- 
tion for  learnings.    The  coals  of  the  King's  suspicion  were 
kindled  in  Spain,  France,  and  Flanders,  no  enemies  to  the 
Pope ;  and  blown  by  Cardinal  Wolsey  for  sinister  ends ;  but 
it  was  Cranmer  that  struck  the  nail  home  :  and  God  disposed 
all  things  to  His  own  glory. 

III.  To  their  third  exception,  that  to  withhold  obedience  is 
schismatical  as  well  as  to  withdraw  it ;  I  answer  first,  that 
they  cannot  accuse  us  as  accessaries  to  schism,  until  they 
have  first  condemned  their  own  great  patrons,  champions, 
and  confessors,  for  the  principal  schismatics.  Did  Roman 
Catholics  themselves  find  right  and  suflBcient  reason  to  turn 
the  Pope  out  of  England  at  the  fore-door  in  fair  daylight,  as  an 
intruder  and  usurper ;  and  do  they  expect  that  Protestants, 


f  [Viz.  in  the  case  of  tlie  Earl  of 
Straftbrd,  in  whose  fate,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, Bramhall  was  himself  nearly 
involved.] 

"=  HoUnshed,  in  Hen.  VIII.  pp.  923, 
&c.  [Lond.l 587.]— Hall,  22Hen.VIII. 

[fol.  185,  b.  &c.    Loud.  1550  The 

foreign  Universities,  mentioned  by  both 
chroniclers,    were  those    of  Orleans, 


Paris  (and  the  Faculty  of  Paris),  An- 
jou,  Bourges,  Toulouse,  Bologna,  and 
Padua.  Their  decrees  were  published 
together  in  Latin  and  in  English  in 
1532,  and  may  be  seen  in  the  former 
language  in  the  Records  to  Burnet's 
Hist,  of  the  Reform.,  vol.  i.  bk.  li. 
No.  34.] 


134  A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 

Part    Avlio  nevcr  had  any  relation  to  liim^  slionld  let  liim  in  again 
— — '■  by  stealth  at  the  back  door  ? 

"Turpids  ejicitur,  quim  iion  adniittitur,  hospes''." 

It  is  true.  Queen  Mary  afterwards  ga^  e  him  house-room 
again  in  England  for  a  short  time.    But  he  raged  so  ex- 
tremely, and  made  such  bonfires  of  poor  innocent  Christians 
in  every  corner  of  the  kingdom,  that  it  is  no  marvel  if  they 
desired  his  room  rather  than  his  company. 
Our  laws       I  have  often  Avondered  how  anj^  rational  man  could  satisfy 
cruer       himself  so  as  to  make  the  severity  of  ou.r  laws,  or  the  rigour  6, 
Rodman  priiiccs,  siucc  the  Reformation,  a  motive  to  his  revolt 

Catholics,  fj-om  our  Church.  Surely  the  Inquisition  was  quite  out  of 
his  mind.  But  I  meddle  not  with  foreign  affairs  : — he  might 
have  considered,  that  more  Protestants  suffered  death  in  the 
short  reign  of  Queen  Mary,  men,  women,  and  children,  than 
Roman  CathoUcs  in  all  the  longer  reigns  of  all  our  princes 
since  the  Reformation  put  together' ;  the  former  by  fire  and 
faggot,  a  cruel  lingering  torment,  '  ut  sentirent  se  mori'' — 
'that  they  might  feel  themselves  to  die  by  degrees;'  the 
other  by  the  gibbet,  with  some  opprobrious  circumstances  to 
render  their  sufferings  more  exemplary  to  others ;  the  former 
merely  and  immediately  for  religion,  because  they  would  not 
be  Roman  Catholics,  without  any  the  least  pretext  of  the 
■v  iolation  of  any  political  law  ;  the  latter  not  merely  and  im- 
mediately for  religion, — because  they  were  Roman  Catholics, — 
for  many  known  Roman  Cathohcs  in  England  have  Hved  and 
died  in  greater  plenty  and  power  and  reputation  in  every 

•>  [Ovid., Trist., lib.  v.  Eleg.  vi.  v.  13.]  land,  not  for  Religion  but  for  Treason," 

«  [The  number  of  those  who  suffered  printed  in  1.58.3  ;  to  which  the  third  Part 

death  for  their  religion  in  Queen  IMary's  of  Bridgwater's  Concertatio,  &c.  was  a 

reign  (i.e.  within  a  little  more  than  live  reply),  King  Jtmcs  (Apol.,  &c.  as  quoted 

years'  ^pacc)  is  said  to  have  been  no  in  note  1.  and  Ucclarat.  to  all  Christian 

less  than  two  hundred  and  sevciilv-sevcn  Kin;^-;,  Princes,  and  Orders,  in  fin.),  and 

(see  Collier's  Ch.  Jlist.,  Pt.  ii.  l,k.  v.  Abp.  Laud  (.Speech  in  the  Star-chamber 

vol.  ii.  p.  ;397);   whereas  the  largest  npon  the  Condemnation  of  Bastwick, 

number,   that  Bridgwater  (.\(]uapon-  Burton,  and  Prynne,  pp.  37,  38.  Lend, 

tanus)  can  reckon,  of  Roman  Catholic  1()37)  ;  as  quoted  by  Jer.  Taylor,  Serm. 

martyrs'  from  1.5-58  to  lo88,  a  space  of  on  Xov.  .•ith,^\'orks,  vol.vi.pp.  591,&c. — 

thirty  years,  is  but  one  hundred  and  and  the  Rcplic.  tn  the  Bp.  of  Chalcedon, 

forty-seven  (Concert.  Eccles.  Cathol.  in  c.  iv.  pji.  181,  cVc,  Discourse  iii.  Pt.  :.] 
Anglia,  P.  iii.  in  fin.).    That  the  latter        >  ["  Ita  feri,  iit  .ic  scntiat  viori,"  was 

were  put  to  death  for  treason,  see  the  the  injunction  of  Caligula  to  the  execu- 

successive  testimonies  of  Lord  Bur-  tioners  of  his  victims ;  Sueton.  in  Caio, 

leigh  ("  Execution  of  Justice  in  Eng-  c.  30.  p.  424.  ed.  Graev.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


125 


prince's  reign  since  the  Reformation,  than  an  English  Pro-  Discourse 

testant  could  live  among  the  Irish  Roman  Catholics  since  — 

their  insurrection.^(If  a  subject  was  taken  at  Mass  itself  in 
England,  which  was  very  rare,  it  was  but  a  pecuniary  mulct : 
no  stranger  Avas  ever  questioned  about  his  religion.  I  may 
not  here  omit  King  James  his  affirmation'',  that  no  man  in 
his  reign,  or  in  the  reign  of  his  predecessor  Queen  Elizabeth, 
did  suffer  death  for  conscience'  sake  or  religion.) — But  they 
suffered  for  the  ^dolation  of  civil  laws :  as  either  for  not  ac- 
knowledging the  political  supremacy  of  the  King  in  ecclesi- 
astical causes  over  ecclesiastical  persons,  which  is  all  that  we 
assert ;  which  the  Roman  Catholics  themselves  iu  Henry  the 
Eighth's  days  did  maintain  as  much  or  perhaps  more  than  we  : 
— (we  want  not  the  consent  of  their  own  schools,  or  the  concur- 
rentpractice  of  kings  and  parliaments  of  their  own  communion; 
as  Sancta  Clara'  doth  confess, — "  Valde  miilti  doctores,  SfC." 
— "  Veiy  many  doctors  do  hold,  that,  for  the  piiblic  benefit  of 
the  commonwealth,  princes  have  jurisdiction  in  many  causes, 
otherwise  being  of  ecclesiastical  cognizance,  by  positive  Divine 
law,  and  by  the  law  of  natiu-e and  though  himself  seem 
rather  to  adhere  to  others  who  ascribe  unto  them  merely 
a  civil  power,  yet  he  ackuowledgeth,  with  the  stream  of 
schoolmen,  that  'by  their  sovereign  office,  by  accident  and 
indirectly,  for  the  defence  of  the  commonwealth  and  the 
preservation  of  public  justice  and  peace,  they  have  great 
power  over  ecclesiastical  persons  in  ecclesiastical  causes  in 
many  cases "  as  they  may  command  Bishops  to  dispose 
their  spiritual  affaii-s  to  the  peace  of  the  common-n  ealth,  they 
may  remove  the  froward  from  their  offices,"  "they  may  defend 
the  oppressed  clergy  from  the  unjust  oppressions  of  ecclesi- 
astical judges,  &c. which  he  confesseth  to  be  as  much  as 
our  Article  setteth  forth  :  what  the  practice  of  other  kings 
and  princes  is  herein,  we  shall  see  more  fully  when  I  come 
to  handle  my  fifth  pi-oposition™  :) — or  else  for  returning  into 
the  kingdom  so  qualified  with  forbidden  orders,  as  the  laws 
of  the  land  do  not  allow  (the  state  of  Venice  doth  not,  the 
kingdom  of  France  hath  not,  abhorred  fi-om  the  like  laws)  ; 
or,  lastly,  for  attempting  to  seduce  some  of  the  King's  sub- 


^  Apolog.  [pro  Juram.  Fidel.,  pp.  '  In  Artie.  37.  [pp.  -lOO,  410.1 
lC-21.]  "  [c.  vii.] 


126 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  jects  from  the  religion  established  in  the  land.    In  aU  these 

 ~        caseSj  besides  religion  thei'e  is  something  of  election ;  'he  that 

loves  danger  doth  often  perish  in  it/  The  truth  is  this;  'a  hard 
knot  must  have  a  hea^y  mall  •/  dangerous  and  bloody  positions 
and  practices  produce  severe  laws.  No  kingdom  is  destitute 
of  necessary  remedies  for  its  own  conservation.  If  all  were 
of  my  mind,  as  I  believe  many  are,  I  could  wish  that  all 
seditious  opinions,  and  over-rigorous  statutes,  Avitli  the 
memory  of  them,  were  buried  together  in  perpetual  obHvion. 
I  hold  him  scarce  a  good  Christian  that  would  not  cast  on 
one  spade  fuU  of  earth  towards  their  interment.  Pardon  this 
digression,  if  it  be  one  :  cruelty  is  a  symptom  of  schism. 
Thoughthe     Secondlv,  I  answer,  that,  though  the  Romanists  could  be 

first  sepa-  "  '         >  u 

rators  were  contented  to  brand  their  own  fi-iends  for  the  principal  schis- 
ics,  we  are  matics,  yet  they  shall  never  be  able  to  prove  us  accessaries, 
or  fasten  the  same  crime  upon  us,  who  found  the  separation 
made  to  our  hands ;  who  never  had  any  thing  to  do  with 
Rome ;  who  never  owed  them  any  service  but  the  reciprocal 
duty  of  love ;  who  never  did  any  act  to  oblige  us  to  them,  or 
to  disoblige  us  from  them.  Indeed  it  were  sometliing,  if 
they  could  produce  a  patent  from  Heaven  of  the  Pope's 
Vicariate  General  under  Christ  over  all  Christians  (but  that 
we  know  they  can  never  do)  ;  or  but  so  much  as  an  old  canon 
of  a  general  Council  that  did  subject  us  to  then-  jurisdiction ; 
so  as  the  same  were  neither  lawfully  revoked,  nor  their  power  CS 
forfeited  by  abuse,  nor  quitted  by  themselves.  Until  then 
they  may  withdraw  their  charge  of  schism. 

Nay,  yet  more,  though  they  could  justify  their  pretended 
title,  yet  we,  acting  nothing,  but  preser^'ing  all  things  in  the 
same  condition  we  found  them,  are  not  censurable  as  formal 
schismatics,  whilst  we  err  inrincibly,  or  but  probably,  and  are 
implicitly  prepared  in  our  minds  to  obey  all  our  just  superiors, 
so  far  as  by  law  Ave  are  bound,  Avhensoever  we  shaU  be  able 
to  understand  their  right. 

There  have  been  many  schisms  in  the  Roman  Chui'ch 
itself.  Sometimes  two  Popes,  sometimes  three  Popes,  at  a 
time.  One  kingdom  submitted  to  one,  this  to  another,  that 
to  a  third,  every  one  believing  him  to  Avhom  he  submitted  to 
be  the  right  Pope,  and  every  one  ready  to  have  submitted 
to  the  right  Pope  if  they  had  known  who  he  was.    Tell  me, 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


127 


were  all  those  that  submitted  to  Antipopes,  presently  schis-  Disrouusi: 

matics  ?    That  were  too  hard  a  censure.     The  Antipopes  '  

themselves  were  the  schismatics,  and  the  Cardinals  that 
elected  them,  and  all  those  who  supported  them  for  avaricious, 
or  ambitious,  or  uncharitable,  ends. 

We  may  apply  to  this  purpose  that  which  St.  Austin"  said 
concerning  heretics  ;  "  Qui  senfentiam  suam,  quamvis  falsam 
atque  perversam,  nulla  pei'tinaci  animositate  defendit,  prcesertim 
quam  non  audacid  prcesumptionis  suae  pepererit,  sed  a  seductis  et 
in  eiTorem  lapsis  parentibus  accepit ;  quarit  autem  cautd  solici- 
tudine  veritatem,  corrigi  paratus  cum  invenerit ;  nequaquam  est 
inter  hareticos  deputandus  " — "  he  that  defends  not  his  false 
ojiinion  with  pertinacious  animosity,  having  not  invented  it 
himself  but  learned  it  from  his  erring  parents  ;  if  he  inquire 
carefully  after  the  truth,  and  be  ready  to  embrace  it,  and  to 
correct  his  errors  when  he  finds  them,  he  is  not  to  be  reputed 
a  heretic." 

If  this  be  true  in  the  case  of  heresy,  it  holds  much  more 
strongly  in  the  case  of  schism,  and  especially  that  schism 
which  is  grounded  only  upon  human  constitutions.  He  that 
disobeys  a  lawful  superior  through  invincible  ignorance,  whom 
he  deserted  not  himself  but  found  him  cast  off  by  his  parents, 
if  he  be  careful  to  understand  his  duty  and  ready  to  submit 
so  far  as  in  justice  he  is  bovind,  he  is  not  to  be  reputed  a 
schismatic.  If  men  might  not  be  saved  by  a  general  and  im- 
plicit repentance,  they  were  in  a  woful  condition;  for  "whops.  xix.  12. 
can  tell  how  oft  he  offendeth  ?  cleanse  Thou  me  from  my 
secret  faults."  And  if  by  general  and  implicit  repentance, 
why  not  by  general  and  implicit  faith  ?  why  not  by  general 
and  implicit  obedience  ?  so  as  they  do  their  uttermost  endea- 
vours to  learn  their  duties,  and  are  ready  to  conform  them- 
selves Avhen  they  know  them.  God  looks  upon  His  creatures 
with  aU  their  prejudices,  and  expects  no  more  of  them  than 
according  to  the  talents  which  He  hath  given  them.  If  I 
had  books  for  that  purpose,  I  might  have  cited  many  laws 
and  many  authors  to  prove,  that  the  final  separation  from 
Rome  was  made  long  before  the  reformation  of  the  Church 

°  August.,  Epist.  1G2.  [cditt.  before     substituted  the  singular  for  the  plural 
Bened. — 43.  ed.  Beued.,  Ad  Gloriiim,     number  tliroughout.] 
&c.,  torn.  ii.  p.  88.  F.  G.  Uramhall  has 


128 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Pa^rt  of  England.  But  it  is  a  truth  so  evident  and  so  undeniable 
by  all  those  who  understand  our  afFairSj  that  I  seem  to  my- 
self to  have  done  overmuch  in  it  ah-eady. 
Protestants  I  do  expcct  that  it  should  be  urged  by  some,  that  there 
of  the*sepa-  was  a  double  separation  of  the  Church  of  England  from  Rome : 
the  "church  ^^^^  former  from  the  Court  of  Rome,  the  second  from  the 
[any  more  Church  of  Rome  ;  the  former  in  point  of  discipline,  the  latter 

than  from    .  .  .  -in  i     •      ^  -i 

the  Court]  lu  pomt  of  doctrinc  ;  the  former  made  m  the  days  of  Henry 
of  Rome.    ^^^^  Eighth,  the  other  in  the  days  of  EdAvard  the  Sixth  :  that 
if  the  Protestants  were  not  guilty  of  the  former,  yet  certainly 
they  were  guilty  of  the  latter. 

To  this  I  give  two  answers.  First,  that  the  second  sepa- 
ration in  point  of  doctrine  doth  not  concern  this  question, 
whether  the  Church  of  England  be  schismatical,  but  another, 
whether  the  Church  of  England  be  heretical  (or  at  least  he- 
terodox, for  every  error  doth  not  presently  make  a  heresy), 
which  cannot  be  determined  without  discussing  the  particu- 
lar difterences  between  the  Cluu'ch  of  Rome  and  the  Church 
of  England.  It  is  an  undeniable  principle  to  which  both 
parties  do  yield  firm  assent,  that  "  they  who  made  the  first 
separation  from  the  primitive  pure  Church,  and  brought  in 
corruptions  in  Faith,  Liturgy,  or  use  of  the  Sacraments"," 
are  the  guilty  party;  yea  though  the  separation  were  not 
local,  but  only  moral,  by  introducing  eiTors  and  innovations 
and  making  no  other  secession.  This  is  the  issue  of  om'  con- 
troversy. If  they  have  innovated  first,  then  we  are  innocent 
and  have  done  no  more  than  our  duties.  It  is  not  the  sepa- 
ration, but  the  cause,  that  makes  a  schismatic.  Secondly,  I  ( 
answer,  that  as  Roman  Cathohcs  (not  Protestants)  were  the 
authors  of  the  separation  of  England  from  the  Court  of 
Rome,  so  the  Coiu-t  of  Rome  itself  (not  Protestants)  made 
the  separation  of  England  from  the  communion  of  the  Chm'ch 
of  Rome,  by  their  unjust  and  tyrannical  censures,  excommu- 
nications, and  interdictions,  which  they  thu^ndered  out  against 
the  realm  for  denying  their  spiritual  sovereignty  by  Divine 
right,  before  any  reformation  made  by  Protestants.  It  was 
not  Protestants  that  left  the  communion  of  the  Church  of 
Rome,  but  the  Court  of  Rome  that  thrust  all  the  English 
nation,  both  Protestants  and  Roman  Cathohcs  together,  out 

"  Mr.  Knott,  Infidelity  Unmasked,  [c.  7.  sect.  112.]  p.  534. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


129 


of  their  doors,  and  chased  them  away  from  them,  when  Pope  Disooiirsk 

Paul  the  Third  excommunicated  and  interdicted  England,  in  

the  days  of  Henry  the  Eiglitli,  before  ever  any  reformation 
was  attempted  by  the  Protestants  p.  In  that  condition  the 
Protestants  found  the  Church  and  kingdom  of  England  in 
the  days  of  Ed\vard  the  Sixth.  So  there  was  no  need  of  any 
new  separation  from  the  communion  of  the  Church  of  Rome ; 
the  Court  of  Rome  had  done  that  to  their  hands. 

So,  to  conclude  my  first  proposition  ;  whatsoever  some, 
not  knowing,  or  not  weighing,  the  state  of  our  affairs  and 
the  Acts  and  records  of  those  times,  have  rashly  or  ignorantly 
pronounced  to  the  contrary,  it  is  evident,  that  the  Protestants 
had  no  hand  either  in  the  separation  of  the  English  Church 
from  the  Court  of  Rome,  or  in  their  separation  from  the 
Church  of  Rome;  the  former  being  made  by  professed 
Roman  Catholics,  the  latter  by  the  Court  of  Rome  itself ; 
both  before  the  Reformation  following  in  the  days  of  Edward 
the  Sixth,  both  at  a  time  when  the  poor  Protestants  suffered 
death  daily  for  their  conscience  upon  the  six  bloody  Articles. 


CHAP.  IV. 

THAT  THE  KING  AND  KINGDOM  OF  ENGLAND,  IN  THE  SEPARATION  FROM 
ROME,  DID  MAKE  NO  NEW  LAW,  BUT  VINDICATE  THEIR  ANCIENT 
LIBERTIES. 

The  second  conclusion  upon  examination  will  prove  as 
e\ddent  as  the  former ;  that  Henry  the  Eighth,  and  those 
Roman  Catholics  Avith  him,  who  made  the  great  separation 
from  the  Court  of  Rome,  did  no  new  thing,  but  what  theu- 
predecessors  in  all  ages  had  done  before  them,  treading  in 
the  steps  of  their  Christian  ancestors. 

And,  first,  it  cannot  be  denied,  but  that  any  person  or  Eminent 
society  that  hath  an  eminent  reputation  of  learning,  or  pru-  have"reat 
deuce,  or  pietj^,  or  authority,  or  power,  hath  ever  had,  and 
ever  will  have,  a  great  influence  upon  his  or  their  neighboiu's,  any  juris- 
without  any  legal  jurisdiction  over  them  or  subjection  due 
from  them. 

Secondly,  it  is  confessed,  that  in  the  primitive  times  great  The  dig- 
A\'as  the  dignity  and  authority  of  the  Apostolical  Churches,  ApostoHcai 

p  Bulla  Pauli  III.  [A.  D.  1538.]  ap.  Sander.,  De  Schism.,  lih.  i.  pp.  131,  sq.  Churches. 

BRAMUALL.  K 


130 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


as  Rome,  Antioch,  Ephesus,  HierusalerOj  Alexandria,  wliich 
-were  founded  by  the  Apostles  themselves;  and  that  those 
ancient  Christians  in  all  their  differences  did  look  upon  the 
Bishops  of  those  Sees  as  honoui'able  arbitrators,  and  faithful 
depositaries  of  the  genuine  Apostolical  traditions,  especially 
wherein  they  accorded  one  with  another.  Hence  is  that  of 
Tertullian  <!,  "  Constat  omncm  doctrinam  qua  cum  illis  Ecclesiis 
Apostolicis,matricibus,  et  originalibus,  conspirat,&LC." — ""^Tbat- 
soever  doctrine  agrees  with  those  Apostolical,  original,  mother- 
Churches,  is  to  be  reputed  true."  And  in  this  sense,  and  no 
other,  St.  Cj'prian,  a  great  admirer  and  imitator  both  of  the 
matter  and  words  of  Tertullian,  whom  he  honoured  with  the 
title  of  'his  Master f,'  doth  call  the  Church  of  Rome  a  "  matrix" 
and  a  "  root  ^"  But  if  the  tradition  varied,  as  about  the 
observation  of  Easter,  between  Victor  Bishop  of  Rome  and 
Polycrates  Bishop  of  Ephesus,  the  one  presci'ibiug  from 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  the  other  from  St.  John,  the  re- 
spective Chm'ches  did  conform  themselves  to  then"  superiors ; 
or  if  they  were  free  (as  the  Britannic  Churches  were),  to  70 
their  own  judgment  or  to  the  example  of  their  neighbom' 
Chiu"ches ;  or  kept  them  to  the  tradition  delivered  unto  them 
by  their  first  converters ;  as  in  this  veiy  controversy  about 
Easter,  and  some  baptismal  rites,  the  British  and  Scottisli 
Bishops  always  adhered  to  the  Eastern  Chui-ch ; — a  strong 
presumption  that  thence  they  received  the  Faith,  and  were 
not  subordinate  to  the  Patriarchal  See  of  Rome.  But  yet 
all  this  honourable  respect  proceeded  from  a  free  prudential 
compliance,  without  any  perpetual  or  necessary  subjection. 
Afterwards  some  Churches  lost,  some  gained,  the  place  and 
dignity  of  Apostohcal  Churches ;  either  by  custom,  so  Ephesus 
lost  it '  j  or  by  the  canons  of  the  Fathers,  so  Constantinople 
did  get  it";  or  lastly  by  imperial  privileges,  so  Justiniana 
and  Carthage  obtained  it-''. 


q  Lib.  de  Praescript.  adv.  Hceiet. 
[p.  238.  B.  Paris.  1G34.] 

r  [Hieroii.,  De  Vir.  Illustr.,  c.  53, 
ap.Fabric,  Bibl.  Eccles.,  pp.  124,  125.] 

s  Lib.  iv.  Epist.  8.  [ed.  Erasra  

Ep.  48.  p.  91.  ed.  Fell.,  Ad  Comelium. 
See  also  Ep.  45,  Ad  Cornel.,  p.  86.] 

■  [See  Bingh.,  Orig.  Eccles.,  bk.  ii. 
c.  17.  §  10.] 


"  [Coneil.  Constantin.  (A.  D.  381.) 
Can.  3.  (ap.  Labb.  Coneil.  torn.  ii.  p. 
947.)— Concil.  Chalcedon.  (A.  D.  451.) 
Can.  28.  (Ibid.  torn.  iv.  p.  769.)— 
Concil.  Trullan.  (A.  D.  680.)  Can.  36. 
(ibid.  torn.  vi.  p.  1159).] 

^  Novell.  131.  cc.  3.  et  4.  [tit.  xiv. 
"  De  Eccles.  Titulis,"  &c.  pp.  275,  276. 
Genev.  1626.  | 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


131 


Thirdly,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  of,  but  that  after  the  year  Discourse 

six  hundi'ed,  after  that  Pope  Boniface  had  quitted  his  Patri  —  

archal  dignity  by  assuming  a  more  lofty  title  of  universal  marveUhat 
Bishop,  the  succeeding  Popes  by  the  connivance,  leave,  or  ^^'j^^^'J}"^ 
consent,  of  our  Kings,  did  sometimes  more,  sometimes  less,  himself 
upon  pretence  of  theii*  universal  jurisdiction,  by  degrees  iami  by" 
thrust  in  their  sickle  into  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  England.  '^''^S''^'''*- 
Whosoever  shall  ponder  duly  with  what  a  depth  of  prudence 
the  Roman  Court  hath  managed  all  occasions  and  occm*- 
rences  to  the  advantage  and  advancement  of  that  See,  and 
consequently  to  the  improvement  of  their  own  autlioritj'^ ; 
whosoever  shall  Aveigh  seriously  with  what  art  and  cunning 
the  Papacy  (as  it  now  is)  was  tacked  into  the  Church  con- 
trary to  wind  and  weather,  and  how  their  "  beginning  of 
unity "  was  screwed  up  to  an  omnipotence,  and  universality  of 
power ;  whosoever  shall  duly  consider  what  advantage  they 
made  to  that  See,  and  therein  to  themselves,  by  the  only 
countenancing  of  Phocas  his  base  and  bloodj^  murder  >'  or  of 
Charles  Martel  his  more  glorious  aud  successful  revolt  ^ ; — 
Vt  ill  not  wonder  to  observe,  how  they  did  watch  their  times, 
when  we  had  princes  of  weak  judgments,  or  necessitous,  or 
superstitious,  or  of  unjust  or  litigious  titles,  to  wind  them- 
selves into  Britain.  Nay,  rather  he  will  admire,  that  they  did 
not  radicate  themselves  more  deeply  and  more  firmly  therein ; 
which  without  doubt  they  had  eflected,  but  for  their  exor- 
bitant rapiiies,  whilst  they  thought  that  like  foxes  they  might 
prey  most  boldly  fax'thest  from  their  own  kennel : — "  Anglia 
vere  hortus  nosier  deliciarum,  .  .  .  puteus  inexhaustus  est ;  [et] 
ubi  mult  a  abundant,  multa  de  multis  extorqueri  possunt" — 
"  That  England  indeed  was  his  garden  of  delight,  a  well  that 
covdd  not  be  di-awn  diy ;  and  where  many  things  did 
abound,  out  of  much,  much  might  be  extorted 

1.  But,  first,  this  intrusion  was  manifest  usurpation  and  No  Saxon, 
t}T.'anny ;  this  was  the  gangrene  of  the  Church,  which  no  iJif/sh^ 
subsequent  possession  or  submission  could  warrant,  no  tract  made^any 

>'    [Greg.  M.  Epist.,  lib.  xiii.  Ep.  of  France  by  the  'authority'   of  the 

31.  Ad  Pliocam. — Ep.  39.  Ad  Leontiam  Popes  Zachary  I.  and  Stephen  III. 

Imperatric.    See  Gibbon,  c.  xlvi.]  See  Gibbon,  c.  xlix.] 

^  [It  was  Pepin,  not  Charles  Martel,        "  Matt.  Paris.  [Hist.  Angl.,  in]  an. 

the  son,  not  the  father,  in  whose  favour  12  16.  p.  705. 
Childeric  was  deposed  from  the  throne 

K  2 


133 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  of  time  or  prescription  sufficiently  confirm.  Quod  ah  initio 
^yj^jj^^  ■  fuit  invalidum  tractu  temporis  non  convalescit" — that  which 
submission  is  not  only  unjust  but  invalid  in  its  beginning,  can  never  be 
Pope.  made  valid  by  the  empty  pretence  of  a  following  custom  or 
prescription.  Neither  do  I  find  in  truth  that  any  of  the 
petite  Saxon  kings,  or  their  subjects,  though  some  of  them 
indebted  to  St.  Gregory  for  their  first  conversion,  and  all  of 
them  much  weakened  by  their  sevenfold  division  (for  at  first 
of  seven  kings  there  Avas  but  only  one  who  was  a  Christian, 
namely  the  king  of  Kent ;  neither  was  it  any  of  his  progeny 
who  did  afterwards  unite  the  heptarchy  into  a  monarchy), 
much  less  that  any  of  the  succeeding  kings  of  England,  or 
of  Great  Britain  united,  did  ever  make  any  solemn,  formal, 
or  obliging  acknowledgment  of  their  submission  to  the 
Bishop  of  Rome.  But  on  the  contrary,  when  Austin  first 
arrived  in  England,  he  stayed  in  the  Isle  of  Thanet,  xxntil  he 
knew  the  King's  pleasure'',  and  offered  not  to  preach  in 
Kent,  until  he  had  the  King's  license  for  him  and  his 
followers  to  preach  throughout  his  dominions  So  not  only 
their  jurisdiction,  but  even  the  exercise  of  their  pastoral 
function  within  that  realm,  was  by  the  King's  leave  and  au- 
thority. The  donation  or  resignation  of  King  John,  whereby 
he  went  about  to  make  a  free  kingdom  servile  and  feudatory 
to  the  Pope,  did  concern  the  Crown  more  than  the  Mitre, 
and  was  soon  hissed  out  of  the  world  to  the  perpetual  shame 
and  infamy  of  such  mercenary  pastors;  yet  to  obtain  this 
ludibrious  act  the  power  of  the  Keys  was  abused,  and  the 
kingdom  of  England  stood  interdicted  by  the  space  of  six 
years  and  three  months  <5. 
The  Pope's  The  Popes  in  later  times  had  some  power  in  England,  of  71 
England  coiu'tesy,  not  of  Awty,  but  never  that  omnipotence  which  they 
courtesy  gaped  after.  Sometimes  they  sent  their  nuncios  or  legates 
into  England ;  so  they  did  of  old  into  other  Patriarchates. 
Sometimes  they  admitted  appeals  from  England  to  Rome  ', 
so  they  did  of  old  from  Africk.  Sometimes  they  excommu- 
nicated the  English  subjects ;  so  did  Pope  Victor  long  since 
excommunicate  all  the  Asiatics.  But  neither  Asia  nor  Africk 
for  all  that  did  acknowledge  the  Pope's  jurisdiction.    On  the 


"  Bed.  [Hist.  Eccles.  Angl.]  lib.  i.  Id.  lib.  i.  c.  26. 

c.  25,  [See  an  account  of  this  in  c.  vi.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


133 


other  side,  sometimes  their  legates  were  not  permitted  to  Discourse 

enter  into  the  realm,  or  after  their  arrival  thrust  out  of  the  '-  

realm,  unless  they  would  give  caution  by  oath  for  their  good 
demeanour.  Sometimes  their  Bulls  and  excommunications 
were  shghted  or  damned,  and  they  who  procured  them 
soundly  punished  for  their  labotu's.  Sometimes  all  appeals 
to  Rome  were  prohibited  under  most  severe  penalties,  and 
their  decrees  rejected.  All  this  while  our  kings  and  Bishops 
called  Councils,  the  one  under  civil  punishments,  the  other 
under  ecclesiastical ;  made  ecclesiastical  laws  and  consti- 
tutions in  their  Sj^nods  and  Parliaments;  yea  express  con- 
stitutions against  the  Court  of  Rome  itself,  with  as  much 
tartness  and  vehemency  as  King  Henry  the  Eighth ;  and 
Avitli  this  only  difference,  that  they  endeavoured  to  draw  the 
people  out  of  the  Pope's  claws  at  home,  and  he  thought  it 
more  expedient  to  throw  the  Pope  over  the  British  sea  once 
for  altogether.  The  old  and  lawful  Patriarchal  power  of  the 
Roman  Bishops  within  their  own  districts,  had  been  re- 
nounced long  before  by  themselves.  Their  new  universal 
monarchy,  erected  by  themselves,  was  not  capable  of  pre- 
scription ;  or  if  it  had,  yet  such  a  dubious  unquiet  possession 
as  the  Popes  did  hold  in  England  at  the  mercy  and  discretion 
of  the  right  owners,  was  not  sufficient  to  make  a  legal  pre- 
scription, or  to  justify  their  j)retended  title,  or  to  render  them 
'  bon<s  fidei  possessores ' — '  lawful  and  conscionable  possessors.' 
This  is  that  Avhich  I  am  now  to  demonstrate  in  this  second 
ground. 

2.  The  most  famous  (I  had  almost  said  the  only)  appellant  Wilfrid  the 
from  England  to  Rome  that  we  read  of  before  the  Conquest,  apJeUam 
was  Wilfrid  Archbishop  of  York;    who,  notwithstanding  • 
that  he  gained  sentence  upon  sentence  at  Rome  in  his 
favour,  and  notwithstanding  that  the  Pope  did  send  express 
nuncios  into  England  on  purpose  to  see  his  sentence  exe- 
cuted, yet  he  could  not  obtain  his  restitution  or  the  benefit 
of  his  sentence  for  six  years,  during  the  reigns  of  King 
Egbert  and  Alfred  his  son.    Yea,  King  Alfred  told  the 
Pope's  nuncios  expressly,  that  "  he  honoured  them  as  his 
parents  for  their  grave  Hves  and  honourable  aspects,  but  he 
could  not  give  any  assent  to  their  legation ;  because  it  Avas 
against  reason,  that  a  person  twice  condemned  by  the  whole 


134, 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Council  of  the  English,  should  be  restored  upon  the  Pope's 
"  letter''."  If  they  had  believed  the  Pope  to  be  their  competent 
judge,  either  as  universal  monarch,  or  so  much  as  Patriarch 
of  Britain,  or  any  more  than  an  honourable  arbitrator  (which 
aU  the  Patriarchs  were,  even  without  the  bounds  of  their 
proper  jurisdictions),  how  comes  it  to  pass  that  two  kings 
successively,  and  the  great  Councils  of  the  kingdom,  and  the 
other  Ai'chbishop  Theodore  with  all  the  prime  ecclesiastics  and 
the  flower  of  the  Enghsh  clergy,  did  so  long  and  so  resolutely 
oppose  so  many  sentences  and  messages  from  Rome,  and 
condemn  him  twice,  whom  the  Pope  had  absolved  ?  Consider 
that  Wilfrid  was  an  Archbishop,  not  an  inferior  clerk  ;  and  if 
an  appeal  from  England  to  Rome  had  been  proper  or  lawful 
in  any  case,  it  had  been  so  in  his  case.  But  it  was  otherwise 
determined  by  those  who  Avere  most  concerned. 

Mahnesbury*^  supposeth,  either  by  inspiration,  or  upon  his 
own  head,  that  the  King  and  the  Ai'chbishop  Theodore  were 
smitten  with  remorse  before  their  deaths,  for  the  injury  done 
to  Wilfrid  and  the  slighting  of  the  Pope's  sentence,  letter, 
and  legates.  But  the  contrary  is  most  apparently  true ;  for 
first,  it  was  not  King  Alfred  alone,  but  the  great  CouncU  of 
the  kingdom  also,  nor  Theodore  alone,  but  the  main  body  of 
the  clerg}^,  that  opposed  the  Pope's  letter,  and  the  restitution 
of  Wilfrid  in  that  manner  as  it  was  decreed  at  Rome ; 
secondly,  after  Alfred  and  Theodore  were  both  dead,  we  find 
the  Pope's  sentence  and  "V^llfrid's  restitution  still  opposed  by 
the  surviving  Bishops,  in  the  reign  of  Alfred's  son. 

To  clear  the  matter  past  contradiction,  let  us  consider  the 
ground  of  this  long  and  bitter  contention.  Wilfrid  the  Arch- 
bishop was  become  a  great  pluralist,  and  had  engrossed  into 
his  hands  too  many  ecclesiastical  dignities.  The  King  and 
the  Church  of  England  thought  fit  to  deprive  him  of  some  of 
them,  and  to  confer  them  upon  others.  Wilfrid  appealed  72 
from  then-  sentence  unto  Rome.  The  Pope  gave  sentence 
after  sentence  in  favour  of  Wilfrid.  But,  for  all  his  sentences, 
he  was  not,  he  could  not  be,  restored,  until  he  had  quitted 


e  Spelman,  Concil.  an.  705.  [torn.  i. 
p.  203.] 

f  [Malmesbury,  De  Gest.  Pontif. 
Anglor.  lib.  iii.  pp.  265.  267.  ap.  Savil. 
Rer.  Anglic.  Scriptor.  ;  who  had  how- 


ever for  his  '  supposition '  the  autlioritv 
of  Eddius  (in  Vita  Wilfrid.,  cc.  42.  58. 
pp.  73.86.  ap.  Galei  Hist.  Brit.  Scriptor. 
XV.),  quoting  the  last  words  of  Theodore 
and  the  will  of  Alfred.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


135 


two  of  Lis  monasteries,  which  were  iu  question,  Hengesthill-  Discouuse 

dean,  and  Ripon,  which  of  all  others  he  loved  most  dearly,   ^  

and  where  he  was  afterwards  interred.  This  was  not  a  con- 
quest, but  a  plain  waving  of  his  sentences  from  Rome  and  a 
yielding  of  the  question  ;  for  those  had  been  the  chief  causes 
of  the  controversj'.  So  the  King  and  the  Church  after 
Alfred's  death  still  made  good  his  conclusion,  that  it  was 
against  reason,  that  a  person  twice  condemned  by  the  whole 
Council  of  the  EngUsh,  should  be  restored  upon  the  Pope's 
Bull.  And  as  he  did  not,  so  neither  did  they,  give  any 
assent  to  the  Pope's  legations. 

So  imfortvmate  were  appeals  to  Rome  in  those  days  :  and  [Anseim.] 
as  unfrequent  as  unfortmiate ;  for  from  that  time  until 
Anselm's  days,  after  the  Norman  Conquest  in  the  reign 
of  Henry  the  First,  we  do  hardly  meet  with  another  appeal. 
Then  Pope  Paschal  the  Second  had  devised  a  new  oath  for 
Archbishops,  when  they  received  their  pall ;  an  oath  much 
wondered  at  in  all  places,  as  a  strange  innovation ; — "  Signi- 
ficdsti  reges  et  regni  majores  admiratione  permotos,  ^t." — 
"  you  signified  unto  me  that  kings  and  nobles  were  moved 
with  admiration,  that  the  pall  was  offered  unto  you  by  our 
ministers,  upon  condition  that  you  should  take  an  oath  which 
they  brought  you  written  from  us,  &c.'' "  This  oath  was  that 
which  animated  Anseim  to  contest  so  hotly  with  the  King. 
The  main  controversy  was  about  this  very  question  of  appeals 
to  Rome.  The  King  pleaded  the  fundamental  laws  and 
customs  of  the  land, — "  Consuetudo  regni  mei  est  a  patre  meo 
instituta,  ut  nullus  jir^ter  licentiam  Regis  appelletur  Papa. 
Qui  consuetudines  regni  tollit,  potestatem  quoque  et  coronam 
Regis  [1.  regni']  violut,  ^c. — "  it  is  a  custom  of  my  kingdom 
instituted  by  my  father,  that  no  Pope  may  be  appealed  unto 
without  the  King's  license.  He  that  taketh  away  the  customs 


e  [That  the  treatment  of  Wilfrid  by 
the  English  clergy  fully  bears  out 
Bramhall's  argument,  see  Collier  (Ch. 
Hist.,  Pt.  i.  bk.  ii.  vol.  i.  pp.  117,  &c.) ; 
but  the  fads  are  in  one  material  point 
mistated  by  him,  from  a  mistranslation, 
as  it  should  seem,  of  Malmeslniry's  ex- 
pression, "  Dimissis  Wilfrido  duobus  coe- 
vobiis,  &c."  (p.  2G8,  as  quoted  in  note  f). 
The  monasteries  of  Hengesthill-dean 
(Hexham)  and  Ripon  were  restored  to 


Wilfrid,  not  taken  from  him,  by  the 
synod  of  Nidd,  as  appears  from  the  life 
of  Wilfrid  by  Eddius  (c.  58.  p.  86,  as 
quoted  in  note  f ).] 

^  [Decretal.,  lib.  i.  tit.  vi.]  De  [Elec- 
tione  et]  Elccti  Potest,  c.  4.  '  Signifi- 
casti,  &c.' — Baron.  Annal.  an.  1102. 
mnn.  8.  [torn,  xi.] 

'  Malmesb.  De  Gestis  Pontif.  Anglor. 
lib.  i.  [p.  219.  For  "Regis"  in  the 
last  clause,  read  "  regni."] 


136 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  of  the  kingdom,  doth  violence  to  the  power  and  crown  of  the 
King."  It  is  to  be  noted,  that  the  laws  established  by  his 
father  (that  was,  William  the  Conqueror)  were  no  other  than 
the  laws  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  that  is  to  say,  the  old 
Saxon  laAvs  ;  so  he  might  justly  say,  both  that  it  was  an  ancient 
immemorial  custom  of  the  kingdom,  and  also  that  it  was  in- 
stituted or  established  by  his  father  (so  Hoveden  teUs  us'', 
that  at  last  he  yielded  to  the  request  of  his  Barons,  &c.,  that 
Avas,  by  his  authority  to  confirm  the  laws  of  King  Edward). 
But  the  best  was,  that  though  Anselm  the  Archbishop  was 
obliged  by  oath  to  the  Pope,  yet  the  Bishops  were  not  so 
soon  brought  into  the  same  bondage ;  and  therefore  the 
former  author  tells  us',  that  "  i7i  his  exequendis  omnes  Episcopi 
Anglice  Primati  suo  svffragium  negdrunt " — "  in  the  execution 
of  these  things,  all  the  Bishops  of  England  did  deny  their 
suffrage  to  their  Pi'imate."  So  unanimous  were  they  in  this 
point. 

[The  sta.  Wliich  Unanimity  of  the  whole  realm,  both  clergy  and 
rendon.^'^  laitj^,  doth  appear  yet  more  evidently  by  the  statute  of 
Clarendon,  made  in  the  reign  of  the  grand-child  of  this 
king,  when  aU  the  Prelates  and  Peers  of  the  realm  did  confirm 
the  former  ancient  British  Enghsh  custom,  not  only  by  their 
consents,  but  by  their  oaths'",  whereof  we  shall  have  occasion 
to  speak  more  hereafter.  And  upon  this  custom  was  that  law 
grounded,  which  our  histories"  do  make  mention  of, — "  Si 
quis  inventus  fuerit  Uterus  vel  mandatum  ferens  Domini  Papce, 
^c.  capiatur,  et  de  eo,  sicut  de  regis  traditore  et  regni,  sine 
dilatione  fiat  justitia  — "  If  any  one  be  found  bringing  in 
the  Pope's  letter  or  mandate,  let  him  be  apprehended,  and 
let  justice  pass  upon  him  without  delay  as  a  traitor  to  the 
king  and  kingdom  and  "  generally  every  man  is  inter- 
dicted" (or  forbidden)  "  to  appeal  to  the  Pope." 
Legations  And  the  legations  from  Rome  were  almost  as  rare  as 
appeals.  appeals  to  Rome,  during  the  reigns  of  aU  the  British  and 
Saxon  kings  until  the  Norman  Conquest :  as  Gregory 
Bishop  of  Ostium  the  Pope's  own  legate  did  confess,  that  'he 


k  Hoveden,  in  Hen.  II.  [p.  G08.  ap.  "  Matth.  Paris,  an.  11C4.  [pp.  100, 

Savil.  Rer.  Anglic.  Scriptor.  — speaking  101.] 

of  William  the  Conqueror.]  "  Rog.  Hoveden.  in  Hen.  II.  [p. 

'  Malmesb.  [as  before  quoted.]  496.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


137 


was  the  first  E-oman  priest  that  was  sent  into  those  parts  of  Discourse 

Britain,  from  the  time  of  St.  Aiistin".'    And  those  legates   '■  

were  no  others  than  ordinary  messengers  or  ambassadors, 
sent  from  one  neighbour  to  another.  Such  a  thing  as  a 
legantine  court,  or  a  nuncio's  court,  was  not  known  in  the 
British  world  in  those  ages,  and  long  after.  It  is  not  enough 
to  shew  that  one  Roman  Bishop  did  once  send  over  one  or 
two  doctors  to  help  to  propagate  or  confirm  the  Faith,  or  to 
lend  their  helping  hands  to  Religion  fainting.  This  may- 
well  set  forth  their  devotion,  and  our  obligation.  But  further 
as  to  the  present  question  it  signifies  just  nothing.  Favours 
cease  to  be  favours,  when  they  are  done  on  purpose  to  deprive 
73  men  of  their  ancient  liberties.  The  British  Bishops,  and 
EngUsh  also,  have  done  as  much  for  other  nations,  over 
whom  they  did  never  challenge  any  jurisdiction.  The  French 
Church  sent  over  Germanus  and  Lupus  to  help  to  root  up 
the  relics  of  Pelagianism  in  Britain?,  yet  did  never  pretend 
thereby  to  any  authority  over  the  Britons. 

Add  to  this,  that,  during  all  the  time  from  St.  Gregory  to  Saxon 
the  Conquest,  it  was  usual  for  the  British,  Saxon,  and  Danish  made  ec- 
kings,  with  their  clergy  or  great  Council,  to  make  ecclesi-  J^aws.^^'"^*' 
astical  laws,  and  to  regulate  the  external  discipline  of  the 
Chm'ch  within  their  dominions  :  witness  the  laws  of  Excom- 
bert,  Iva,  Withred,  Alfred,  Edward,  Athelstau,  Edmond, 
Edgar,  Athelred,  Canutus,  and  Edward  the  Confessor,  among 
whose  laws  one  makes  it  the  office  of  a  king  '  to  govern  the 
Church  as  the  Vicar  of  God,'  another  implies  a  power  in  the 
king  and  his  judges,  to  take  cognizance  of  '  wrong  done  in 
ecclesiastical  courts i.'    It  was  to  this  holy  King  Edward  the 
Confessor,  that  Pope  Nicholas  the  Second,  by  his  Bull  for 
him  and  his  successors,  granted  these  enstdng  privileges  to 
the  kings  of  England  for  ever ;  namely,  "  the  advocation  and 
protection  of  all  the  churches  of  England,  and  power  in  his 

o  Spelm.  Coucil.  an.  787.  [torn.  i.  p.  [Leges  Eccles.  Edw.  Reg.  et  Con- 

293.]  fessor.]  cc.  15.  et  5.  [ap.  Spelm.,  Con- 

I'  [Bed.,  Hist.  Eccles.,  lib.  i.  c.  17;  cil.,  tom.  i.  (pp.  (j20-622) ;  where  may 

see  also  Uslier,  De  Primord.  Britann.  be  found  likewise  the  eccles.  laws  of  the 

Eccles.,  c.  xi.  pp.  319,  &c.    They  have  other  Saxon  kings  above  named.  Ear- 

been  claimed  however  as  Papal  legates  combert  (king  of  Kent  in  640)  is  ap- 

on  the  authority  of  Prosper'sChronicon.,  parently  intended  by  Excombert,  and 

but  with  how  little  reason  may  be  seen  h  a  is  a  mistake  (copied  from  Foxe)  for 

in  Stillingfleet  (Orig.  Britann.,  c.  iv.  Iwa.] 
pp.  192,  &c.).] 


138 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   stead  to  make  just  ecclesiastical  constitutions,  witli  the  advice 

 of  their  Bishoiis  and  Abbots ^"    This  grant  is  as  full  or  fuller 

than  that,  which  Urban  the  Second  made  to  Roger  Earl  of 
Sicily,  from  whence  the  kings  of  Spain  at  this  day  do  not 
only  challenge,  but  enjoy,  in  a  manner,  all  ecclesiastical  power 
in  Sicily^.    If  the  Pope  had  ever  had  any  such  right  as  he 
pretends,  this  only  Bull  Avere  sufficient  to  justify  our  kings. 
But  they  enjoyed  this  very  power  from  the  beginning,  as  an 
essential  flower  of  their  crowns,  Avithout  any  thanks  to  the 
Pope.     '  To  make  just  ecclesiastical  constitutions  in  the 
Pope's  stead,'  saith  the  Bull.    '  To  govern  the  Church  as  the 
Vicar  of  God,'  saith  the  law  of  the  land. 
Anoidarti-     The  Bishops  of  Rome  have  ever  been  very  kind  in  granting 
Roman**^  thosc  things  wliich  were  none  of  their  own,  and  in  making 
Bishops,     deputations  and  delegations  to  them  who  stood  in  no  need  of 
their  help,  being  lawfully  invested  beforehand  by  another 
title  in  that  power  and  dignity,  which  the  Popes  pretended 
out  of  their  goodness  to  confer  upon  them,  but  in  truth  did 
it  only  for  the  reputation  of  theu*  See  and  for  maintaining 
the  opinion  of  theu'  own  grandeur.    Whether  the  deputation 
were  accepted  or  not,  they  did  not  much  trouble  themselves. 
So  they  dealt  with  Ilosius,  President  in  the  Council  of  Nice' ; 
so  they  dealt  with  the  Patriarch  of  Justiniana  Prima" ;  so 
they  served  good  King  Edward,  and  many  othei's. 
Norman        This  legislative  power  in  ecclesiastical  causes  over  ccclesi- 
en'joyed     astical  persons,  the  Norman  kings  after  the  Conquest  did 
the  same  cxcrcise  from  time  to  time,  with  the  ad\dce  and  consent 

power.  _  ' 

of  their  lords  spiritvial  and  temporal.  Hence  all  those 
statutes  concerning  benefices,  tithes,  advowsons,  lands  given 
in  mortmain,  prohibitions,  considtations,  prcemunires,  quare 
impedits,  priAilege  of  clergy,  extortions  of  ecclesiastical  courts 
or  ofiicers,  and  regulating  their  due  fees,  wages  of  priests, 
mortuaries,  sanctuaries,  appropriations,  and,  in  smn,  all 
things  which  did  belong  to  the  external  subsistence,  regiment, 

'  Spclm.,  Concil.,  an.  lOGC.  [torn.  i.  "  [Pope  Vigilius  (A.  D.  535)  "as- 

p.  634.]  sented  to"  Justinian's  ordinance  esta- 

'  [See  an  account  of  the  case  of  Sicily  blishing  his  new  Patriarchate  (Novell, 

in  c.  vii.]  1.31.  tit.  14.  c.  3.  as  above  quoted); 

'  [Baronius  (in  an.  325.  num.  20.)  Gregory  the  Great  sent  a  pall  to  the 

asserts,  that  Hosius  presided  at  Nice  as  Patriarch  of  it  (Greg.  M.,  Epist.,  lib.  ii. 

legate  of  Pope  Sylvester.    See  Cave,  Ep.  23.  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  586.  B.).] 
Hist.  Litt.,  art.  Hosius.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


139 


and  regulating  of  the  Chnrcli ;  and  this  in  the  reigns  of  our  Discourse 

best  kings,  long  and  long  before  the  Reformation''.    Otho  —  

bone,  the  Pope's  legate  under  Urban  the  Fifth,  would  have 
endowed  vicars  upon  appropriated  rectories,  but  could  not  y. 
But  our  kings  by  two  statutes  or  Acts  of  Parliament  did 
easUy  effect  it^.  With  us  the  Pope  could  not  make  a  spiritual 
corporation,  but  the  king.  The  Pope  could  not  exempt  from 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Ordinary,  but  the  king,  who  by  his 
charter  could  convert  seculars  into  regulars  ^.  The  Pope 
could  not  grant  the  privilege  of  the  Cistercians  and  other 
Orders,  to  be  free  from  the  payment  of  tithes  ;  but  the  king^. 
The  Pope  could  not  appropriate  churches,  but  the  king :  we 
find  eight  chiu'ches  appropriated  to  the  Abbey  of  Crowland  by 
the  Saxon  kings,  three  churches  appropriated  to  the  Abbey 
of  Battell  by  the  Conqueror,  and  twenty  by  Henry  the  First 
to  the  Chm'ch  of  Sarisbury''.  The  king  in  his  great  Council 
could  make  void  the  certificates  of  Ordinaries  in  cases  of 
ecclesiastical  cognizance,  and  command  them  to  absolve  those 
persons  who  were  judged  by  his  authority  to  be  unjustly  excom- 
municated'^. The  Pope  could  not  translate  an  Archbishopric, 
or  a  Bishopric,  but  the  king*^.  The  disposition  of  ecclesias- 
74tical  preferments  upon  lapse,  accrued  not  to  the  Pope,  but 
to  the  king,  a  plain  evidence  that  he  was  the  lord  paramount  : 
and  the  king  only  could  incur  no  lapse — "nullum  tempus 
occwtU  regi ;"  because  the  law  supposed  that  he  was  busied 
about  the  weighty  affairs  of  the  kingdom  f.  The  revenues  of 
a  Bishopric  in  the  vacancy,  belonged  not  unto  the  Pope,  but 
to  the  king ;  which  he  caused  to  be  restored,  sometimes 
from  the  time  of  the  fii'st  vacancj^,  sometimes  from  the  time 
of  the  filling  of  the  church  with  a  new  incumbent,  according 
to  his  good  pleasure 

"  [See  these  laws  collected  in  Gib-  ation   to   an  eleventh,  Cottenhain  in 

son's  Codex,    under    the    respective  Cambridgeshire.  The  Charter  of  Hen.  I. 

heads.]  to  Salisbury  Cathedral  is  not  among 

y  [Constitut.  Othoboni  Legati  (A.  D.  those  in  Dugdale.    It. is  given  (from 

1248).]  "  De  Appropr.  [Eccles.  non  the  Bishop's  Records)  by  Dodswortli 

faciendis."  tit.  22.]  "Quoniam,  &c."  [p.  in  his  Hist,  of  Salisb.  Cathedr.,  Pt.  ii. 

89.  O.xon.  1063.]  c.  1.  p.  102.] 

^  ISHich.  II.c.6.— 4Hen.  IV.c.12.        "  9  Hen.  VI.  c.  11  Coke's  Re- 

"  2  Hen.  IV.  c.  3.  ports,  Cawdrey's  Case  [Pt.  v.  case  1. 

2  Hen.  IV.  c.  4.  from  whom  many  of  the  above  state- 

[See  Dugdale's  Monast.  ''Anglic,  ments  are  taken.] 
for  the  two  Abbeys.    Tliat  of  Croyland,         '  [ig  Rjch.  II.  c.  5.] 
however,  enjoyed  (not  eight  but)  ten         f  [17  Edw.  II.  c.  8.] 
advowsons,  besides  the  alternate  present-        ^  [17  Edw.  II.  c.  H.] 


140  A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 

Part       The  canons  of  the  Pope  could  not  change  the  ecclesiastical 

 '-  laws  of  England,  but  the  king,  whose  laws  they  were.  He 

Law  of  no  had  power  in  his  great  Council  to  receive  the  canons  if  they 
ln°Eng-'^*^^  were  judged  convenient ;  or  to  reject  them  and  abrogate  them 
as'^t  waT"  ^  *^^y  were  judged  inconvenient.  Wlien  some  Bishops  pro- 
received,  posed  in  Parliament  the  reception  of  the  ecclesiastical  canon 
for  the  legitimation  of  children  born  before  marriage  (without 
such  a  reception  the  canon  was  of  no  force  in  England),  all 
the  peers  of  the  realm  stood  up  and  cried  out  with  one  voice, 
'  Nolumus  leges  Anglice  mutari' — '^we  will  not  have  the  laws  of 
[Canon  England  to  be  changed''.'  The  king  and  Parliament  made  a 
ingf  Biga-  legislative  exposition  of  the  canon  of  the  Council  of  Lyons 
concerning  bigamy',  which  they  would  not  have  done,  unless 
they  had  conceived  themselves  to  have  power,  according  to 
the  fundamental  constitutions  of  the  kingdom,  either  to  re- 
ceive it  or  reject  it.  "  Ejus  est  legem  interpretciri  cujus  est 
condere ;" — '  he  that  hath  authority  to  expound  a  law  legisla- 
tively, hath  power  to  make  it.'  The  king  and  Parliament 
declared  Pope  Urban  to  be  the  right  Pope  in  a  time  of 
schism'',  that  is,  in  relation  to  England,  their  own  kingdom, 
not  by  determining  the  titles  of  the  Popes,  but  by  applpug 
the  matter  to  the  one  and  subtracting  it  fi'om  the  other.  All 
these  are  so  many  evidences,  that,  when  Popery  was  at  the 
highest,  the  Bishops  of  Rome  had  no  such  absolute  ecclesias- 
tical sovereignty  in  the  Church  and  realm  of  England ;  and 
that  what  power  they  exercised  at  any  time  more  than  this, 
was  by  connivance,  or  permission,  or  violent  usiu-pation  ;  and 
that  our  Piimates  had  no  foreign  superior  legally  estabhshed 
over  them,  but  only  the  king,  as  he  was  the  supreme  Head 
of  the  whole  body  politic,  to  see  that  every  one  did  his  duty, 
and  enjoyed  his  due  right ;  who  would  not  sufi'cr  one  of  his 
Barous  to  be  excommunicated  from  Rome,  without  his  privity 
and  consent'. 

No  legate  de  latere  was  allowed  by  the  law  in  England,  but 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury'".  And  if  any  was  admitted 
of  courtesy,  he  was  to  take  his  oath,  to  do  nothing  derogatory 


"  20  Hen.  III.  c.  9. 
i  4  Edw.  I.  c.  5. 
"  2  Rich.  II.  c.  7. 

'  Eadiner.,  in  initio.  [Hist.  Novor., 


lib.  i.  p.  6.  ed.  Selden.  See  also  Seldeu's 
note.] 

m  [See  Twysdtn's  Histor.  Vindic, 
c.  iii.  §  17.  40.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


141 


to  the  King  and  his  Crown".    If  any  man  did  denounce  the  Discourse 

Pope's  excommi;nication  without  the  assent  of  the  King,  by  —  

the  law,  he  forfeited  all  his  goods".  Neither  might  any  man 
appeal  to  Rome  without  the  King's  license  p.  In  the  year 
1420  the  Pope  translated  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  to  York  ;  but 
the  Dean  and  Chapter  absolutely  refused  to  admit  him,  and 
justified  their  refusal  by  the  laws  of  the  land ;  and  by  the 
favour  of  the  country  carried  the  cause,  so  as  the  Pope  was 
forced  to  recall  him  to  Lincoln  i. 

Having  mentioned  the  statutes  of  Mortmain,  I  cannot  but  "^f^^j^j^*"*^ 
do  my  native  country  and  the  Church  of  England  that  right,  main  justi- 
to  clear  it  from  a  hea\y  accusation  framed  against  it  upon 
mistaken  grounds.  That  the  English  Protestants  had  made 
a  law  '^to  maintain  and  patronize  sacrilege,  that  no  man  (how 
penitent  soever)  could  restore  any  thing  to  the  Church,  which 
had  been  formerly  taken  from  it  ; '  God  forbid.  First,  the 
statutes  of  Mortmain  were  not  made  by  Protestants,  but  in 
the  days  of  Henry  the  Third,  Edward  the  First,  and  Richard 
the  Second  %  between  the  last  of  which  and  Henry  the  Eighth 
there  reigned  six  kings  siiccessively.  That  is  one  great  mis- 
take. Secondly,  the  statutes  of  Mortmain  did  not  at  all  con- 
cern the  restitution  of  any  thing  that  had  been  taken  away. 
There  was  no  use  for  that  in  those  days.  The  only  scope  of 
those  laAvs  was  to  restrain  the  first  donation  of  lands  to  the 
Church  without  royal  assent.  That  is  another  mistake. 
Thirdly,  these  very  laws  of  Mortmain  are  not  so  incredible, 
nor  so  hard  to  be  believed,  nor  so  altogether  destitute  of 
precedents  and  examples,  as  that  author  doth  imagine,  so  as 
'posterity  sliould  scarcelj^  believe  that  ever  any  such  law  had 
been  made'.'  He  might  have  remembered  the  proclamation 
of  Moses,  when  the  people  had  already  offered  abundautty  for 
the  adornine;  of  the  Sanctuary : — "Let  neither  man  nor  woman  Exod. 

bis)  o  J  xxxvi.  6. 

make  any  more  work  for  the  offering  of  the  Sanctuary ;  so 
the  people  were  restrained  from  bringing."  He  might  have 
called  to  mind  a  hke  law  of  Theodosius,  a  godly  emperor,  and 
propitious  to  the  Church,  to  moderate  the  people's  bounty 

n  Placit.,  an.  1.  Hen.  VII.  r  [The  Editor  cannot  ascertain  from 

°  Placit.  [Exercitus  Regis],  an.  21-.  what  author  these  words  are  taken.] 

Edw.  I.— et  an.  1.  Hen.  VII.  '  [viz.  9  Hen.  III.  Stat.  1.  c.  36.— 

"  Placit.,  an.  32.  Edw.  I.  7  Edw.  I.  Stat.  2.— 1.5  Rich.  II.  c.  5.] 

1  De  Antiquit.Britann.Eccles.,p.279.  '  [See  note  r.] 


142 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


and  the  clergy's  covetousness  :  whicli  law  St.  Ambrose  and 
"  St.  Hierome  do  so  much  complain  of",  not  against  the  Em- 
peror who  made  the  law,  but  against  the  clergj^  avIio  deserved 
to  have  such  a  law  made  against  them.  He  might  have 
found  the  like  law  made  by  Nicephorus  Phocas,  and  after- 
wards revived  by  Emanuel  Comnenus''.  He  might  have 
remembered,  that  the  troubles  between  the  Pope  and  tlie 
Venetians  did  spring  partly  from  such  a  law>'.  Briefly,  with 
a  little  search  he  might  have  found  Uke  laws  in  Germany, 
Poland,  France,  Spain,  Italy,  Sicily,  and,  if  he  will  trust  Padre 
Paolo,  in  the  Papacy  itself^. 

The  prince  cannot  wrong  his  subject,  that  is  an  OAvner  or 
possessor  of  lands  or  hereditaments,  in  a  well-ordered  state. 
Then  why  should  it  be  in  the  power  of  a  subject  that  is  an 
owner,  to  wrong  his  prince  and  his  country  ?  But  by  such 
alienations  of  lands  to  the  Church  in  an  excessive  and  unpro- 
portionable  measure,  the  prince  loseth  his  right,  that  is,  both 
liis  tribute  and  his  military  ser\dce  and  fines  upon  change  of 
tenants ;  the  commonwealth  loseth  its  supportation  and  due 
protection.  Therefore  tliey  were  called  the  laws  of  Mort- 
main, because  the  lands  so  alienated  to  the  Church  wei'e  put 
into  a  dead  hand,  from  whence  they  never  returned ;  and  so 
in  time  the  whole  signiory  should  be  the  Church's ;  as  it  is 
elegantly  expressed  by  the  Venetian  Orator  to  Paul  the 
Fifth  a  ■  ]\Te  fortunis  omnibus  exiiantiir,  ne  quicqidd  sub  ccelo 
Veneto  homines  arant,  serunt,  cedificant,  omnia  veluti  quodam 
oceano  Ecclesice  absorbeantur,  nihilque  sibi  reliqui  fiat  unde 
rempublicam,  patriam,  tecta,  templa,  aras,  focos,  sepidcra  ma- 
jorum  defenderc  possint " — "  lest  the  citizens  should  be  turned 
out  of  theu'  estates,  lest  all  which  men  plough,  sow,  build, 
under  the  Venetian  heaven,  shoiild  be  swalloAved  up  into  the 
propitious  to  the  Church,  to  moderate  the  people's  bounty 


"  Ambros.,  Epist.  31.  [ed.  Erasm  

18.  §  13.  torn.  ii.  p.  83(i.  D.  E.  ed. 
Bened.] — Hieron.,  ad  Nepotianum  [de 
Vita  Clericor.,  Epist.  3  K  torn.  iv.  P.  ii. 
pp.  2G0,  2(jl.  The  law  in  question  was 
Valentinian's,  but  is  in  the  Theodosian 
Code,  lib.  xvi.  tit.  2.,  "  De  Episcop.  et 
Cleric.,"  num.  20.  torn.  vi.  p.  48.  ed. 
Gothofred.] 

"  Nicet.  [Clioniat.,  Annal.J  lib.  vii. 
[p.  13.5.  A.  torn.  xvii.  of  the  Corp.  By- 


zant.  Hist] 

y  [Fatlier  Paul's  Hist,  of  tlie  Quar- 
rels of  Pope  Paul  V.  with  the  State  of 
Venice,  lib.  i.  pp.  15.  18,  &c.,  Eng. 
Transl.] 

"  Considerat.  [Censurar.  Paul  V. 
Cent.  Rempub.  Venetam,"  by  Father 
Paul : — in  Goldastus,  Monarch.  S.  Rom. 
Imp.,  torn.  iii.  p.  295.] 

=  Oral,  ad  Paul.  V.  pro  Republ.  Vc- 
neta. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


143 


ocean  of  the  Cliiarcli :  and  nothing  be  left  wherewith  to  defend  Discourse 

.                 .  II. 
the  commonwealth,  their  country,  their  houses,  their  temples,  ^  

their  altars,  their  fires,  and  the  sepvdchi'es  of  their  ancestors." 

To  pre^'ent  this  great  inconvenience,  the  laws  of  Mortmain 

were  de\dsed  prudently,  to  balance  the  spiritualty  and  the 

temporalty,  that  the  one  do  not  swallow  up  the  other;  to 

which  all  wise  legislators  have  ever  had,  and  ought  to  have,  a 

special  regard. 

In  France  no  man  can  build  a  new  church  without  the 
king's  license  verified  in  ParHament.  A  new  monastery 
builded  in  Genoa,  without  Ucense,  is  to  be  confiscated.  In 
Spain  without  Hcense  royal  no  new  religions  can  enter  into 
the  kingdom.  The  Fathers  of  St.  Francis  de  Paula  began 
to  build  a  church  in  Madrid  upon  their  own  heads,  but  they 
were  stopped"^.  So  eqiiitable,  so  necessary,  hath  this  law  of 
Mortmain  been  thought  to  all  nations. 

But  to  leave  this  digression  and  come  up  closer  to  the  dii'ect  [The  Con- 
point  without  any  consequences.  In  the  reign  of  King  Henry  of  ciaren- 
the  Second,  some  controversies  being  likely  to  arise  between 
the  Crown  and  Thomas  Becket  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
the  King  called  a  general  assembly  of  his  Archbishops, 
Bishops,  Abbots,  Priors,  and  Peers  of  the  realm,  at  Claren- 
don, where  there  was  made  an  acknowledgment  or  memorial 
"  cujusdam  partis  consuetudinum  et  libertatum  antecessorum 
suorum,  Regis  videlicet  Henrici  avi  sui,  et  aliorum,  quce  observari 
debebant  in  regno  et  ub  omnibus  teneri" — "  of  a  certain  part 
of  the  customs  and  Hberties  of  his  predecessors,  that  is  to  say, 
his  grandfather  Henry  the  First,  son  of  the  Conqueror,  and 
other  kings  a  "  part but  '  ex  ungue  leonem.,'  from  the 
view  of  this  part  we  may  conclude  of  Avhat  nature  the  rest 
were ;  "  of  the  customs the  customs  of  England  are  the 
Common  Law  of  the  land  ;  "  of  his  predecessors;"  that  is  to 
say,  the  Saxon,  Danish,  and  Norman  kings  successively ; 
and  therefore  no  marvel  if  they  "  ought  to  be  observed  of 
all."  This  part  of  their  ancient  customs  or  liberties  they 
reduced  into  sixteen  chapters  or  articles,  to  which  all  the 
Archbishops,  Bishops,  and  other  ecclesiastics,  with  all  the 
Peers  and  Nobles  of  the  realm,  did  not  only  give  their  ac- 

[All  these  facts  are  taken  from     above  quoted,  p.  290.] 
Father  Paul's  Considerationes,  &c.,  as 


144 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    knowledgment  and  consent  but  also  their  oaths  for  the  due 

 observation  of  them.    It  would  be  tedious  and  impertinent 

to  relate  them  all ;  I  will  only  cull  out  some  of  them. 

One  was,  that  '  all  appeals  in  England  must  proceed  regu- 
larly from  the  Archdeacon  to  the  Bishop,  from  the  Bishop  74 
to  the  Archbishop  ;  and  if  the  Archbishop  failed  to  do  justice, 
the  last  complaint  must  be  to  the  king,  to  give  order  for 
redress,'  that  is,  by  fit  delegates  :  '  but  there  might  be  no 
further  or  other  appeals  ^\'ithout  the  consent  of  the  king 
whereby  the  nunciatures  and  legantine  court  and  the  Court 
of  Rome  itself  are  all  at  the  king's  mercy.  Wherein  did  the 
Pope's  great  strength  lie  in  those  days  ?  when  his  hands 
were  fast  tied  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

Another  ciistom  was,  that  "  no  ecclesiastical  person  might 
depart  out  of  the  kingdom  without  the  king's  license"  (no, 
not  though  he  were  summoned  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome)  ; 
and  if  the  king  permitted  them  to  go,  yet,  '  if  he  required  it, 
they  must  give  caution  or  secuiity  to  act  nothing  hm'tful  or 
prejudicial  to  the  king  or  kingdom  in  their  going  thither, 
abiding  there,  and  returning  home.'  You  see  oiu-  ancestors 
were  jealous  of  Rome  in  those  days.  Whether  it  was  their 
providence  or  their  experience  that  taught  them  this  lesson, 
certainly  their  prudence  to  prevent  dangers  was  very  com- 
mendable. 

A  third  custom  was,  that  '  the  revenues  of  all  ecclesiastical 
dignities  belonging  to  the  king's  demesne,  during  the 
vacancy,  were  to  be  received  by  the  king,  as  freely  as  the 
rents  of  his  own  demesnes.'  Tell  me,  who  was  then  the 
patron  and  political  Head  of  the  Chm'ch  ? 

A  fovirth  custom  was,  that  'when  an  Archbishopric, 
Bishopric,  Abbacy,  or  Priory,  did  fall  void,  the  election  was 
to  be  made  by  such  of  the  piincipal  dignitaries  or  members 
of  that  respective  Church  which  was  to  be  filled,  as  the  king 
should  call  together  for  that  purpose,  mth  the  king's  con- 
sent, in  the  king's  oyn\  chapel.  And  there  the  person 
elected  was  to  do  his  homage  and  fealty  to  the  king,  as  to 
his  liege  lord.'  That  later  form  of  "  Dei  et  Apostoliccs  Sedis 
gratia"  had  taken  no  root  in  England  in  those  days. 

The  rest  are  of  the  same  natm-e,  as  that  controversies  con- 
cerning advowsons  ought  to  be  determined  in  the  king's 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


115 


coiirt ;  benefices  belonging  to  the  king's  patronage  could  discolrsk 

not  be  appropriated  without  his  grant.   —  

Wlien  a  clergyman  was  accused  of  any  delinquency,  the 
king's  court  ought  to  determine  what  part  of  his  accusation 
was  of  civil,  and  what  part  of  ecclesiastical  cognizance.  And 
the  king's  Justice  might  send  to  the  ecclesiastical  court  to 
see  it  ordered  accordingly.  None  of  the  king's  servants  or 
tenants  that  held  of  him  in  capite  might  be  excommunicated, 
nor  their  lands  interdicted,  before  the  king  was  made  ac- 
quainted. 

\ATien  it  was  questioned  Avhether  a  tenement  was  of  eccle- 
siastic or  lay  fee,  the  king's  Justice  was  to  determine  it  by 
the  oaths  of  twelve  men.  All  ecclesiastical  persons  who  held 
any  possessions  from  the  king  in  capite,  were  to  do  suit  and 
service  for  the  same  as  other  barons  did,  and  to  join  with 
the  king's  barons  in  the  king's  judgments,  until  it  came  to 
sentence  of  death  or  diminution  of  members. 

To  this  memorial  all  the  nobility  and  clergy  of  the  English 
nation  did  swear  firmly,  in  the  word  of  truth,  to  keep  all  the 
customs  therein  contained,  and  observe  them  faithfully  to  the 
king  and  his  heirs  for  ever.  Among  the  rest,  Thomas 
Becket  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  himself  was  carried 
along  with  the  crowd  to  take  his  oath ;  though  shortly  after 
he  fell  from  it,  and  admitted  the  Pope's  absolution". 

By  the  Statute  of  Carlisle made  in  the  days  of  Edward  the  [statute  of 
Fu-st,  it  was  declared,  that  "the  holy  Church  of  England  ^"'"''"'^ 
was  founded  in  the  estate  of  Prelacy,  within  the  realm  of 
England,  by  the  kings  and  peers  thereof;"  and  that  the 
several  encroachments  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  specified  in 
that  Act  "did  tend  to  the  annullation  of  the  state  of  the 
Chm'ch,  the  disinheriting  of  the  king  and  the  peers,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  laws  and  rights  of  the  realm,  contra  formani 
collationis — contrary  to  the  disposition  and  Avill  of  the  first 
foimders."  Observe;  "in  the  state  of  Prelacy,"  not  of 
Papacy  ;  "  within  the  realm,"  not  without  it ;  "  by  the  kings," 
not  by  the  Popes;    of  whose  exorbitant  and  destructive 

c  [See  the  whole  of  this  statement  referred  to  as  25  EJw.  I.  on  the  autho- 

concerning  the  Constitutions  of  Claren-  rity  of  a  subsequent  statute  (viz.  25 

don  in]  Matt.  Paris,  an.  1164.    [pp.  Edw.  III.,  stat.  6.  §  1).    See  the  sta- 

100-102.]  lute  itself  and  an  account  of  it  in  Gib- 

<i  35  Edw.  I.  [c.  4.  §  3  ;  but  usually  son's  Codex,  p.  65,  note.] 

BIIAMIIALL.  L 


146 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


P.\RT  usurpations  as  oui'  ancestv^rs  were  most  sensible^  so  they 

 ^  wanted  neither  will  nor  power  to  remedy  ttem. 

To  corroborate  this  law  by  former  precedents,  and  thereby 
to  shew  that  our  kings  were  ever  accounted  the  right  patrons 
of  the  Enghsh  Chui'ch.  King  Edelwalk  made  Wilfrid  Bishop 
of  the  South  Saxons,  now  Chichester  ^.  King  Alfred  made 
Asserio  Bishop  of  Sherborne  and  CEnewulphus  Bishop  of 
Winchesters.  Edward  the  Confessor  'made  Robert  Arch- 
bishop, whom  before  from  a  monk  he  had  made  Bishop  of 
London  Thus  the  Saxon  kings  in  all  ages  bestowed 
Bishoprics  without  any  contradiction.  The  Norman  kings 
followed  their  example.  'No  sooner  v;as  Stigand  dead,  but 
Wilham  the  Conqueror  elected  Lanfranc  Abbot  of  St.  Stephen's 
in  Caen  to  be  Archbishop  \'  William  Rufus  upon  his  death- 
bed elected  Anselm  to  be  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  ^.  And 
until  the  days  of  Henry  the  Fii'st  the  Popes  never  pretended 
any  right,  nor  laid  any  claim,  to  the  patronage  of  the  English 
Chui'ches 

[Articles       The  Articles  of  the  Clergy  ™  do  prescribe,  that  '  elections  be 
Clergy.]     free,  SO  as  the  King's  couffe  d'eslire,  or  Hcense  to  elect,  be 
first  obtained,  and  afterwards  the  election  be  made  good  by 
[Statute  of  the  royal  assent  and  confirmation.'    And  the  Statute  of  Pro- 
Piovisois.]  ^^gQj,gn. — "Our  sovereign  lord  the  king  and  his  heirs  shall 
have  and  enjoy  for  the  time  the  collations  to  the  Archbishop- 
rics and  other  dignities  elective  which  be  of  his  advowry,  such 
as  his  progenitors  had  before  fi'ee  election  was  granted :  sith 
the  first  elections  were  granted  by  the  king's  progenitors 
upon  a  certain  form  and  condition,  as  namely,  to  demand 


«  Malmesb.,  De  Gest.  Pont.  Angler, 
[lib.  ii.]  p.  257.  [Selsey  being  then  the 
metropolis  of  the  See.] 

'  Id.  p.  247.  [Malmesb.  spells  the 
name  (as  usual)  Asserus,  and  does  not 
express!)/  say  that  he  was  made  Bishop 
by  Alfred.  Asserus  himself,  however, 
does  say  so  (in  Alfredi  Magni  Vita, 
lib.  ii.  §  53.  p.  101.  ed.  Spelman).] 

g  Id.  p.  242.  [Malmesb.  calls  the 
Bishop  Deneulfus.] 

!■  Id.  lib.  i.  p.  204. 

'  [Id.  p.  205.] 

^  [Eadmer,  Hist.  Novor.,  lib.  i.  pp. 
16-18.  William  Rufus  was  dangerously 
ill  at  the  time,  but  this  happened  two 
years  before  he  was  killed.] 


'  [Compare  Sir  Roger  Twysden's 
"  Histor.  Vindication  of  the  Church  <)f 
England  in  point  of  Schism,"  cb.  iii. 
pp.  53,  &c.] 

I"  Articuli  Cleri  [scil.  articles  of  com- 
plaint presented  to  the  king  in  Parlia- 
ment by  the  clergy  and  redressed  by 
statute.  The  Act  here  referred  to  is 
9  Edw.  II.;  of  which  c.  14.  de- 
clares that  '  elections  shall  be  free' 
"juxta  formam  statutorum  et  ordina- 
tionum,"  that  form  being  determined 
to  the  conditions  mentioned  in  the  text 
by  the  charter  of  King  John  in  1214 
(Spelm.,  Concil.,  torn.  ii.  pp.  135,  136. 
—Gibson's  Codex,  p.  104).] 

"  25  Edw.  III.  [Stat.  6.  §  3.] 


THE  CHURCH  Ol'  ENGLAND. 


117 


license  of  tlie  king  to  clioose,  aiid  after  choice  made  to  have  Discmjurse 

his  roj^al  assent :  .  .  .  .  which  condition  not  being  kept,  the  ' — - 

thing  ought  by  reason  to  return  to  its  first  natm-e."  Further, 
by  the  same  Statute  of  Provisors  it  is  declaratively  enacted 
that  '  it  is  the  right  of  the  Crown  of  England,  and  the  law  of 
the  realm,  that  upon  such  mischiefs  and  damages  happening 
to  the  realm '  (by  the  encroachments  and  oppressions  of  the 
Court  of  Rome,  mentioned  in  the  body  of  that  law),  'the 
king  ought,  and  is  boimd  by  his  oath,  with  the  accord  of  his 
people  in  Parliament,  to  make  remedy  and  law  for  the  re- 
moving of  such  mischiefs.'  We  find  at  least  seven  or  eight 
such  statutes  made  in  the  reigns  of  several  kings  against 
Papal  proA-isions,  reservations,  and  collations,  and  the  mischiefs 
that  flowed  from  thence  P. 

Let  us  hsten  to  another  law  i ; — "  The  Crown  of  England  [.staiute  of 
hath  been  so  free  at  all  times,  that  it  hath  been  in  no  earthly  nii'l"]"" 
subjection,  but  immediately  subjected  to  God  in  all  things 
touching  its  regality,  and  to  no  other,  and  ought  not  to  be 
submitted  to  the  Pope."  Observe  these  expressions,  "  free  at 
all  times,"  "free  in  all  things,"  "in  no  earthly  subjection," 
"immediately  subjected  to  God,"  "not  to  be  submitted  to 
the  Pope :"  and  all  this  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  for  of  that 
nature  were  all  the  grievances  complained  of  in  that  law,  as 
appears  by  the  view  of  the  statute  itself.  Then  if  the  kings 
of  England  and  the  representative  body  of  the  English  Churcli 
do  reform  themselves  according  to  the  word  of  God  and  the 
purest  patterns  of  the  primitive  times,  they  owe  no  account 
to  any  as  of  duty,  but  to  God  alone.  By  the  same  statute  it 
is  enacted  that  '  they  Avho  shall  procure  or  prosecute  any 
Popish  Bulls  and  excommunications'  (in  certain  cases)  'shall 
incur  the  forfeiture  of  their  estates,  or  be  banished,  or  put  out 
of  the  king's  protection.'  By  other  statutes  ^  it  is  enacted, 
that  'whosoever  should  draw  any  of  the  king's  subjects  out 
of  the  realm'  (to  Rome)  'in  plea  about  any  cause,  whereof 
the  cognizance  belongeth  to  the  king's  com't,  or  should  sue 
in  any  foreign  court  to  defeat  any  judgment  given  in  the 
king's  court'  (that  is,  by  appeahng  to  Rome),  'they  should 

"  [Ibid.  §  2.]  of  Praemunire.] 

P  [See  Gibson's  Codex,  tit.  iii.  cc.  "•  [Ibid.  §  2.] 

1,  2.  pp.  (i8,  &c.]  '  27  Edw.  III.  c.  1.  [§  1.] 
16  Rich.  II.  c.  5.  [§  1.  — Statute 

L  2 


148 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


incur  the  same  penalties.'  The  body  of  the  kingdom  would 
not  suffer  Edward  the  First  to  be  cited  before  the  Pope*. 
Henry  the  Sixth,  by  the  counsel  of  Humphry  Duke  of 
Glocester,  the  Protector,  protested  against  Pope  Martin  and 
his  legate, — that  they  would  not  admit  him  contrary  to  the 
laws  and  Hberties  of  the  realm ;  and  dissented  from  whatso- 
ever he  did 

So  we  see  plainly,  that  the  king  and  Church  of  England 
ever  enjoyed  as  great  or  greater  liberties  than  the  GaUican 
king  and  Church ;  and  that  King  Henry  the  Eighth  did  no 
more  in  effect,  than  his  progenitors  from  time  to  time  had 
done  before  him.  Only  they  laboured  to  dam  up  the  stream, 
and  lie  thouglit  it  more  expedient  to  stop  up  the  fountain,  of 
Papal  tjTanny ;  not  by  limiting  the  habitual  jurisdiction  of 
the  Roman  Bishop,  which  was  not  in  his  power  to  do,  but  by 
substracting  the  matter,  and  restraining  the  actual  exercise 
of  it  within  liis  own  dominions.  And  it  is  observable,  that  in 
the  greatest  heat  of  these  contentions  the  Prelates  of  the 
realm,  being  present  in  Parliament,  disavowed  the  Pope's 
encroachments,  and  offered  the  king  to  stand  with  him  '  in  \ 
these  and  all  other  cases  touching  his  crown  and  regahty,  as 
they  were  bound  by  theii'  allegiance'*:'  that  is,  according  to 
the  law  of  feuds,  according  to  their  homage  done,  and 
according  to  the  oath  which  they  had  taken  at  then'  investi- 
tures into  their  Bishoprics. 

Indeed,  of  later  days,  during  those  bloody  wars  between 
the  Houses  of  York  and  Lancaster,  the  Popes  sometimes  in- 
vaded this  undoubted  right  of  our  kings  de  facto,  not  dejure, 
as  was  easy  for  them  to  do,  and  tendered  to  the  Bishops  at 
their  investitm-es  another  oath  of  their  own  making,  at  first 
modest  and  innocent  enough,  that  they  should  obsene 
" regulas  Sanctorum  Patrum"  —  "the  rules  of  the  Holy 
Fathers."  But  after  they  altered  the  oath,  and  falsified 
their  Pontifical  as  well  as  t\\evc  faith,  changing  "regulas 

«  [Foxe's]  Acts  and  Monuni.  [Letter  with  the  assent  and  advice  of  tlie  Pro- 
of "  the  Jjords  Temporal  and  the  whole  tector,  &c.  against  the  entry  into  the 
Barony  of  England  to  the  Pope,"  in  realm  and  the  authority  of  the  Cardinal 
their  own  name,  and  in  that  of  "the  of  S.  Eusebius,  legate  of  Pope  Martin, 
whole  Conimoiialtv"  of  tlie  realm,  an.  A.  V).  1428.  bk.  v.  vol.  i.  pp.  802,  803.] 
Edvv.  Primi  28.  A.D.  1301.  bk.iv.  vol.i.  "  [  Ifi  Rieh.  II.  c.  .5.  §  2.  num.  5.] 
388.  38!)  Protest  of  Henry  VI. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


149 


Sanctorum  Patrum  "  into  "  regalia  Sancti  Petri," — that  tliey 
should  maintain  the  royalties  of  St.  Peter  :  a  shameless 
forgery  ;  and^  admitting  them  to  be  the  interpreters  of  their 
own  forms,  opening  a  gap  to  rob  kings  of  the  fairest  jewels  of 
their  crowns,  and  Bishops  not  only  of  then-  jm-isdictious  but 
also  of  their  loyalty  and  allegiance  to  theii'  lawful  sovereigns ; 
unless  they  take  the  oath  with  a  protestation,  as  our  Ai'ch- 
bishop  Cranmer  did,  that  '  he  woiUd  not  bind  himself  to  any 
thing  contrary  to  the  laws  of  God  or  the  Realm,  or  the 
benefit  thereof ;  nor  yet  hmit  himself  in  the  reformation  or 
government  of  the  Chm-chv' :  before  which  time  two  opposite 
and  repugnant  oaths  Avere  administered  to  the  Bishops,  as 
Henry  the  Eighth  made  it  appear  plainly  in  Parliament  ^. 

Many  things  in  prudence  might  be  done  but  for  fear  of 
such  hke  alterations  and  encroachments.  Om*  kings  gave 
Petei'pence  to  Rome  as  an  alms ;  but  in  process  of  time  it 
was  exacted  as  a  tribute  ^.  The  emperors  for  more  solemnity 
chose  to  be  sworn  by  the  Pope  at  Rome,  as  the  kings  of 
France  at  Rheims,  and  the  kings  of  England  at  Westminster; 
and  this  was  misinterpreted  as  a  doing  homage  to  the  Pope. 

"  Rex  venit  ante  fores  jurans  prius  urbis  honores  ; 
"  Post  homo  Jit  Papce,  sumit  quo  dante  coroiuim  ^. " 

"  The  King  doth  come  before  the  gate, 
"  First  swearing  to  the  city's  state ; 
"  The  Pope's  man  then  he  doth  become, 
"  And  of  his  gift  doth  take  the  crown." 


'  Poutif.  vetus,  [compared  with  the] 
Pontit'.  Novum.  [The  same  oath  is  ap- 
pointed by  tlie  l^untitical  to  be  twice  taken 
by  tlie  Bishop,  once  before  his  Consecra- 
tion, and  again  at  his  reception  (should  it 
be  granted  him)  of  the  pall ;  and  of  tliis 
oath  two  forms  exist,  difi'ering  very  con- 
siderably both  in  length  and  meaning. 
The  shorter  form,  which  contains  only 
the  first  of  the  two  clauses  given  in  the 
text,  occurs  in  the  Decretals  (lib.  ii.  tit. 
2  k  •"  De  Jurejur.,"  c.  4.);  the  longer, 
which  contains  only  the  last  of  the  two, 
occurs  in  the  Pontificals  (e.  g.  in  those 
of  Clement  VIII.,  Rome  159.5,  and 
Urban  VIII.,  Paris  1561;  although  it 
is  remarkable  that  the  other  form  is  sub- 
stituted for  it  in  ihat  of  Venice,  1.530) ; 
and  both  clauses  together  are  found  in 
the  oath  submitted  to  Parliament  by 
Henry  VIII.  in  1.532  as  that  which  was 


then  taken  by  the  English  Bishops 
(Collier,  Ch.  liist.,  Pt.  ii^  bk.  i.  voh  ii. 
p.  68 — Burn.,  Hist,  of  the  Reform., 
vol.  i.  bk.  ii.  in  an.  1532).  The 
substitution  or  addition  appears  to  date 
from  the  time  of  Paschal  II.,  A.  D. 
1191.  See  an  account  of  it  in  Twysden's 
Ilistor.  Vindic,  ch.  iii.  pp.  46-48,  and 
the  two  oaths  compared  at  length  in 
Barrow,  On  the  Pope's  Supremacy,  In- 
trod.  §  xiv.] 

Ex  Regist.  Cranm.,  p.  4.  [in  the 
Append,  to  Strype's  Cranmer,  num.  v.] 
^  Hall  in  Hen.  VIII.  fol.  [205.— See 
Colher's  Ch.  Hist.,  Pt.  ii.  bk.  i.  vol.  ii. 
p.  68  ] 

i  [See  a  circumstantial  history  of  tlie 
payment  of  Peterpence  in  Twysden's 
Histor.  Vindication,  ch.  iv.])p.  71,  &c.] 

^  [Radevic,  De  Gest.  Frcdcrici  I. 
Imperatoris,  lib.  j,  c.  10.] 


150 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


1'  .\  K  1        Poets  might  be  bold  by  authority  ;  but  it  rested  not  there. 

 Good  authors  affirm  the  challenge  in  good  earnest  <=.  And 

Clement  the  Fifth  in  one  of  liis  canons  or  decrees'^  doth  con- 
clude it ;  "  declaramus  juramenta  pradida  fidelitatis  existere 
et  censeri  debere  " — "  we  declare  that  the  aforesaid  oaths  are 
and  ought  to  be  esteemed  oaths  of  allegiance." 
The^sove-      Lay  these  particulars  together ;  our  kings  from  time  to 
our  kings   time  called  Councilsj  made  ecclesiastical  laws,  pmiished  eccle- 
asticai    '  siastical  persons  and  saw  that  they  did  their  duties  in  their 
eccSrsir  callings,  prohibited  ecclesiastical  judges  to  proceed,  received 
cai  persons,  appeals  from  ecclesiastical  courts,  rejected  the  laws  of  the 
Pope  at  their  pleasiu'C  Avith  a  "  nolumus" — "we  will  not, 
have  the  laAvs  of  England  to  be  changed,"  or  gave  legislative 
interpretations  of  them  as  they  thought  good,  made  ecclesias- 
tical corporations,  appropriated  benefices,  translated  Episcopal 
Sees,  forbade  appeals  to  Rome,  rejected  the  Pope's  Bulls, 
protested  against  his  legates,  questioned  both  the  legates 
themselves,  and  all  those  who  acknowledged  them,  in  the 
King's  Bench  (I  may  add,  and  made  them  pay  at  once  an 
himdred  and  eighteen  thousand  pounds  as  a  composition  for 
theii'  estates  «),  condemned  the  excommunications  and  other 
sentences  of  the  Roman  Court,  would  not  permit  a  peer,  or 
baron  of  the  realm,  to  be  excommunicated  without  their 
consents,  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  Bishoprics  and  the  inves- 
titures of  Bishops,  enlarged  or  restrained  the  privilege  of 
clergy,  prescribed  the  endowment  of  \acars,  set  do^ra  the 
wages  of  priests,  and  made  Acts  to  remedy  the  oppressions  of 
the  Court  of  Rome. 
King  What  did  Kbig  Henry  the  Eighth  in  effect  more  than  this? 

did"no^'"'  He  forbade  all  suits  to  the  Court  of  Rome  by  proclamation, 
his^prede"  '^^^^^^^  Sanders  calls  the  beginning  of  the  schism  ^ ;  divers 
cessors.      statutes  did  the  same.    He  excluded  the  Pope's  legates ;  so 

did  the  laAv  of  the  land,  without  the  king's  special  license.  77 
He  forbade  appeals  to  Rome ;  so  did  his  predecessors  many 

Occhani,  [Dialog.   De   Potestate  the  Clergy  of  the  province  of  Canter- 

ImiJC-riali  et  Papali,]  P.  iii.  [Tract,  ii.  bury,  and  £18,840  from  those  of  the 

lib.i.]  c.  22.  [who  refutes  the  assertion.]  province  of  York,  on  the  ground  of  an 

"De  Sent,  et  Rejudic."  [Clemen-  alleged  Praemunire  incurred  by  their 

tin.,  lib.  ii.  tit.  9.  §  1.  "De  Jurejurando."  consent  to  Wolsey'slegantine  authority. 

Bramhall  refers  by  mistake  to  tit.  8.]  Collier,  Ch.  Hist.,  Pt.  ii.  bk.  i.  vol.  ii. 

<!  [But  this  was  Henry  the  Eip:hth',s  j).  61.] 

own  act ;  who  extorted  £100,000  IVoni  i  [Dc  Schism.,  lib,  i.  p.  71.  ed.  1610.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


151 


ages  before  him  s.    He  took  away  the  Pope's  dispensations  ;  Discourse 

what  did  he  in  that  but  restore  the  English  Bishops  to  their  '  

ancient  right,  and  the  laws  of  the  country  with  the  canons  of 
the  Fathers  to  their  vigour  ?  He  challenged  and  assumed  a 
pohtical  supremacy  over  ecclesiastical  persons  in  ecclesiastical 
causes ;  so  did  Edward  the  Confessor  "  govern  the  Chiirch  as 
the  Vicar  of  God  in  his  own  kingdom  so  did  his  predecessors 
hold  their  crowns  as  '  immediate^  subjected  to  God,  not  sub- 
jected to  the  Pope.'  On  the  other  side,  the  Pope  by  our 
English  laws  could  neither  reward  freely,  nor  punish  freelj', 
neither  whom,  nor  where,  nor  when,  he  thought  fit,  but  by 
tlie  consent  or  connivance  of  the  State.  He  could  neither 
do  justice  in  England  by  his  legates  without  controlment,  nor 
call  Englishmen  to  Rome  without  the  king's  Ucense.  Here 
is  small  appearance  of  a  good  legal  prescription,  nor  any 
pregnant  signs  of  any  sovereign  power  and  jm'isdiction  by 
undoubted  right  and  so  evident  uncontroverted  a  title  as  is 
pretended. 

I  might  conclude  this  my  second  proposition  with  the  tes-  The  judg- 
timonies  of  the  greatest  lawyers  and  judges  of  our  land  EngU^""'^^ 
('artists  ought  to  be  credited  in  their  own  art');  that  the '^^^'J'^"- 
laws  made  by  King  Henry  on  this  behalf  were  not  oper- 
ative, but  declarative ;  not  made  to  create  any  new  law,  but 
only  to  vindicate  and  restore  the  ancient  law  of  England, 
and  its  ancient  jiirisdiction  to  the  crown There  had  needed 
no  restitution,  if  there  had  not  been  some  usurpation ;  and 
who  can  wonder  that  the  Court  of  Rome,  so  potent,  so 
jirudent,  so  vigilant  and  intent  to  their  own  advantage, 
should  have  made  some  progress  in  their  long-destined  project, 
during  the  reigns  of  six  or  seven  kings  immediately  succeed- 
ing one  another,  who  were  all  either  of  doubtful  title,  or 
mere  usurpers  without  any  title,  such  as  cared  not  much  for 
the  flowers  of  the  crown,  so  they  might  but  hold  the  diadem 
itself  from  their  competitors  ? 

Therefore  om-  ecclesiastical  law  was  called  the  king's  law, 
because  the  edge  and  validity  of  it  did  proceed  from  authoiity 
royal ;  our  ecclesiastical  courts  Avere  styled  the  king's  courts 


Antiquit.  Brit.  ]>.  32-5.  Lord  Coke,  [Reports,]  Cawdrey's  case, 

"  Fitzhfrb.,Nat.Brev.[fol.l  l,  l-3,iSjc-.  [Part  v.  case  1.,  who  also  infers  the 
f'd.  of  1598,  who  states  the  old  law.] —     identity  of  the  new.] 


153 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


p  A^u  T    })y  iiis  judges.  It  is  true,  tlie  liabitual  jurisdiction  of  Bishops 

 '■  flo-w  s  from  theii'  Ordination ;  but  the  actvial  exercise  thereof 

in  pubhc  coui'ts  after  a  coercive  manner,  is  fi'om  the  gracious 
concessions  of  sovereign  princes. 

In  a  word,  the  law  being  merely  intended  as  a  remedy 
against  usurpation,  it  cannot  be  a  new  law,  but  only  a  legis- 
lative declaration  of  the  old  common  law  of  England. 

I  Avill  conclude  this  chapter  -ndth  the  words  of  Bishop 
Bilson' ; — "  As  for  his  Patriarchate,  by  God's  law  he  hath 
none ;  in  this  realm  for  six  hundi'ed  years  after  Clirist  he 
had  none ;  for  the  last  six  hundred  years,  looking  after 
greater  matters,  he  would  have  none ;  above,  or  against,  the 
Prince's  sword  he  can  have  none ;  to  the  subversion  o£  the 
Faith  or  oppression  of  his  brethren  he  oiight  to  have  none ; 
yon  must  seek  farther  for  subjection  to  his  tribunal ;  this 
land  oweth  him  none." 


CHAP.  V. 

THAT  THE  BRITANNIC  CHURCHES  WERE  EVER  EXEMPTED  FROM  FOREIGN 
JURISDICTION  FOR  THE  FIRST  SIX  HUNDRED  YEARS,  AND  SO  OUGHT  TO 
CONTINUE. 

Thirdly,  supposing  that  the  Reformed  Church  of  England 
had  separated  itself  from  Rome,  and  supposing  that  the 
municipal  laws  of  the  realm  then  in  force  had  not  M^arranted 
such  a  separation,  yet  the  British  Churches,  that  is,  the 
Churches  of  the  British  islands,  England,  Scotland,  and 
Ireland,  &c.,  by  the  constitution  of  the  Apostles  and  by 
the  solemn  sentence  of  the  Catholic  Church,  are  exempted 
from  all  foreign  jurisdiction,  and  cannot  be  schismatical  in 
the  lawful  vindication  of  a  just  privilege  so  well  founded  : —  78 
for  the  clearer  manifestation  whereof  let  us  consider  : 
The'  supre-  1 .  Fii'st ;  that  all  the  twelve  Apostles  were  equal  in  mission, 
whole  Col-  equal  in  commission,  equal  in  power,  equal  in  honoui-,  equal 

lege  of  the 
Apostles. 

i  The    True    Difference  [between     bellion,]  Pt.  ii.  [p.  32], 
Clirist.  Subjection  and  Unchrist.  Re- 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


153 


in  all  things,  except  priority  of  order,  without  which  no  Discourse 
society  can  Avell  subsist  '  

So  much  Bellarmine  confesseth,  that  by  these  words,  "  As 
My  Father  sent  Me,  so  send  I  you,"  our  Saviour  endowed 
them  with  all  the  fulness  of  power  that  mortal  men  were 
capable  of     And  therefore  no  single  Apostle  had  jurisdiction 
over  the  rest  {' par  in parem  non  habet  potestatem'),  but  the 
whole  College  of  Apostles,  to  which  the  supreme  managery  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs  did  belong  in  common ;  whether  a  new  Acts  i. 
Apostle  was  to  be  ordained ;  or  the  office  of  Deaconship  was  Acts  vi. 
to  be  erected ;  or  fit  persons  were  to  be  delegated  for  the  Acts  viii. 
ordering  of  the  Church,  as  Peter  and  John,  Judas  and  Silas ; 
or  informations  of  great  moment  were  to  be  heard,  as  against  Acts  xi. 
Peter  himself — (though  Peter  out  of  modesty  might  con- 
descend, and  submit  to  that  to  which  he  was  not  obUged  in 
duty,  yet  it  had  not  become  the  other  Apostles  to  sit  as 
judges  upon  their  superior,  placed  over  them  by  Christ).  Or 
whether  the  weightier  questions,  of  the  calling  of  the  Gentiles,  Acts  xv. 
and  circumcision,  and  the  law  of  Moses,  were  to  be  deter- 
mined ;  still  we  find  the  supremacy  in  the  College. 

3.  Secondly :  that  drowsy  dream,  that  the  plenitude  of  The  other 
ecclesiastical  power  and  jurisdiction  was  given  by  Clii'ist  to  had'succes- 
St.  Peter  as  to  "  an  ordinary  pastor,"  to  be  derived  from  him  gggt'^p^gj.^ 
to  his  successors,  but  to  the  rest  of  the  Apostles  as  delegates 
for  term  of  life,  to  die  with  themselves;    as  it  is  lately 
and  boldly  asserted"",  without  reason,  without  authority, 
either  di^dne  or  human,  so  it  is  most  repugnant  to  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Fathers,  who  make  all  Bishops  to  be  the  vicars 
and  ambassadors  of  Christ  (not  of  the  Pope),  and  successors  of 
the  Apostles,  indifferentlj^,  "  vicarid  ordinatione'^ ,"  "who  make 
but  '  one  Episcopacy  in  the  world,  whereof  every  Bishop  hath 

It  Cypr.,  De  Unit.  Eccles.  [Op.  pp.  §  32.  torn.  ii.  p.  710.  E.]  — et  alii,  [see 

107,108.]— Concil.Ephes.[A.D.  4.31.]  the  evidence  of  the  Fathers  upon  the 

in  Epist.  Synod,  ad  Nestor.  [Bramhall  subject  in  Barrow,  On  the  Pope's  Su- 

probably  refers  to  the  Synodical Epistle  premacy,  Answ.  toSuppos.  I.,  especially 

of  the  provincial  Council  of  Alexandria,  §  xviii. ;  and  Field,  Of  tlie  Church,  bk. 

which  is  attributed  b}'  Isidorus  Mercator  v.  cc.  32.  39.] 

to  the  general  Council  of  Ephesus  im-         '  Bellarm.,  De  Pontif  Roman.,  lib.iv. 

mediately  subsequent  to  it,  and  in  which  c.  [23.  Op.  toni.  i.  p.  10  1.5.  B.j 

the  Apostles  are  mentioned  without  dis-         "  [Bellarm.,  as  quoted  in  last  note, 

tinction  as  jointly  delivering  the  Faith  lib.  i.  c.  11.  Op.  torn.  i.  p.  C4'7.  B.] 

to  the  Churches  : — see  it  in  Labb.,  Con-         "  [Cypr.,  Ep.  G6.,  p.  167. — Sec  Bar- 

cil.,  torn.  iii.  pp.  396.  409.] — Ambros.,  row,  Answ.  to  Suppos.  11.,  §  9,  &c.] 

[Lib.  de  Incarn.  Doni.  Sacram.,  c.  iv. 


154 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    ail  equal  share".'    St.  Peter  was  a  pastor,  and  the  pastoral 

 '-  office  is  of  perpetual  necessity  in  the  Church.    True  ;  but  so 

were  all  the  rest  of  the  Apostles  pastors  as  weU  as  he.  And 
if  we  examine  the  matter  more  narrowly,  "  cui  bono  " — "  for 
whose  advantage  "  this  distinction  was  demised ;  it  was  not  for 
St.  Peter's  own  advantage,  who,  setting  aside  his  principality 
of  order,  is  confessed  to  have  had  but  an  equal  share  of  power 
with  his  felloAV  Apostles,  but  for  the  Pope's  advantage,  and 
the  Roman  Court's,  whom  they  desire  to  invest  solely  mth 
the  key  of  all  original  jurisdiction. 
Why  the        And  if  we  trace  on  this  argument  a  little  fui'ther,  to  search 
Rome^stf   out  how  the  Bishop  of  Rome  comes  to  be  St.  Peter's  heii' '  ex 
cesso/      ^^^^)'  to  the  exclusion  of  his  elder  brother  the  Bishop  of  An- 
of  Antioch?  t^^^y  pi'ocliice  uo  authority,  that  I  have  seen,  but  a  blind 

ill-grounded  legend  out  of  a  counterfeit  Hegesippus — of 
St.  Peter's  being  about  to  leave  Rome,  and  Christ's  meeting 
him  upon  the  way,  and  admonishing  him  to  retui-n  to  Rome, 
Avhere  he  must  be  crucified  for  His  Name  P ;  which  reason 
halts  on  both  sides ;  the  foundation  is  apocryphal,  and  the 
superstruction  is  weak  and  unjointed  without  any  necessary 
connection. 

The  high-  3.  Thirdly ;  it  appeareth  not  to  us,  that  the  Apostles  in  their 
t  on  of  the  ^'"^J^  either  set  up  any  universal  monarchy  in  the  Church, 
Apostles    Qj.  gQ  ixiuch  dilate  the  borders  or  bomids  of  any  one  man's 

exceedea 

not  7tation-  single  jurisdiction,  as  to  subject  so  great  a  part  of  the  Cliris- 
■  tian  world,  as  the  Western  Patriarchate,  to  his  obedience. 
The  highest  that  they  went,  if  any  of  those  canons  which 
bear  then-  names  be  genuine,  was  to  national  or  provincial 
Primates  or  Patriarchs, — for  a  Protarch  or  Primate  and  a 
Patriarch  in  the  language  of  the  ancient  Church  signified  one 
and  the  same  thing, — in  whose  pre-eminence  there  was  more 
of  order  and  care,  than  of  single  juriscbction  and  power. 
Read  their  three-and-thii'tieth  canon, — "  It  behoves  the 
Bishops  of  every  distinct  nation  to  know  him  who  is  their 
Pii'st"  (or  Primate),  "and  to  esteem  him  as  their  Head;  and 
to  do  nothing  that  is  of  difficulty,  or  great  moment,  contrary 
to  liis  opinion.    But  neither  let  him  do  any  thing  without 

°  ["  Episcopatus  inius  est,  cujns  a  Col.  Agripp.  162G.  But  see  Branihall's 
singulis  ii\  soliduiu  pais  tonetur"  Replic.  to  the  Bp.  of  Chalc.,  c.  v.  (p. 
(ryj)!-.,  dc  Unit.  Eccks.,  Op.  p.  108).]     20.5.  fol.  ed.),  Disc.  iii.  Pt.  L] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


155 


the  opinion  of  all  of  tliemi."  Tliis  national  Primacy  or  Pro-  Discour 
tarchate,  or  Patriarcliate,  under  which  the  Britannic  Churches  


floiirislied  for  many  ages,  is  the  very  same  which  Ave  contend 
for. 

4.  Fourthly ;  it  is  worthy  of  our  inquiry,  how  in  process  of  How  some 
time  some  Primates  did  obtain  a  much  more  eminent  degree  ^a^^^'^be 
9  of  honour,  and  a  larger  share  in  the  government  of  the  ™gg^/j'j^ 
Church,  than  others.  And  of  this  their  adventitious  grandeur,  jjie  Church 
we  find  three  principal  fountains  :  first,  ancient  customs ;  others : 
secondly,  the  canons  of  the  Fathers ;  and  thirdly,  the  edicts 
of  Chiistiau  princes.     First,  ancient  customs.    Upon  this  either  by 
ground  the  first  general  Council  of  Nice  settled  the  authority  ' 
and  privileges  of  the  three  Patriarchal  Sees  of  Rome,  Alex- 
andria, and  Antioch ; — "  Let  ancient  customs  prevail  And 
these  customs  commonly  proceeded  either  from  the  memory  of 
the  Apostles,  who  had  founded  such  Churches ;  from  whence 
as  from  Apostolical  fountains  theii'  neighbours  did  fetch 
sound  doctrine,  and  reciprocally  paid  to  them  due  respect ; — 
so  Hosius  proposed  in  the  Occidental  Council  of  Sardis  in 
favour  of  the  See  of  Rome,  '  Doth  it  please  you  that  we 
should  honour  the  memory  of  St.  Peter*?' — or  from  the  or  from  the 
more  powerfid  principahty  of  the  city,  which  is  alleged  by  the  thedty  ■  °^ 
Council  of  Clialcedon  as  a  reason  of  the  greatness  both  of 
the  Sees  of  Rome  and  Constantinople, — '  because  they  were 
the  seats  of  the  emperors        Secondly,  the  canons  of  the  or  by  de- 
Fathers,  either  without  custom,  or  against  custom.    Thus  Councils ; 
the  Bishop  of  Hierusalem,  an  Apostolical  See,  was  raised 
above  the  Bishop  of  Csesarea,  an  imperial  city,  notwithstand- 
ing the  contrary  custom       Thus  Constantinople,  because  it 
was  newly  made  the  seat  of  the  empire,  was  equalled  to  an 
Apostohcal  See,  that  is,  Rome,  and  preferred  before  all  the 
rest  by  the  general  Councils  of  Constantinople  and  Clial- 
cedon, notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  by  his  legates,  who  grieved  the  more  to  see  Tliracia, 

Can.  Apostol.  33.  [ap.  Labb.,  Con-        t  Concil.  Chalceclon.  [A.  D.  451) 

cil.,  tom.  i.  p.  32. — See  Bingham, bk.ii.  can.  28.  "  Sio  rh  fia(i-i\(i(tt>,"  k.  t.  A. 

c.  16.  §  1-3.]  [ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  tom.  iv.  p.  770.— 

'  ["To  apxaia  €0»j  KpoTcfTw."]  Con-  Concil.  Constantin.  (A.  D.  381)  can.  3.. 

cil.  Nicaen.  can.  6.  [ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  tom.  ii.  p.  947.] 
tom.  ii.  p.  32.  C]  "  [Concil.  Chalcedon.,  IV.  CT",cuinen. 

'  [Concil.  Saullc.  (A.D.  31-7)  can.  3.,  (A.  ]).  4.51),  Act.  vii.,  ap.  Lnhli.,  Con- 

ap.  Labb,,  Concil.,  tom.  ii.  pp.  628,  629.]  cil.,  tom.  iv.  pp.  612-017.] 


156 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    wliich  he  conceived  to  belong  to  his  own  jui'isdiction,  to  be 

 '-  annexed  to  a  rival  See.    Lastly,  the  edicts  of  sovereign 

of  princes!*  princcs,  who  out  of  favour  either  to  the  place  of  theu*  birth 
or  of  their  residence  or  of  their  own  foundation,  or  for  the 
weal-public  and  better  accommodation  of  their  subjects,  have 
enlarged  or  restrained  Patriarchates  within  their  own  terri- 
tories, and  raised  up  new  Primates  or  Patriarchs  as  they 
thought  fit.    But  of  this  more  in  my  next  conclusion''. 
Many  Pri-      5 .  Fifthly ;  notwithstanding  the  pre-eminence  of  the  five 
ject  to  none  great  Patriarchs  of  Rome,  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  An- 
ereat'^Patd-  tioch,  and  Hierusalem,  and  their  great  power  and  authority 
archs.  ^]^g  Churcli,  especially  in  general  Councils ;  yet  there  were 

many  other  Protarchs  or  Patriarchs,  who  had  no  dependence 
upon  them  at  aU  out  of  Council,  nor  owed  them  any  obedience, 
but  only  a  precedence  and  honourable  respect.  Rufiinus,  a 
Priest  of  the  Roman  Chiu-ch  who  li^'ed  not  long  after  the 
Council  of  Nice,  and  one  who  understood  the  ancient  proper 
bounds  of  the  Roman  Patriarchate  as  well  as  any  man,  doth 
limit  it  to  the  Suburbicary  Chiu'ches,  that  is,  a  part  of  Italy 
and  three  islands,  Sicilj'^,  Sardinia,  and  Corsica  y.  Airic  had 
a  Primate  of  their  own  at  Carthage ;  the  rest  of  Italy  at 
Milan ;  France  at  Aries  or  Lyons ;  Germany  at  Vienna ; 
Britain  was  removed  far  enough  out  of  this  account  ^. 
between^  ^'^^  ^^^^^  appears  most  clearly  in  the  case  between  the 
the  Patii-  Patriarch  of  Antioch  and  the  Cj^prian  Bishops,  sentenced 
tiiich  and  iu  the  general  Council  of  Ephesus.  The  Patriarch  of  Antioch 
Bishops,  challenged  the  ordination  of  the  Cyprian  Bishops,  and  con- 
sequently a  Patriarchal  jui-isdiction  over  them ;  for  '  aU  other 
rights  do  foUoAv  the  right  of  ordination.^  They  denied  both 
liis  right  of  ordination  and  jui'isdiction.  The  difference  was 
heard.  The  witnesses  were  examined  for  matter  of  fact. 
And  a  sentence  was  given,  not  only  in  favoiu-  of  the  Cyjn-ian 
Bishops,  hut  of  all  others  A\'hich  were  in  the  same  condition  : 
among  which  number  were  oiu"  Britannic  Churches,  as  shall 
evidently  appear  in  this  ensuing  discom-se.  But  first  let  us 
listen  to  the  words  of  the  Conned ;  '  Since  common  diseases 
do  need  greater  remedies,  because  they  bring  greater  damage; 

I  [Seec.  vi.]  Beveridge,  Cod.  Can.  Eccl.  Prim., lib.ii. 

y  Ruffin.,  Hist.  Eccles.,  lib.  i.  c.  6.  c.  v.,— Bingh.,  bk.  ix.  c.  i.  §  11.   It  was 

[See  Cave,  Govcrnm.  of  the  Anc.  Cli.,  tlie  Gallic  Vicuna,  which  was  a  metro- 

ce.  iii.,  and  v.  §  10.]  pol.  See.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


157 


if  it  be  not  the  ancient  custom  that  tlie  Bisho^is  of  Antioch  Dist  ourrj<. 

ordain  in  Cj^rus,  as  the  ComicU  is  sufficiently  satisfied/  .  .  .   '■  

"  the  Cyprian  Prelates  shall  hold  their  rights  untouched  and 

unviolated^  according  to  the  canons  of  the  holy  Fathers  and 

the  ancient  custom,  ordaining  their  own  Bishops.    And  let 

the  same  he  observed  in  other  Dioceses,  and  in  all  Provinces, 

that  no  Bishop  occupy  another  Pronnce,  which  formerly  and 

from  the  beginning  was  not  under  the  power  of  him,  or  his 

predecessors.    If  any  do  occupy  another  Province,  or  subject 

it  by  force,  let  him  restore  it,  that  the  canons  of  the  Fathers 

be  not  slighted,  nor  pride  creep  into  the  Church  under  the  ["  MtjSJ  eV 

pretext  of  worldly  power,  lest  by  little  and  Uttle  that  liberty  ^p''„"^^^)f„T» 

be  lost  which  Christ  purchased  for  us  mth  His   blood.  Ho'^^ias 

Therefore  it  hath  pleased  the  Holy  Sjoiod,  that  every  Pro-  dlmi  Koa- 

vince  eniov  its  rights  and  customs  im-\dolated,  which  it  had  '""^j) 

.      .  .      .  petaovri- 

)from  the  beginning^."  These  words  "  from  the  beginning" —  rai."] 
"  apx^'i  avQ)6ev/' — are  twice  repeated.  It  is  no  marvel  if 
some,  addicted  to  the  interest  of  Rome,  have  gone  about  by 
sUght  of  hand,  but  verj^  unsuccessfully,  to  shuffle  this  canon 
out  of  the  Acts  of  the  Council.  If  the  Fathers  in  that  holy 
and  OEcumenical  Council  were  so  tender  and  sensible  of 
"pride  creeping  into  the  Church"  in  those  days,  and  of  the 
danger  "to  lose  their  Christian  liberty"  in  the  case  of  the 
Bishop  of  Antioch,  who  neither  pretended  Divine  right,  nor 
universal  jnrisdiction,  nor  superiority  above  Councils ;  what 
would  they  not  have  said  or  done  in  this  present  case  of  the 
Bishop  of  Rome,  who  challengeth  not  only  the  right  of 
ordaining,  but  the  grace  of  ordination,  and  sovereign  jurisdic- 
tion, not  over  Cyprus  only,  but  over  the  Avhole  Christian 
world,  not  from  custom,  or  canons,  or  edicts,  but  from  the 
institution  of  Christ  j  who  makes  all  the  validity  of  the 
decrees  of  those  OEcumenical  Councils  which  his  predecessors 
received  and  reverenced  as  the  Gospel  to  depend  upon  his 
own  confirmation  ? 

To  apply  this  home  to  the  question.    The  general  Council  The  case 

of  the 

'  Concil.  Ephes.  [A.  D.  431]  P.  ii.  [editt.  before  Bened.— 25.  ed.  Bened. 

Act.  7.  [ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  iii.  See  p.  97,  note  e.] 
p.  802.    One  unimportant  clause  is  in-  [See  Beveridge,  Annot.  ad  Synodic, 

accurately  translated,  as  will  be  seen  by  pp.  r>S,  59,  106;  and  Leo  Alfat.,  Be 

the  original  placed  above  in  the  margin.]  Eccl.  Occ.  ct  Or.  Consens.,  lib.  i.  c.  25. 

I'  Greg.  M.,  Epist,,  lib.  i.  Ep.  24.  §  2,  3.] 


158 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


P  K  T  of  Ejjliesiis  declared,  that  no  Bishop  should  occupy  any  pi'O- 
^    r      ^ince,  which  before  that  Council,  and  "  from  the  heginninoj," 

Cyprian  '  ....  .  . 

Bishops  had  not  been  under  the  jimsdiction  of  him  or  his  prede- 
appUed.     ggggQj,g  .  ^  j^jjy  Patriarch  usiu-ped  any  jimsdiction 

over  a  free  Province,  "  he  should  quit  it for  so  "  it  pleased," 
not  the  Pope,  but  "the  holy  SjTiod,"  that  every  Pro\ince  shoidd 
"enjoy  its  ancient  rights  pure  and  in^iolate."  Now  if  it  shall 
evidently  appear,  that  the  Bishops  of  Rome  never  exercised 
any  manner  of  jurisdiction  over  the  Britannic  Chiu'ches 
fi'om  the  beginning ;  no,  nor  yet  before  the  general  Council 
of  Ephesus  ;  nor  for  six  hundred  years  after  Christ ;  that  is, 
imtil  they  themselves  had  disowned  their  Patriarchal  right ; 
Avhen  Pope  Boniface  the  Third,  who  entered  into  the  Roman 
See  about  tliree  years  after  the  death  of  Gregory  the  Great, 
obtained  from  Phocas  an  usurping  emperor  to  be  universal 
Bishop,  that  is  to  say,  an  usm'ping  monarch  over  the  Church^; 
which  fell  out  so  soon  after  the  arrival  of  Austin  in  England, 
that  there  wanted  time  to  have  settled  the  Roman  Patriarch- 
ate in  Britain,  though  the  Britons  had  been  as  willing  to 
receive  it,  as  they  were  averse  from  it ;  and  if  no  true  general 
Council  since  that  time  hath  ever  subjected  Britain  unto 
the  Roman  Court ;  then  the  case  is  clear,  that  Rome  can  pre- 
tend no  right  over  Britain,  "ndthout  their  own  consents,  nor 
any  farther,  nor  for  any  longer  time,  than  they  are  pleased 
to  obhge  themselves ;  then  the  subsequent  and  Aiolent 
usurpations  of  the  Roman  Bishops  cannot  render  them  bonce 
fidei  possessores — la"n^ful  o'miers;  but  that  they  are  always 
bound  to  quit  their  encroachments,  and  the  Britannic 
Chui'ches  and  those  who  derive  by  succession  from  them  are 
always  free  to  vindicate  and  reassume  theu-  ancient  rights 
and  privileges. 

The  proof      In  this  controversy,  by  lav/,  the  bm'den  of  the  proof  ought 
cause*      to  rest  upon  them,  who  affirm  a  right,  and  challenge  a  jm*is- 
restupon    cliction ;  not  upon  us  who  deny  it.    Men  are  not  put  to  prove 
ouradver-  negatives.    Let  them  produce  their  registers,  and  shew  for 
the  first  six  hundred  years  what  ecclesiastical  courts  the 
Roman  Bishops  or  their  legates  have  held  in  Britain,  what 
causes  they  have  removed  from  thence  to  Rome  upon  appeals, 

"  [A.  D.  606.    See  Paul.  Diac,  De     tine  came  to  England  in  597.] 
Gest.  Laugobard.,  lib.  iv.  c.  11.  Angus- 


THK  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


159 


what  sentences  given  in  Britain  they  have  repealed  there.  Discourse 

what  British  subjects  they  have  excommunicated,  or  sum  —  

moned  to  appear  at  Rome ;  let  them  shew  what  Bishoprics 
they  have  conferred  in  Britain  in  those  days,  what  British 
Bishops  did  then  entitle  themselves  to  their  Bishoprics  "  by 
the  grace  of  God,  and  of  the  Apostolic  See;"  let  them 
declare  to  the  world  how  many  of  our  British  Primates  or 
Patiiarchs  of  York,  London,  or  Caerleon,  have  constantly,  or 
at  aU,  repaired  to  Rome  to  be  ordained,  or  have  received 
licenses  or  dispensations  thence  for  theii"  ordination  at  home, 
or  elsewhere  ;  for  '  ordinationis  jus  cater  a  jura  sequuntur' — he 
who  is  necessarily  by  law  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  a  foreign 
Prelate  for  his  ordination,  is  thereby  implied  to  be  inferior  or 
subject  to  his  ordainer.  If  they  can  say  nothing  to  any  of 
these  points,  they  may  disclaim  their  Patriarchal  right  in 
Britain,  and  hold  their  peace  for  ever. 

The  reasons  why  I  set  York  before  London  in  the  order  of  [wTiy  York 
our  British  Patriarchs  or  Primates,  are  these.  First,  because  London*.]' ° 
I  find  their  names  subscribed  in  that  order  in  the  Council  of 
Aries,  held  in  the  year  314,  consisting  as  some  say  of  two 
hundred,  as  others  say,  of  six  hundred,  Bishops,  convocated 
by  Constantino  the  Great,  before  the  fii'st  Council  of  Nice, 
to  hear  and  determine  the  appeal  of  the  Donatists  from  tlic 
53  sentence  of  the  imperial  delegates,  whereof  Melchiades  the 
Bishop  of  Rome  was  one  ^.  It  were  a  strange  sight  in  these 
days  to  see  a  Pope  tm*n  legate  to  the  emperors  in  a  cause  of 
ecclesiastical  cognizance.  Secondly,  for  the  same  reason 
that  Rome  and  Constantinople  in  those  days  of  the  Roman 
puissance  were  dignified  above  all  other  Churches,  because 
they  were  then  the  seats  of  the  emperors.  York  was  then  an 
imperial  city,  the  metropolis  of  tlic  cliief  Britannic  province, 
called  at  that  time  Maxima  Caesariensis ;  where  Severus  the 
Emperor  died,  and  had  his  funeral  pile  upon  Severs  Hill,  a 
place  adjoining  to  that  city;  where  Constantine  the  Great 
was  born,  "in  domo Regali  vocatd Pertenna^ " — "in  the  Royal 

'  [Act.  Coneil.  Arelatens.,  ap.  Latb.,  cular  testimony  given  in  tlie  text  (whicli 

Concil.,  torn.  i.  p.  1430.  See  Ussher,  De  is  that  only  of  the  English  Orators  at 

Primord.  Eccles.  Brit.,  c.  v.  pp.  97,  98.]  the  Council  of  Basle  in  1434  in  a  dis- 

f  [For  the  evidence  upon  the  very  pute  for  precedence  with  the  ambassa- 

doubtful  question  of  Constantine's  birth-  dors  of  Spain),  the  addenda  (p.  990) 

place,  see  Ussher  as  before  quoted,  to  that  chapter,  p.  175.1.28.  Gibbon 

c.  viii.  pp.  173-193  ;  and  for  the  parti-  prefers  the  claims  of  Naissus  in  Dacia.] 


160 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   Palace "  (wliereof  some  poor  remainders  are  yet  to  be  seen) 

 ■       tlien  "  called  Pertenna,"  now  a  small  part  of  it  called  ATilgarly 

Bederna  (a  veiy  easy  mistake,  if  vre  consider  that  the 
British  pronounce  P  for  B^and  T  like  D),  situate  near  Christ's- 
Chiu'ch  "  in  Curia  Regis,"  or  in  the  King's  Court,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  extending  itself  near  to  St.  Helen's  Church  upon 
the  walls,  now  demolished,  on  the  other  hand. 

Although  their  silence  alone  to  my  former  demand  (at 
least  of  so  many  whom  I  have  seen  that  have  written  upon 
this  subject)  be  a  sufficient  conviction  of  them,  and  a  sufficient 
vindication  of  us ;  yet  for  farther  manifestation  of  the  truth, 
let  us  consider, — 
The  Bri-        1 .  First,  that  if  we  compare  the  ages  and  oiiginals  of  the 
Church  an-  Roman  and  Britannic  Churches,  we  shall  find,  that  the 
than^the    Britannic  is  the  more  ancient  and  elder  sister  to  the  Roman 
Roman.     itself;  the  Britannic  Church  being  planted  by  Joseph  of 
Arimathea  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius  Caesar     whereas  it  is 
confessed  that  St.  Peter  came  not  to  Rome,  to  lay  the  foun- 
dation of  that  Church,  until  the  second  year  of  Claudius, — 
"  sccundo  Clauclii  anno  in  Italiam  venit  ^ :"  so  if  we  look  to  the 
beginning,  according  to  the  direction  of  the  Council  of 
Ephesus,  the  Britannic  Church  in  its  first  original  was  free 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  and  Court  of  Rome, 
where  there  was  neither  Bishop  nor  com't  nor  ecclesiastical 
jiu-isdiction  at  that  day. 
The  Bri-        2.  Secondly,  that  it  continued  free  in  ensuing  ages  appears 
Churches   evidently  by  that  opposition,  which  the  Chiu-ch  of  Britain 
fhe^Ea"tera  n^Jiintaiued  agaiust  the  Church  of  Rome,  siding  with  the 
against  the  Eastern  Churches  about  the  question  of  those  times  con- 
Roman.  ■  1  1  •  P  -I-l  T        1     •  • 

cernmg  the  observation  of  Easter  and  administration  of 
Baptism,  wherein  Austin  about  the  six  hundredth  year 
laboured  to  conform  them,  but  in  vain.  Is  it  credible  tliat 
the  whole  British  and  Scottish  Church  should  so  unanimously 
have  dissented  from  Rome  for  many  hundred  j-ears  together, 
if  they  had  been  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Roman 

^  Gild.,  De  Excid.   et   Conquestii  British  Church  was  founded  by  St.Paul 

Britann.  [c.  6.  ed.  Josselin.  1568.— But  after  A.D.  60.] 

for  the  amount  of  his  testimony  see  Platin.  in  Vita   Sancti  Petri  [p. 

Stillingfleet's  Orig.  Britann.,  c.  i.  init.,  4,  1]. — Baron.,  Annal.,  in  an.  44.  [num. 

who  regards  it  as  consistent  witli  the  60.    But  the  trutli  of  this  account  ap- 

otherwise  probable   account   that  tlie  pears  to  be  more  than  doubtful.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


161 


Bishop,  as  of  their  lawful  Patriarch ;  or  that  the  Bishop  of  Discourse 

Rome  in  all  that  time  should  never  so  much  as  question  — — 

them  for  it,  if  they  had  been  his  subjects  ?  even  then  when 
Pope  Victor  durst  attempt  to  deny  or  withdraw  his  commu- 
nion from  all  the  Asiatic  Churches  about  the  same  business. 
Neither  were  the  British  Churches  at  last  conformed  to 
Rome  by  any  Patriarchal  power,  but  by  many  conferences, 
by  the  necessity  of  their  civil  affairs,  and  by  long  tract  of 
time,  some  sooner,  some  later : — a  long  tract  of  time  in- 
deed, when  some  in  the  most  septentrional  parts  of  those 
pro\'inces  were  not  reduced  until  a  little  before  the  late 
Reformation. 

3.  Thirdly,  among  the  principal  privileges  of  Patriarchal  ^l"'*!*^^ 
power  is  the  right  of  ordination ; — that  aU  Metropolitans  at  ordained  at 
least  should  either  be  ordained  by  the  Patriarch,  or  by  hcense 
from  the  Patriarch.  This  appears  clearly  in  the  dispute  be- 
tween the  Patriarch  of  Antioch  and  the  Cyprian  Bishops. 
But  where  the  Bishops  were  avTOKe<^aXoi  and  aiiTovofjLot,  ^ — 
independent  upon,  not  subject  unto,  any  foreign  Prelate,  there 
they  ordained  at  their  own  pleasures,  [and]  needed  no  hcense. 
Such  were  our  British  Primates,  [not  '^']  ordained  always  or 
ordinarily  at  Rome,  [but"^,]  according  to  the  Cyprian  privileges, 
creating  new  Bishoprics,  ordaining  new  Bishops,  at  their  own 
pleasvires,  without  giving  any  account  to  Rome.  So  we  read  of 
St.  Telaus,  who  had  been  driven  out  of  his  own  country  by 
an^epidemical  sickness  for  a  long  time,  that  at  his  return  he 
consecrated  and  ordained  Bishops  as  he  thought  fit :  that  he 
'made  one Hismael Bishop  of  St. David's,' and  "in  like  manner 
advanced  many  other  men  of  the  same  order  to  the  same 
degree,  sending  them  throughout  the  country,  and  dividing 
the  parishes  for  the  best  accommodation  of  the  clergy  and 
of  the  people  i."  And  if  there  were  no  other  proof  of  our 
exemption,  but  only  the  small  number  of  the  Bishops  that 
84  were  ordained  by  all  the  succeeding  Popes  for  about  the  first 
three  hundred  years  until  the  death  of  Marcellinus ;  it  were  [A.D.304.] 
suflBcient  to  shew,  that  the  Bishops  of  Rome  in  those  days 
had  Uttle  or  nothing  to  do  out  of  their  own  province,  and 

i  [Bingham,  bk.  ii.  c.  18.  §  2.]  sense.] 

k  [These  two  words  are  inserted  upon  '  Regest.  Landav.,  ap.  Ussher.,  De 

the  authority  of  the  folio  edition.  They  Primord.  Eccles.  Brit.,  [c.  xiv.  pp.  559, 

are  clearly  required  to  complete  the  560.] 

BRAMHALL.  M 


1G2 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


I. 


K  T  that  tlieir  jurisdiction  extended  nothing  near  so  far  as  Britain. 
St.  Peter  ordained  but  three  in  his  suiDjoosed  five  and  twenty 
j^earSj  that  is,  Linus  and  Cletus  ("  ut  sacerdotale  Ministerium 
Romano  populo  et  advenis  bene  sentientibus  exhiberenf^")  and 
Clement,  to  whom  he  bequeathed  his  Episcopal  chair  :  Linus 
but  eleven,  Clement  but  fifteen,  Anacletus  but  six,  Euaristus 
but  five,  Alexander  but  five,  Sixtus  but  fom'",  &c.  These 
were  few  enough  for  their  oavq  pro\'ince,  and  none  to  spare 
for  Britain.  In  the  whole  term  of  three  hundi'ed  years  there 
were  few  above  two  hundi-ed  Bishops  ordained  at  Rome. 
Italy  alone  may  brag  well  near  of  as  many  Bishops  at  one  time, 
as  many  succeeding  Popes  did  ordain  in  all  their  ages".  Let 
them  not  tell  us  of  the  scarcity  of  Christians  in  those  days. 
The  writings  of  TertulUan,  and  Saint  Cj'prian,  and  the 
Councils  held  within  the  time  limited,  do  e\'ince  the  contrary  p. 
No,  the  first  badge  of  their  Patriarchal  authority  in  Britain 
was  sending  of  the  pall  (or  the  only  badge  during  the  times 
of  the  Britons  and  Saxons) ;  and  the  first  pall  that  came  into 
Britain  was  after  six  hundred  yeai's. 
The  an-  4.  But  this  doth  yet  appear  much  more  clearly  from  the 
Dionotiius.  answer  of  Dionothus  the  reverend  and  learned  abbot  of  Bangor 
(which  according  to  the  manner  of  those  times  was  an  uni- 
versity or  seminary  of  learning  and  piety  among  the  Britons, 
and  he  the  well-deserving  rector  of  it),  made  in  his  own  name 
and  in  the  name  of  the  Britons,  when  they  pressed  him  to 
submit  to  the  Roman  Bishop  as  his  Patriarch; — that 
knew  no  obedience  due  to  him  whom  they  called  the  Pope,  but 
the  obedience  of  love ;  and  that  under  God  they  were  to  be 
governed  by  the  Bishop  of  Caerleon  i.'  Observe  first,  what 
strangers  the  Britons  were  to  the  Papacy, — "  that  man  whom 
you  call  the  Pope :"  secondly,  that  they  acknowledged  no 

"  Platin.  [in  Vila  S.  Petri,  p.  G,  ].]  sages  quoted  from  Tertullian:  but  the 

°  [Platin.    in    tlie    lives    of  those  language  he  holds  throughout  his  works 

Popes.]  implies  the  existence  of  a  widely  ex- 

"  [The  number  of  Episcopal  Dio-  tended  and  numerous  Church.  There 

ceses,  assigned  by  the  fullest  account  to  were  present  in  tlic  fourth  Council  of 

the  ancient  province  of  Italy  (wliich  Carthago  in  253  sixty-six  Bishops  j  in 

however  was  of  larger  extent  than  Italy  the  seventh  Council  of  Carthage  in  256 

commonly  so  called),  is  277  according  seventy-one  ;  and  in  the  eighth  Council 

to  Bingham  (Lk.  ix.  c.  5).]  of  Cartilage  in  the  same  year  eighty- 

'  [Tertull.,  Apolog.    adv.    Gentes,  seven  (Cave,  Hist.  Litt.).] 

c.  37.  Adv.  Judaeos,  c.  7  There  is  no  Spelm.,  Concil.,  an.  GOl.  [torn.  i. 

one  passage  in  St.  Cyprian  equally  to  pp.  108,109.] 
the  point  with  the  two  well-known  pas- 


THK  CHUKCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


163 


s^iibjection  or  subordination^  no  "  obedience  "  whatsoever,  due  Discourse 

from  them  to  Rome,  but  only  the  reciprocal  duty  of  "  love,"  — — 

that  -was  just  the  same  that  Rome  did  owe  to  them  :  thirdly, 
that  "  under  God,"  that  is,  immediately,  without  any  foreign 
Prelate  or  Patriarch  intervening,  "  they  were  to  be  governed 
by  the  Bishop  of  Caerleon,"  as  their  only -Primate  and  Patri- 
arch ;  which  privilege  continued  to  the  succeeding  Bishops  of 
that  See  for  many  ages  afterwards,  saving  that  the  Archi- 
episcopal  Chair  was  removed  from  Caerleon  to  St.  Da^•id's  in 
the  reign  of  King  Ai'thur  :  and,  lastly,  observe  the  time 
when  this  answer  was  made,  after  the  first  six  hundred  years 
were  expired ;  so  it  is  a  full  demonstrative  comdncing  proof 
for  the  whole  term  prefixed. 

But,  lest  any  man  should  caAdl  and  say,  that  Dionothus  was  Confirmed 
but  one  man  and  that  the  body  of  the  British  clergy  might  Bwulh 
be  of  another  mind,  that  which  follows  strikes  the  question  ■'^J'"'-'''*- 
dead :  that  Austin,  St.  Gregory's  legate,  proposing  three 
things  to  the  Britons ;  first,  that  they  should  submit  to  the 
Roman  Bishop ;  secondly,  that  they  should  conform  to  the 
customs  of  the  Roman  pro^nnce  about  the  observation  of 
Easter  and  the  administration  of  Baptism ;  and,  lastly,  that 
they  should  join  with  him  in  preaching  to  the  Saxons ;  all 
the  British  clergy  assembled  themselves  together.  Bishops 
and  Priests,  in  two  several  Synods  one  after  another,  to  deU- 
berate  hereupon,  and  after  mature  consideration  they  rejected 
all  his  propositions  sjTiodically,  and  refused  flatly  and  unani- 
mously to  have  anything  to  do  ^viih.  him  upon  those  terms  '  : 
insomuch  as  St.  Austin  was  necessitated  to  return  over  the 
seas  to  obtain  his  own  consecration,  and  after  his  return 
to  consecrate  the  Saxon  Bishops  alone  "ndthout  the  assistance 
of  any  other  Bishops*.  Tliey  refused  indeed  to  their  own 
cost;  twelve  hundred  innocent  monks  of  Bangor  shortly 
after  lost  their  lives  for  it";  'Rome  was  ever  builded  in 

■•  ['Had  been  removed', — viz.  from  Orig.  et  Gestis  Britann.,  lib.  viii.  c.  4.] 

Caerleon  to  Llandaff  by  Dubricius  in  — Beda,  [Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  ii.  c.  2.] — 

512  ;  from  Llandaff  to  St.  David's  or  et  omnes  alii. 

Menevia  by  St.   David  in  516:   see        '  Respons.  Gregor.  ad  Octav.  Quaest. 

Spelman's  Apparat.  ad  Concil.,  p.  25,  [Augustini, — ap.  Spelni.,  Concil.,tom.i. 

and   for  a  solution  of  the   difficulty  p.  88.,  from  Bede  (in  whose  reckoning 

hence  arising,  Hammond  as  quoted  in  th.e  question  is  the  sixtli),  Hist.  Eccles., 

note  y.]  lib.  i.  c.  28.     See  also  the  beginning  of 

'  Spelm.,  Concil,  an.  601.  [torn.  i.  the  same  chapter,  and  c.  29.] 
pp.  104-106.]- Galfred.  Monum.,  [De        "  Bed.  [Hist.  Eccles.,  lib.  ii.  c.  2.] 

M  2 


164 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  blood howsoever  these  words^ — "  quamvis  Augustino  prius 

 — —  mortuo" — have  since  been  forged  and  inserted  into  Venerable 

Bede,  to  palliate  the  matter,  which  are  wanting  in  the  Saxon 
copy''.  The  concurring  testimonies  of  all  our  historiographers 
witnessing  the  absolute  and  unanimous  refusal  of  the  Britons  to 
submit  to  Rome,  and  the  matter  of  fact  itself,  do  confirm  this 
for  an  undoubted  truth  beyond  all  exception y.  So  clear  a 
truth  it  is,  that  the  British  Churches  for  the  first  three  hun- 
dred years  neither  owed  nor  paid  any  subjection  to  Rome. 
Whence  might  well  proceed  that  answer  of  Eleutherius  to 
King  Lucius  (if  that  epistle  be  not  counterfeit)  when  he  85 
desired  him  to  send  over  a  copy  of  the  Roman  laws,  "that  he 
should  choose  a  law  "  ecclesiastical  "  out  of  Holy  Writ  by  the 
Council  of  his  kingdom,"  that  is,  principally  of  his  Bishops ; 
"  for,"  saith  he,  "  you  are  the  Vicar  of  Christ  in  your  king- 
dom 2  :" — the  same  in  effect  which  is  contained  in  the  laws  of 
Edward  the  Confessor.  Hence  it  is  that  both  our  histories 
and  our  laws  do  style  our  Archbishops  "  Primates,"  which  in 
the  language  of  the  primitive  times  signifies  as  much  as 
Patriarchs,  and  sometimes  call  them  expressly  by  the  very 
name  of  Patriarchs  itself^.  Hence  Urban  the  Second  enter- 
tained and  welcomed  Anselm,  om*  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
fA.D.iog;.]  into  the  Council  of  Barre,  "  tanquam  alterius  orbis  Papam" — 
"  as  the  Pope  of  another  world  or,  as  others  relate  the  pas- 
sage, as  "the  Apostle  of  another  world,  and  a  Patriarch 
worthy  to  be  reverenced  •^." 

t  Antiquit.  Brit.  [Eccles.,  p.  48 — 
AVheloc's  Bede,  p.  114.  The  exact 
words  inserted  are  these, — "  quamvis 
ipso  jam  multo  ante  tempore  ad  coelestia 
regna  suhlato."'\ 

[For  the  authority  and  authenticity 
of  this  account  of  Dinoth,  see  Spelnian 
a«  before  quoted, — Hammond's  "  Ac- 
count of  H.  T.  his  Appendix  to  his 
Manual  of  Controversies  concerning  the 
Abbot  of  Bangor's  Answer  to  Augustine" 
(Works,  vol.  ii.),— Stillingfleet's  Orig. 
Brit.,  in  fin., — Bingham,  Orig.  Eccles., 
bk.  ix.  c.  1.  §  12.— and  Branihall's 
"  Reply  to  S.  W.'s  Refutation,"  &c., 
sect,  iv.,  and  Schism  Guarded,  Sect.  iv. 


in  fin.,  Discourses  lii.  and  iv.  Part  i.] 

^  [Epist.  Domini  Eleutherii  Lucio 
Reg.  Britann.,  ap.  Lambard.,  DePriscis 
Anglor.  Legibus,  p.  142.] 

^  Malmesb.,  De  Gest.  Pontif.  An- 
glor., Prolog,  ad  lib.  [i.] — Gloss.  Juris 
[P.  i.]  Distinct,  xxi.  c.  "  Cleros"  [scil. 
c.  1.  See  Twysden's  Histor.  Vindic, 
c.  iii.  p.  18.] 

"  [Malmesb.,  De  Gest.  Pontif.  An- 
glor., lib.  i.  in  Vit.  Anselm. — Gervas. 
Dorobem.,  p.  1327.  ap.  Twysden,  Histor. 
Anglic.  Scriptor.  Decern.] 

'  [Eadmer  in  Vita  Anselmi,  lib.  ii. 
p.  20.  E.,  in  fin.  Op.  Anselm.  ed. 
Bened.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


165 


CHAP.  VI. 

THAT  THE  KING  AND  CHURCH  OP  ENGLAND  HAD  BOTH  SUFFICIENT  AUTIIO- 
BITT  AND  SUFFICIENT  GROUNDS  TO  WITHDRAW  THEIR  OBEDIENCE  FROM 
ROME,  AND  DID  IT  WITH  DUE  MODERATION. 

I.  So,  from  the  persons  who  made  the  separation,  from  the  Discourse 

laws  and  statutes  of  our  realm  which  warranted  the  separa-  '■ — 

tion,  and  from  the  ancient  liberties  and  priAoleges  of  the  reign 
Britannic  Churches,  I  proceed  to  my  fourth  gi'ound,  drawn  fyave^power 
from  the  imperial  prerogatives  of  our  sovereign  princes  ; — that  ^j^^jg^^g^g^ 
though  we  should  wave  aU  the  other  advantages,  yet  they  is  of  human 
had  power  to  alter,  in  the  external  disciphne  and  regiment  of  in  ecciesi- 
the  Chvirch,  whatsoever  was  of  human  institution,  for  the  cipUne!*'^" 
benefit  and  advantage  of  the  body  politic. 

Doctor  Holden  proposeth  the  case  right  by  way  of  objec- 
tion ; — "  But  peradventure  the  Protestants  wiU  say,  that  the 
king  or  supreme  senate  of  every  kingdom  or  commonwealth 
have  power  to  make  laws  and  statutes,  by  which,  either 
directly,  or  at  least  indirectly,  as  well  the  clergy  as  the  laity 
of  that  kingdom  or  commonwealth,  are  bound  to  reject  aU 
foreign  jurisdiction,  superiority,  and  dependence]  and  that 
this  legislative  power  is  essentially  annexed  to  every  kingdom 
and  commonwealth,  seeing  that  otherwise  they  cannot  prevent 
those  dangers  which  may  spring  and  issue  from  that  fountain 
to  their  destruction  and  ruin 

The  Protestants  do  say  so  indeed  without  all  peradventure, 
upon  that  very  ground  which  is  alleged  in  the  objection. 
Neither  do  the  Protestants  want  the  suffrage  of  Roman 
Catholics  therein.  "Because  human  nature,"  saith  one, 
"  cannot  be  destitute  of  necessary  remedies  to  its  own  preser- 
vation e."  And  another,  "  to  whom  a  kingdom  is  granted,  of 
necessity  all  things  are  esteemed  to  be  granted  without  which 
a  kingdom  cannot  be  governed  :  and  a  kingdom  cannot  be 
governed,  unless  the  king  enjoy  this  power  even  over  clerks," 
&c.^    Necessary  remedies  are  no  remedies  unless  they  be 

<»  Append,  de  Schism.,  art.  4.  p.  526.  [pp.  409,  410.    S.  Clara  has  quoted 

•  Suarez,  [De  Legibus,]  lib.   iii.,  the  wrong  title  but  the  right  chapter  in 

De    Primatu    Summi    Pontif.,    c.   i.  Suarez,  and  in  both  cases  has  given  the 

num.  4.  et  Morla  in  Empor.  Jur.,  P.  i.  sense  and  not  the  precise  words  of  his 

tit.  [1.  "  De  Legibus,"  qusst.  1.  num.  author.] 

20.]— citati  a  Sancta  Clara  in  art.  37. 


166 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   just^  but  worse  tlian  the  disease  :  and  being  just,  the  subject 

 —  is  obliged  to  active  obedience. 

But  let  us  see  what  the  Doctor  pleads  in  answer  to  his  own 
objection. 

[True  case  1 .  First,  he  passeth  by  "  the  native  power  of  civil  sovereign 
agafnsf  ^"'^  empire/'  which  ought  not  to  have  been  omitted ;  for  therein 
Rome.]  consists  the  main  force  of  the  argument.  But  'as  to  the 
ecclesiastical  part,'  he  saith  he  '  could  demonstrate  clearly,  if 
it  were  needful/  that  '  the  dependence  of  Bishops  and  other 
orthodox  Christians  upon  the  Pope,  being  rightly  conceived 
as  it  is  and  as  it  is  really  necessary  according  to  the  certain 
and  true  principles  of  Catholic  religion,  doth  not  bring  any 
the  least  shadow  of  danger  to  the  commonwealth,  though  in 
hostility  with  the  Pope,  or  of  a  diiferent  communion  from  the 
Pope  f.'  If  we  lived  in  Plato's  commonwealth,  Avliere  every 
one  did  his  duty,  this  reason  were  of  more  force.  Far  be  it 
from  us  to  imagine,  that  the  right  exercise  of  any  lawful 
power,  grounded  upon  the  certain  and  true  principles  of 
Catholic  religion,  should  be  dangerous  to  any  society.  But 
this  is  not  our  case.  "Wliat  if  the  Bishops  and  Court  of  Rome  80 
have  swerved  from  those  certain  and  true  principles  of 
Catholic  religion?  or  have  abused  that  power  which  was 
committed  to  their  trust  by  Christ,  or  by  His  Church  ?  or 
have  usurped  more  authority  than  did  belong  unto  them  ?  or 
have  engrossed  all  Episcopal  jm-isdiction  to  themselves, 
leaving  the  Bishops  of  the  land  but  ciphers  in  their  own 
dioceses  ?  or  have  hazarded  the  utter  ruin  and  destruction  of 
the  Church  by  their  simony,  extortion,  pro^dsions,  reserva- 
tions, and  exemptions  ?  or  have  obtruded  new  unwarrantable 
oaths  upon  the  subjects,  inconsistent  with  theii*  allegiance  ? 
or  have  drained  the  kingdom  of  its  treasure  by  pecuniary 
avaricious  arts  ?  or  have  challenged  to  themselves  a  negative 
voice  against  the  right  lieir  of  the  crown  ;  or  authority  to 
depose  a  crowned  king,  and  absolve  his  subjects  from  their 
oaths  and  allegiance  to  their  sovereigns  ?  and  have  shewed 
themselves  incorrigible  in  all  these  things.  This  is  our  case. 
In  any  one  of  these  cases,  much  more  in  them  all  conjoined, 
it  is  not  only  lawful,  but  very  necessary,  for  Christian  princes 
to  reform  such  gross  abuses,  and  to  free  themselves  and  their 

'  Apiiend.  de  Schism.,  pp.  526,  527. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


167 


siil)jects  from  such  a  tyrannical  yoke ;  if  they  can,  by  the  Discourse 

direction  of  a  general  Council,  if  not,  of  a  proAdncial.  And  it  — ^ 

is  not  schism  but  loyalty  in  their  subjects  to  pekl  obedi- 
ence. 

2.  The  same  author  proceeds,  that  '  no  civil  power,  how  Protestants 
sovereign  soever,  can  correct  the  fundamental  articles  ofl-eforniL 
Cliristiau  faith,  nor  pervert  the  order  of  sacred  rites  received  j^jf^ 
by  universal  tradition  as  instituted  by  Christ,  nor  justify  any  articles  of 
thing  by  their  edicts  which  is  against  Christian  charity  s.'  To  nor^sacied 
all  this  we  do  readily  assent,  and  never  did  presume  to  arro-  violated' 
gate  to  ourselves  or  to  exercise  any  such  power.    But  still  '^''^"'''y- 
this  is  wide  from  our  case.    VThat  if  the  Bishop  of  Rome 
have  presumed  to  coin  and  attempted  to  obtrude  upon  us 
new  articles  of  Faith,  as  he  hath  in  his  new  Creed,  and  to 
pervert  the  sacred  rites  instituted   by  Christ,  as  in  his 
withholding   the  Cup   from   the    laity  ?     Then  without 
doubt  not  we,  but  he,  is  guilty  of  the  schism.    Then  it  is 
lawful  to  separate  from  him  in  his  innovations,  without 
incurring  the  crime  of  schism.    This  is  laid  down  by  the 
author  himself  as  an  "evident  conclusion,"  and  we  thank 
him  for  it ;  that  '  it  is  necessary  for  every  Christian  to  acknow- 
ledge no  authority  under  Heaven,  either  ecclesiastical  or  ci^il, 
that  hath  power  to  abrogate  those  things  that  are  revealed 
and  instituted  by  Christ,  or  to  determine  those  things  which 
are  opposite  unto  them,'  "quod  schismatis  origo  foret" — 
"which  should  be  the  original  of  schism''."    But  Avhere  that 
author  infers  as  a  corollary  from  the  former  proposition,  that 
'no  edict  of  a  soA'ereign  prince  can  justify  schism,  because  all 
schism  is  destructive  to  Christian  charity';'  I  must  crave 
leave  Avith  all  due  respect  to  his  person,  to  his  learning,  to 
his  moderation,  and  to  his  charity,  to  rectify  that  mistake. 
If  by  "  schism  "  he  understand  criminal  schism,  that  which 
he  saitli  is  most  trvie ;  that  were  not  only  to  'justify  the  [p.';ov.^ 
wicked,'  which  is  "an  abomination  to  the  Lord,"  but  to  ^  ' 
justify  wickedness  itself.    But  every  separation,  or  schism 
taken  in  a  large  sense,  is  not  criminal,  nor  at  all  destructive 
to  Christian  charity.    Sometimes  it  is  a  necessary,  Christian, 
charitable,  duty.    In  all  cases  that  I  have  supposed  above, 

"  [Ibid.]  p.  028.  i  [Ibid.]  p.  528. 

h  [Ibid.]  p.  ry.v.i. 


168 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


P  A^R  T  and  shall  prove  hereafter,  they  that  make  the  separation  con- 

 '- —  tinne  Catholics,  and  they  that  give  the  cause  become  the 

schismatics. 

But  it  may  be  urged,  that  tliis  proceeds  from  the  merit 
of  the  cause,  not  from  the  authority  of  the  sovereign  prince. 

I  answer,  it  proceeds  from  both.  Three  things  are  neces- 
sary to  make  a  public  reformation  lawful ;  just  grounds,  due 
moderation,  and  sufficient  authority.  There  may  be  just 
grounds  without  sufficient  authority  ;  and  sufficient  authority 
without  just  grounds ;  and  both  sufficient  authority  and  just 
grounds  without  due  moderation.  But  where  these  three 
things  concur,  it  justifies  the  reformation  before  God  and  man, 
and  renders  that  separation  laAvful,  which  otherwise  were 
schismatical. 

Nor  swerv-  3.  Lastly,  it  is  alleged,  that  '  the  power  of  the  sovereign 
faw^ofna^^  magistrate  is  not  so  absolute  that  he  can  command  any  thing 
positive  pleasure,  so  as  to  oblige  his  subjects  to  obedience,  in 

God  °^  things  repugnant  to  the  law  of  nature,  or  the  positive  law  of 
God''.'  No  orthodox  Christian  can  doubt  of  this  truth. 
The  authority  of  the  inferior  ceaseth,  where  the  superior 
declareth  his  pleasure  to  the  contrary.  "  Da  veniam  Impe- 
rator,  tu  cnrcerem,  Ille  gehennam  minatur  " — "  Pardon  me,  O 
Emperor,  thou  tlireatenest  me  with  imprisonment,  but  God 
Almighty  with  hell  fire But  this  is  nothing  to  our  case. 
Neither  the  law  of  nature,  nor  the  law  of  God,  doth  enjoin  87 
British  Christians  to  buy  pardons  and  indulgences  and  dis- 
pensations and  Bulls  and  palls  and  privileges  at  Rome,  con- 
trary to  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  realm.  Boniface  the 
Eighth  by  his  Bull  exempted  the  University  of  Oxford  from 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  whereupon 
did  grow  a  controversy  between  Thomas  Arundel  Archbishop, 
and  the  University ;  and  the  said  Bull  was  decreed  to  be  void 
by  two  succeeding  kings,  Richard  the  Second,  and  Henry  the 
Foui'th,  in  Parliament,  as  being  obtained  "  in  prcejudicium 
corona  suce,  et  legum  et  consuetudinum  regni  sui  enervationem  " 
— "  to  the  prejudice  of  his  imjierial  crown,  and  to  the  weaken- 
ing of  the  laws  and  customs  of  his  realm 


[Ibid.]  p.  530. 
'  Augustin.[Dc  Verb,  Domini,  Sen 
Ixii.,  torn.  V.  p.  302.  F.] 


>"  Ex  Aicliivis  Turris  Londinensis 
citat  author  Antiquitat.  Acad.  Cantab, 
[soil.  Job.  Caius,  lib.  ii.  p.  71.  ed.  157-1.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


169 


But  this  disobedience  to  the  decrees  of  sovereign  princes  Discourse 

rmist  be  joined  with  passive  obedience;  it  must  be  only  when  ^ — 

and  where  their  commands  are  e\idently  unjust ;  such  as  doubtful 
Pharaoh's  commanding  the  Hebrew  midwives  to  kill  all  j^^Jl^g^"^* 
the  male  children^  or  Saul's  enjoining  his  guard  to  slay  the  ^jlg^j^^^g'^ 
Priests  of  the  Lord,  or  like  Nebuchadnezzar's  idolatrous  e^oj.  i.  17. 
edict,  charging  all  men  to  fall  down  and  worship  his  golden  j  Sam.xxii. 
image.    For  otherwise,  if  the  case  be  doubtful,  it  is  a  rule  in  [Dan.  iii.] 
case-divinity,  '  subditi  tenentur  in  favorem  legis  judicare ' — 
'  subjects  are  bound  to  judge  in  favour  of  the  law ;'  otherwise 
they  run  into  a  certain  crime  of  disobedience,  for  fear  of  an 
uncertain.    A  war  may  be  unjust  in  the  prince,  and  yet  the 
soldier  be  guiltless.    Nor  is  the  subject  obliged  to  sift  the 
grounds  of  his  sovereign's  commands  too   narrowly.     It  unjust 
happens  often  that  "  reum  facit  principem  iniquitas  imperandi,  m^'be"^* 
innocentem  subditum  ordo  serviendi "  " — '  The  prince  may  be  j 

.  .       .  obeyed. 

unjust  in  his  commands,  and  yet  the  subject  innocent  in  his 
obedience.'  Take  the  case  at  the  worst,  it  must  be  doubtful 
at  the  least,  the  Pope's  sovereignty  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Koman  Court  being  rejected  by  three  parts  of  the  Christian 
world,  and  so  unanimously  shaken  off  by  three  kingdoms. 
And  in  such  a  case,  who  is  fittest  to  be  judge  ?  the  Pope,  the 
people,  or  the  king  ?  Not  the  Pope ;  he  is  the  person  ac- 
cused, and  'frustra  expectatur  cujuslibet  authoritas  contra 
seipsum ' — '  it  is  in  vain  to  expect  that  one  should  employ  his 
authority  against  himself.'  Not  the  people ;  would  a  judge 
take  it  well  that  a  gaoler  shoidd  detain  the  prisoner  from 
execution,  until  he  were  satisfied  of  the  justice  of  his  sen- 
tence ?  or  a  pUot,  that  he  may  not  move  his  rudder  according 
to  the  alterable  face  of  the  heavens,  but  at  the  discretion  of 
the  ordinary  mariners  ?  No ;  whensoever  any  question  hath 
been  moved  between  any  kingdom  or  republic  of  what  com- 
munion soever  and  the  Court  of  Rome,  concerning  the 
liberties  and  privileges  of  the  one,  or  the  extortions  and 
encroachments  of  the  other,  they  have  evermore  assumed  the 
last  judicature  to  themselves,  as  of  right  it  doth  belong  unto 
them. 

1.  The  Eomanists  themselves  do  acknowledge,  that  sove-  Princes  are 
reign  princes,  by  the  law  of  God  and  natui-e,  not  only  may  pro'tlcf  *° 

1  Augustin.  [Cont.  Faust.  Manicli.,  lib.  xxii.  c.  75.  torn.  viii.  p.  105.  G.] 


170 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  but  are  in  justice  obliged  to  oppose  the  tyranny  of  ecclesias- 
 tical  iudees,  and  to  protect  and  free  their  subiects  from  their 

their  sub-      .  ,  ,  .  -r.  i  •  i        i  i 

jectsfrom  Violence  and  oppression.    Parsons  himseli  wondereth,  that 
of  ecdcsi"-^  any  man  should  deny  this  power  to  kings  in  their  own  king- 
lud^es      doms°.    But  we  are  fully  satisfied  and  assured,  that  that 
universal  power  which  the  Pope  claims  by  Di^dne  right  over 
all  Christians,  and  particularly  over  the  Britannic  Chm-ches, 
without  their  consents,  and  much  more  that  jimsdiction, 
which  de  facto  he  did  or  at  least  would  have  exercised  there 
(and  less  than  wliich  he  would  not  go)  to  the  destruction  of 
their  natiu-al  and  Christian  liberties  and  privileges,  was,  and 
is,  a  tn'annical  and  oppressive  yoke.    If  all  Christians  were 
as  well  satisfied  of  the  truth  of  this  our  assumption  as  we  are, 
this  controversy  were  at  an  end.    And  thus  far  all  Roman 
Catholics  not  interessed,  nor  prepossessed  with  prejudice,  do 
accord  fully  with  us,  that  by  whomsoever  Papal  power  was 
given  (whether  by  Christ,  or  His  Apostles,  or  the  Fathers  of 
the  Church  in  succeeding  ages),  it  was  given  for  edification, 
not  for  destruction ;  and  that  the  Roman  Coui-t  in  later  days 
hath  sought  to  impose  grievous,  oppressive,  and  intolerable 
burthens  upon  their  subjects,  which  it  is  lawful  for  them  to 
shake  off  without  regarding  their  censure,  as  we  shall  see  in 
the  next  proposition.    But  because  all  are  not  so  well  satis- 
fied about  the  just  extent  of  Papal  authority  and  power,  we 
must  search  a  little  higher. 
Kings  may     g.  Secondly,  we  do  both  agree,  that  sovereign  princes  may 
external     be  enabled  and  authorised,  either  by  concession  or  by  pre- 
cfcsiasticai  scriptioii  for  time  immemorial  (perhaps  it  were  more  properly 
ti!i"^by  fit  ^'"^^^       '^"ii'tus  of  their  sovereign  authority  over  the  whole 
delegates,  body  politic,  wlicrcof  the  clergy  are  a  part),  to  exercise  all 
external  acts  of  ecclesiastical  coercive  jmisdiction,  by  them- 
selves, or  at  least  by  fit  delegates,  " prcecipiendo  suis  subditis  83 
sacerdotibus,  ut  excommunicent  rebelles  et  contumaces."  And 
this  is  asserted  in  the  case  of  Abbesses,  which  being  women 
are  less  capable  of  any  spiritual  jurisdiction  p.    The  truth  is, 
that  as  all  ecclesiastical  courts  and  all  ecclesiastical  coerciA  C 


°  Parsons  [Answer  to  Lord  Coke's 
Reports,  in  Henry  IV.,  c.  13.  §  IS. 
pp.  520,  521.],  Cajotnmis  [Apolog.  de 
I'otest.  Paprc  et  Coneil  ,  c.  27.].  ^'^'c 


citati  a  Sancta  Clara  in  Art.  37.  pp. 
[ilO,  411.] 

P  Sancta  Clara  [as  before  quoted, 
pp.  -m,  407.] 


TUE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


171 


imisdiction  did  flow  at  first,  either  from  the  bounty  and  Discourse 

iioodncss  of  sovereign  princes  to  the  Church,  or  from  their  '■ — - 

connivance,  or  from  the  voluntary  consent  and  free  sub- 
mission of  Christians  {'  volenti  non  fit  injuria ' — consent  takes 
a\\  ay  eiTor) — I  except  alwaj^s  that  jurisdiction  which  is  purely 
sj)iritual,  and  an  essential  part  of  the  power  of  the  Keys, 
M  hereof  emperors  and  kings  are  not  capable  ; — so,  whenso- 
o\ev  the  weal-public  and  the  common  safety  of  their  people 
doth  requii-e  it,  for  advancement  of  public  peace  and  tran- 
quillity and  for  the  greater  ease  and  convenience  of  the 
subject  in  general,  according  to  the  vicissitude  and  con- 
version of  human  affairs  and  the  change  of  monarchies,  they 
may,  upon  well-grounded  experience,  in  a  national  SjTiod  or 
CouncD,  more  ad\dsedly  retract  what  their  predecessors  had 
advisedly  granted  or  permitted ;  and  alter  the  face  and  rules 
of  the  external  discipline  of  the  Church,  in  all  such  things  as 
are  but  of  human  right,  when  they  become  hiu'tful  or  impedi- 
tive  of  a  greater  good  :  in  which  cases  their  subjects  may  with 
good  conscience  and  are  bound  in  duty  to  conform  themselves 
to  their  laws.  Otherwise  kingdoms  and  societies  should 
want  necessary  remedies  for  their  own  preservation,  which  is 
granted  by  both  parties  to  be  an  absurdity. 

Weigh  all  the  parts  of  ecclesiastical  disciphne,  and  consider  The  em- 
what  one  there  is  which  Christian  emperors  of  old  did  not  ow'did  the 
either  exercise  by  themselves  or  by  their  delegates;,  or  did  not 
regulate  by  their  laws,  or  both ;  concerning  the  privileges  and 
revenues  of  Holy  Chm-ch,  the  calling  of  Councils,  the  pre- 
siding in  Councils,  the  dissolving  of  Councils,  the  confirming 
of  Councils ;  concerning  Holy  Orders ;  concerning  the 
patronage  of,  and  nomination  to,  ecclesiastical  benefices  and 
dignities ;  concerning  the  jurisdiction,  the  suspension,  depo- 
sition, and  ordering  of  Bishops,  and  Priests,  and  monks,  and 
generally  all  persons  in  Holy  Orders ;  concerning  appeals ; 
concerning  religion  and  the  rites  and  ceremonies  thereof; 
concerning  the  Creeds  or  common  symbols  of  faith  ;  concern- 
ing heresj^,  schism,  judaism,  the  suppression  of  sects ;  against 
swearing,  cursing,  blaspheming,  profaneness,  and  idolatry; 
concerning  Sacraments,  sanctuaries,  simony,  marriages, 
divorces,  and  generally  all  things  A\hich  arc  of  ecclesiastical 
cognizance  :  Avherein  he  that  desires  satisfaction,  and  particu- 


172 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  or 


Part  larly  to  see  how  the  coercive  power  of  ecclesiastical  courts  and 

 '■  judges  did  flow  from  the  gracious  concessions  of  Cliristian  . 

princes,  may  (if  he  be  not  too  much  possessed  with  prejudice) 
resolve  himself  by  reading  the  first  book  of  the  Code,  the 
Authentics  or  Novels  of  Justinian  the  Emperor,  and  the 
Capitulars  of  Charles  the  Great,  and  his  successors  kings  of 
France.  "We  have  been  requested,"  said  Justinian,  "by 
Menna  the  Archbishop  of  this  city,  beloved  of  God,  and 
universal  Patriarch,  to  grant  this  privilege  to  the  most 
reverend  clerks,"  &c.  in  pecuniary  causes,  referring  them 
first  to  the  Bishop,  and,  if  he  could  not  compose  or  deter- 
mine the  difference,  then  to  the  secular  judge;  and,  in 
criminal  causes,  if  the  crime  were  civil,  to  the  civil  magis- 
trate ;  if  ecclesiastical,  to  the  Bishop  %  "  By  the  Council  of 
our  Bishops  and  nobles"  (said  Charles  the  Great)  "we  have 
ordained  Bishops  throughout  the  cities"  (that  is,  we  have 
commanded  and  authorised  it  to  be  done),  "and  do  decree 
to  assemble  a  Synod  every  year,  that  in  our  presence  the 
canonical  decrees  and  laws  of  the  Church  may  be  restored  r," 
I  beseech  you,  what  did  our  King  Henry  and  the  Church  of 
England  more  at  the  Reformation  ? 
[That  is,       It  is  true,  sovereign  princes  are  not  said  properly  to  make 

under  civil  ^     '  ,         ,  i  /         •  p 

pains.]  canons,  because  they  do  not  prescribe  them  under  pain  oi 
excommunication  or  suspension  or  degradation  or  any  spi- 
ritual punishment.  But  to  affirm  that  they  cannot  make 
ecclesiastical  constitutions  under  a  ci\il  pain,  or  that  they 
cannot  (especially  with  the  advice  and  concurrence  of  their 
clergy  assembled  in  a  national  Synod)  reform  errors  and 
abuses,  and  remedy  encroachments  and  usurpations  and 
innovations,  either  in  Faith  or  discipHne,  and  regulate  the 
new  canons  or  customs  of  intruders  and  upstarts  by  the  old 
canons  of  the  primitive  Fathers, — is  contrary  to  the  sense  89 

[1  Kings    and  practice  of  all  antiquity.     King  Solomon  deposed  Abia- 

II.  35.]      ^j^^^  High  Priesthood,  and  put  Zadoc  in  his  place. 

Popes  con-  Nor  want  we  precedents  of  Popes  themselves  who  have  been 

prisoned, 

"  convented  before  emperors,  as  Sixtus  the  Third  before  Valen- 
empero'Js!"^  tiuiau,  though  Platina '  mince  the  matter  a  httle  too  much 

■I  [Auth.,  Collat.  vi.]  Novel.  83.  [tit.  Lindenbrog.,   Cod.    Legg.  Antiq.,  p. 

12.  "  Ut  Clerici  apud  proprios  Episco-  924.] 

pes,"  &c.]  •  [Platin.  in  Vita  Sixti  HI.,  p.  58, 2.] 

'  Carol.  M.Capitul.  lib.  v.  [c.  2.,  ap. 


THE  CHUKCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


173 


("  damnatur  Basstis  calumniator   iniquus   annuente  Valenti-  Discourse 

?{iano,"  &c.),  Leo  the  Third  before  Charles  the  Great ' :  that  '  

have  been  banished  by  emperors;  as  Liberius  unjustly- 
banished  by  Constantius,  and  more  unjustly  restored  ; 
Sylverius  justly  banished  by  Justinian  ^  :  that  have  been  im- 
prisoned by  sovereign  princes,  as  Pope  John  the  First  by 
Theodoricy  :  that  have  been  deposed  by  them;  as  John  the 
Twelfth  by  Otho  the  Great  and  Gregory  the  Skth  by 
Henry  the  Second, — "Henricus  Secundus  in  Italiam  cum  magno 
crercitu  veniens,  habit d  Synodo,  cum  Benedictmn  Nonum, 
Si/lvestrum  Tertium,  Qregorium  Sextum,  tanquam  tria  teterrima 
mnnstra,  abdicare  se  magistratu  coegisset"  &c. — "  Henry  the 
Second  coming  into  Italy  with  a  great  army,  having  convo- 
cated  a  Synod,  when  he  had  compelled  Benedict  the  Ninth, 
Sylvester  the  Third,  and  Gregory  the  Sixth,  as  three  most 
filthy  monsters,  to  quit  their  government,  he  created  Syn- 
deger  Bishop  of  Bamberge,  afterwards  Clement  the  Second, 
Pope^"  Of  old  when  any  schism  did  infest  the  Roman 
Church  (as  I  think  no  See  in  the  world  hath  been  oftener 
rent  asimder  by  pretenders  to  the  Papacy),  the  emperors, 
when  they  pleased,  did  assume  unto  themselves  the  cognizance 
thereof,  and  determine  the  succession  either  by  themselves  or 
by  their  exarch  or  delegates :  as  Honorius  between  Boniface 
the  First  and  Eulalius'';  Theodoric  the  King  between  Symma- 
chus  andLaurentius<= ;  the  Exarch  of  Ravenna  between  Sergius 
the  First  and  Paschalis  ^ ;  Otho  the  Third  between  John  the 
Seventeenth  and  Gregory  the  Fifth  ^.  But  when  these  im- 
perial acts  are  done  in  Synods,  they  are  more  authentic, 
and  more  conform  to  antiquity. 

3.  Tliirdly,  our  learned  and  ingenuous  countryman  The  Coun- 
Davenport,  under  the  name  of  Franciscus  a  Sanctd  Clara  (far  rjiith  s?"" 
be  it  from  me  to  censure  Christian  charity  and  moderation  C'="a] 

allows  to 

for  lukewarmness,  or  atheistical  neutrality,  like  those  whose  withdraw 
chief  religion  consists  in  crying  up  a  faction ;  I  rather  wish  from  the 

Pope  in 
certain 
cases. 

'  [Id.  in  V.  Leon.  III.,  p.  119,  1.]  "  Id.  in  V.  Bonif.  I.  [p.  56,  1.] 

Id.  in  V.  Liber.,  p.  46,  1,  2.]  »  Id.  in  V.  Symm.  [I.,  pp.  64,  2. 

"Id.  inV.  Sylver.,pp.70,  2.71,  1.]     65,  1.] 

°Id.  in  V.  Joh.  L,  p.  67,  2.]  o  [Id.  in  V.  Serg.  L,  p.  96,  1.] 

;id.  in  V.  Joh.  XIII.  (according  to  '  [Id.  in  V.  Greg.  V.,  p.  151,  2.— 
Platina's  reckoning),  p.  145,  1,  2.]  John  XVII.  being  reckoned  by  Plat,  as 

"  Id.  in  V.  Greg.  VI.  [p.  158,  1.]        John  XVIII.] 


174 


A.  JUST  VINDICATION  01' 


Part   lie  had  been  more  universally  acquainted  with  our  English 

— ~  doctrine),  in  his  Paraphrastical  Exposition  of  oui'  English 

Articles,  to  this  question,  "  How  and  whether  it  be  lawful  in 
points  of  faith  to  appeal  from  the  Pope,  and  to  decline  his 
judgment  ?"  cites  the  resolution  of  Gerson  in  these  words 
following,  "  Hoc  etiam  practicatum  est  per  quoscunqiie  reges 
et  principes"  &c. — "this  also  hath  been  practised  by  all 
kings  and  princes,  who  have  withdrawn  themselves  from  the 
obedience  of  those,  whom  such  or  such  did  judge  to  be  Popes; 
which  substractions  nevertheless  were  approved  by  the  sacred 
Councd  of  Constance,  some  expressly,  some  impHcitly^." 
An,  1110.  The  most  Christian  King  Lewis  the  Twelfth  convocated  a 
national  Council  of  the  French  Church  at  Tours,  wherein 
sundiy  articles  were  propos_ed,  deliberated  of,  and  concluded, 
touching  these  affairs.  The  third  article  was,  that  if  the 
Pope  should  invade  another  prince  in  a  hostile  manner,  and 
excite  other  princes  to  invade  his  territories,  whether  that 
prince  might  not  lawfully  withdraw  himself  from  the  obedi- 
ence of  such  a  Pope  ? — (where  observe,  that  though  this  case 
alone  be  specified,  as  being  fitted  to  that  present  controversy 
between  the  King  of  France  and  the  Pope,  yet  all  other  cases 
of  the  same  nature  or  consequence  are  included;) — and, 
"  Conclusiim  est  per  Concilium  principem  posse  ab  obedientid 
Papce  se  subclucere  ac  substrahere ;  nan  tamen  in  totum,  et  in- 
distincte,  sed  pro  tuitione  tantum  ac  defensione  jurium  suorum 
temporalium " — "  it  was  concluded  by  the  Council,  that  the 
prince  might  withdraw  himself  from  the  obedience  of  the 
Pope;  yet  not  totally,  nor  indistinctly,  but  only  for  the 
defence  of  his  temporal  rights?."  The  foui'th  proposition 
was,  when  such  a  substraction  was  lawfully  made,  wdiat  the 
prince  and  his  subjects,  more  particularly  Prelates  and  other 
ecclesiastics,  ought  to  do  in  such  things,  for  which  they  had 
formerly  had  recourse  to  the  Apostolic  See  ?  and,  "  Conclusum 
est  per  Concilium  servandum  esse  jus  commune  antiquum,  et 
Pragmaticam  Sanctionem  regni,  ex  decretis  sacrosancti  Concilii 
Basiliensis  desumptam  " — "  it  was  concluded  by  the  Council, 


f  p.  [41  5.  fi-nm  Gerson,  Tract.  "  Quo- 
mndo  et  an  liceat  in  causis  fidei  a  S. 
Pontif.  appellare,"§  "  Sequeretur  sexlo," 
Op.  P.  i.  fol.  85,  Y.] 


£  Concil.  Turon.  [A.  D.  1510.]  \\e- 
spons.  ad  Artie.  3.  [ap.  Labb.,  Concil., 
torn.  xiii.  p.  I182.J 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


175 


that  the  ancient  common  right  was  to  be  presevved,  and  tlic  Discourse 

Pragmatical  Sanction  of  the  kingdom,  taken  out  of  the  decrees  —  

of  the  sacred  Council  of  Basil'*."  The  eighth  proposition 
was,  if  the  Pope,  proceeding  unjustly  and  by  force,  should 
pronounce  any  censures  against  such  a  prince,  whether  they 
ought  to  be  obeyed  ?  and,  "  Conclusum  est  unanimiter  per 
Concilium  talem  sententiam  nullam  esse  nec  de  jure  vel  alio 
90  quocunque  modo  ligare  " — "  it  was  concluded  unanimously  by 
the  Council,  that  such  a  sentence  was  of  no  force,  not  binding 
in  law,  or  any  other  way  ^ which  opinion  or  resolution  of 
theirs,  the  above-mentioned  author  saith,  he  ought  not  to 
condemn  whilst  the  Church  doth  tolerate  it  ^. 

Behold  a  principal  cause  of  the  separation  of  the  Englisli 
Church  from  the  Pope,  the  iisurpation  and  encroachments 
of  the  Roman  Court  upon  the  political  rights  of  the  crown, 
which  they  woidd  not  let  go,  until  they  were  quite  shaken 
oif. 

Antonius  de  Rosellis,  a  zealous  assertor  of  the  Papal  autho-  Princes 
rity,  concludes,  that  '  the  Pope  being  a  heretic,  or  an  apostate,  new  canons 
though  but  in  secret,  it  is  laAvful  (without  any  sentence  or  de-  ''^ 
claration  preceding)  for  any  of  his  subjects  that  know  it,  espe- 
cially for  kings  and  princes,  to  depart  from  him  and  withdi-aw 
themselves  from  under  his  power,  by  that  natural  right  which 
they  have  to  defend  themselves This  may  well  be  doubted 
of  in  the  case  of  private  persons,  before  sentence,  by  those  who 
believe  him  to  be  constituted  by  Christ  the  sovereign  mon- 
arch of  the  universal  Church  :  but  in  the  case  of  sovereign 
princes  with  provincial  Councils,  when  general  Councils 
cannot  be  had  ;  and  much  more  when  general  Councils  have 
given  their  sentence  formerly  in  the  case  (as  the  Councils  of 
Constance  and  Basil  have  done  concerning  the  Papacy ; 
and  with  us  who  are  sufHciently  resolved  that  St.  Peter  had 
no  pre-eminence  above  his  fellows  but  only  principality  of 
order  and  'the  beginning  of  unity,'  and  that  whatsoever 
power  the  Bishop  of  Rome  hath  more  than  any  other  Bishop, 

*•  [Id.]  Respons.  ad  Artie.  4.  [ibid.]  27.,  ap.  Goldast.,  Monarch.  Roman. 

'  [Id.]  Respons.  ad  Artie.  8.  [ibid.]  Imper.,  torn.  i.  pp.  372.  376.] 

k  [S.  Clara,  p.  415.— speaking  of  the  [Concil.  Constant.  (A.  D.  1415.) 

3rd,  and  not  of  the  8th,  article.]  Sess.  xii.  ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  xii. 

'  In  [Monarchia  sive]  Tract,  de  Po-  pp.  94,  &c  Concil.  Basil.  (A. D. 1431.) 

test.  Imperator.  et  Papce.  [P.  ii.  cc,  2.').  Sess.  iii.  Decret.  3.  ibid.  p.  477-] 


176 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  it  is  merely  from  the  customs  of  the  Catholic  Chiirch,  or  from 

 ~  the  canons  of  the  Fathers,  or  from  the  edicts  of  princes,  and 

may  be  taken  away  upon  sufficient  grounds  by  equal  autho- 
rity to  that  by  which  it  was  acquired ;  I  say,  in  this  our  case 
there  can  be  no  doubt  at  all.  And  yet  it  can  much  less  be 
doubted  whether  a  sovereign  prince  with  a  national  Sjnod 
may  remedy  the  encroachments  and  usm'pations  of  the  Roman 
Court  within  his  own  dominions,  or  exclude  new  Creeds  and 
new  articles  of  Faith,  lately  de\ised  and  obtruded,  contrary  to 
the  determination  of  the  general  Council  of  Ephesus  ;  of 
which  let  us  hear  what  is  Dr.  Holden's  opinion, — "  Notum  est 
inter  Catholicos  omnes  tanquam  axioma  certissimum,"  &c. — 
'  It  is  known  that  all  Catholics  do  hold  this  as  a  most  certain 
axiom,  that  nothing  ought  or  may  be  maintained  for  a  Chris- 
tian revealed  truth,  but  that  which  was  received  by  our 
ancestors,  and  delivered  from  one  generation  to  another  by 
continued  succession  from  the  times  of  the  Apostles  This 
is  all  that  we  have  done,  and  done  it  with  due  submission  to 
the  highest  judge  of  ecclesiastical  controversies  upon  earth, 
that  is,  a  general  Council.  If  the  Com't  of  Rome  will  be 
humorous,  hke  little  children,  who,  because  they  cannot 
have  some  toy  that  they  have  a  mind  to,  do  cast  away  aU 
that  their  parents  have  given  them,  we  cannot  help  it. 
Patriarchal  Over  and  above  all  the  former  grounds,  which  the  Roman- 
jecTtolm-  ists  thcmsclves  do  in  some  sort  acknowledge,  I  propose  this 
further,  that  Patriarchal  power  in  external  things  is  subject 
and  subordinate  to  imperial.  When  Mauritius  the  Emperor 
had  made  a  law  that  no  soldier  should  turn  monk  untU  his 
warfare  were  accomplished,  St.  Gregory  Bishop  of  Rome  dis- 
liked the  law,  and  represented  his  sense  of  it  to  the  emperor, 
but  withal  according  to  his  duty  published  it : — "Ego  guidem 
missioni  [legend.  Jussioni]  subjectus  eandem  legem  per  diversas 
terrarum  partes  transmitto,  et  quia  lex  ipsa  omnipotenti  Deo 
minime  concordat,  ecce  per  suggestionis  mem  paginam  dominis 
nunciavi;  utrobique  ergo  qu(B  debui  exolvi,  qui  et  imperatori 
obedientiam  prasbui,  et  pro  Deo  quid  sensi  minime  tacuiv  " — 

"  [Act.  Concil.  Ephes.]  P.  ii.  Act.6.  Sect.  5.  p.  152. 
c.  7.  [ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  iii.  p.        p  [Greg.  M.  Epist.]  lib.  ii.  Ep.  62. 

689.  A.]  [editt.  before  Bened.— lib.  iii.  Ep.  65. 

°  De  Resolut.  Fidei,  lib.  i.  c.  8.  torn.  ii.  p.  677.  B.  ed.  Bened.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


177 


"I  being  subject  to  your  command  have  transmitted  your  law  Discourse 

to  be  publislied  through  divers  parts  of  tlie  world ;  and  because  '  

the  law  itself  is  not  pleasing  to  Almighty  God,  I  have  repre- 
sented my  opinion  thereof  to  my  lords ;  wherefore  I  have 
performed  my  duty  on  both  sides,  in  yielding  obedience  to 
the  emperor,  and  not  concealing  what  I  thought  for  God." 
A  most  rare  and  Christian  precedent  of  that  great  Patriarch, 
and  fit  for  our  observation  and  imitation  in  these  days  :  he 
acknowledged  the  emperor  to  be  his  lord,  and  himself  to  be 
subject  to  his  commands ;  and  though  no  human  invention 
can  warrant  an  act  that  is  morally  evil  in  itself,  yet,  if  it  Ijc 
only  impeditive  of  a  greater  good,  as  that  blessed  Saint  did 
take  this  law  to  be,  the  command  of  a  sovereign  doth  weigh 
down  the  scale,  and  obligeth  a  Patriarch  to  obedience  in  a 
matter  that  concerns  religion.  How  much  more  doth  the 
command  of  the  English  monarch  and  the  EngUsli  Church 
disoblige  an  English  subject  from  a  foreign  Patriarch,  whose 
original  right  is  but  human  at  the  most,  and,  in  the  case  in 
question  between  Rome  and  England,  none  at  all ! 
91  But  to  come  up  yet  closer  to  the  question.  The  general  Emperms 
Councils  of  Constantinople  and  Chalcedon,  with  the  presence,  cii.insed 
concurrence,  and  confirmation,  of  Thcodosius  the  Great  and 
Marcian  the  emperors,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  the 
Roman  Bishop  by  his  legates,  did  advance  the  Bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople from  being  a  poor  Suffragan  under  the  Metropo- 
litan of  Heraclea  to  be  the  second  Patriarch,  and  equal  in 
dignity,  power,  and  all  manner  of  pi'ivileges,  to  the  first,  and 
assigned  unto  him  for  his  Patriarchate  Pontus  and  Asia  the 
less  and  Thracia  and  some  other  countries,  part  of  which 
territories  they  substracted  from  the  obedience  of  the  Roman 
Bishop  (at  least  over  which  the  Roman  Bishops  challenged 
jxirisdiction),  and  part  from  other  Patriarchs.  And  the  reason 
of  this  alteration  was  the  same  for  which  Csesarea  of  old  was 
a  long  time  preferred  before  Hierusalem,  and  Alexandria 
before  Antioch,  and  Rome  before  all  others ;  to  conform  the 
ecclesiastical  regiment  to  the  political, — because  Constan- 
tinople was  made  of  a  mean  city  the  seat  of  the  Eastern 
Empire,  and  had  as  many  dioceses  and  provinces  subject  unto 
it  as  old  Rome  itself  i. 

Concil.  Constantin.  can.  3.  et  Concil.  Chalcedon.  can.  28.  [see  p.  130,  note  u.] 

BRAMHALL.  N 


178 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part 
.1. 


By  their 

[own] 

authority. 


English 
kings  as 
sovereign 
as  the 
emperors. 


But  lest  it  may  be  conceived,  that  this  was  not  done  at  all 
by  imperial  power,  but  by  the  authority  of  the  (Ecumenical 
Synods,  we  may  observe  further,  that  Justinian  the  emperor 
by  his  sole  sovereign  legislative  power  did  new-found  the 
Patriarchate  of  Justiniana  Prima,  and  assign  a  province  unto 
it,  and  endow  it  with  most  ample  privileges,  freeing  it  from 
all  appeals  and  all  acknowledgment  of  superiority,  giving  the 
Bishop  thereof  equal  power  with  that  which  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  had  in  his  Patriarchate The  same  privileges  and  pre- 
rogatives were  given  by  the  same  emperor,  by  the  same  legis- 
lative authority,  to  the  Bishop  of  Carthage,  notwithstanding 
that  the  Bishops  of  Rome  did  always  pretend  that  Carthage 
was  imder  their  jurisdiction  I  deny  not  that  Vigilius  and 
Gregory,  succeeding  Popes,  did  make  deputations  to  the 
Bishop  of  Justiniana,  to  supply  their  places  *.  But  this  was 
but  an  old  Roman  fineness.  The  Bishops  of  Justiniana 
needed  none  of  their  commissions.  Justinian  the  father  and 
founder  of  the  imperial  law  knew  well  enough  how  far  his 
legislative  power  did  extend.  And  though  the  act  was  noto- 
rious to  the  whole  world,  and  inserted  into  the  body  of  the 
law,  yet  the  Fathers  of  that  age  did  not  complain  of  any 
innovation,  or  usurpation,  or  breach  of  their  pri\ileges,  or 
violation  of  their  rights. 

King  Henry  the  Eighth  had  the  same  imperial  power,  and 
was  as  much  a  sovereign  in  his  own  kingdoms,  as  Justinian 
the  emperor  in  his  larger  dominions  (as  WilUam  Rufus,  son 
and  successor  of  the  Conqueror,  said  most  truly,  that  'the 
kings  of  England  have  all  those  liberties  in  their  own  king- 
doms, which  the  emperors  had  in  the  empire^'),  and  had  as 
much  authority  to  exempt  his  own  subjects  from  the  juris- 
diction of  one  Patriarch,  and  transfer  them  to  another ;  espe- 
cially with  the  advice,  consent,  and  concurrence  of  a  national 
Synod.  So  King  Arthur  his  predecessor  removed  the  Pri- 
macy from  Caerleon  to  St.  David's    and  another  of  themy  to 


'  Novel.  11.  [tit.  vii.  "  De  Privileg. 
Archiep.  Juslinianae,"  &e.]  et  Novel. 
131.  [tit.  xiv.  "De  Eccles.  Titulis," 
&c.  c.  3.] 

'  Novel.  131.  [tit.  xiv.  c.  4.] 

•  [See  p.  138,  note  u.] 

"  Matth.  Paris.  [Hist.  Angl.  in  an. 
1095.  p.  19.] 


^  [See  p.  1G3,  note  r.] 

y  [Viz.  Henry  I.,  who  subjected  the 
See  of  St  David's  to  that  of  Canterbury. 
See  Girald.  Camb.,  De  Jure  et  Statu 
Menevens.  Eccles.,  in  Wharton's  Angl. 
Sacra,  torn.  ii.  pp.  51 1,  Sec,  and  Itincr. 
Camb.,  lib.  ii.  c.  1 — Ann.  of  Gish.,  ap. 
Spelman.,  Appar.  ad  Concil.,  p.  26, — 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


Canterbury,  for  tlie  advantage  of  tlieir  subjects  according  to  Discourse 
the  exigence  of  the  times.   Ji' — 

If  the  Pope  had  been  the  king  of  England's  subject,  as 
former  Popes  were  the  emperors',  he  might  have  served  him 
as  they  did  some  of  his  predecessors ;  called  a  Council,  regu^ 
lated  him,  and  reduced  him  to  order  and  reason ;  or,  if  he 
proved  incorrigible,  have  deposed  him.  But  the  Pope  being  a 
stranger,  all  that  he  could  justly  do,  was  what  he  did,  rather 
than  to  see  his  royal  prerogative  daily  trampled  upon,  his  laws 
destroyed,  his  subjects  oppressed ;  rather  than  to  have  new 
articles  of  Faith  daily  obtruded  upon  the  English  Church; 
rather  than  to  incur  the  peril  of  wilful  idolatry,  against 
conscience  and  therefore  formal : — to  cashier  the  Roman 
Com't,  with  all  their  pardons  and  indvdgences  and  other 
alchymistical  de\ices,  out  of  his  kingdoms ;  until  time  should 
teach  them  to  content  themselves  with  moderate  things, 
which  endure  long;  or  until  either  a  free  CEcumenical 
Council,  or  an  Eiu'opean  Synod,  should  settle  controversies, 
and  tune  the  jarring  strings  of  the  Christian  world.  In  the 
mean  time  we  pity  their  errors,  pray  for  their  amendment, 
and  long  for  a  re-union. 

II.  Now  the  just  grounds  of  such  sixbduction  or  separation  n.  Two 
are  of  two  sorts ;  either  the  personal  faults  of  the  Popes  or  yrounds 
their  ministers,  as  in  the  case  of  simony  and  schism,  which  s°,Vcfio"n  of 
ought  in  justice  to  reflect  upon  none  but  the  persons  who  obedience, 
are  guilty;  or  else  they  are  faulty  principles  and  rules,  as 
92  well  in  point  of  doctrine  as  of  disciphne,  such  as  the  obtruding 
of  new  Creeds,  the  pressing  of  unlawful  oaths,  and  the  palpable 
usurpation  of  the  undoubted  rights  of  others  :  and  these  do 
justify  and  warrant  a  more  permanent  separation,  that  is, 
until  they  be  reformed.    Wherefore,  ha\ing  taken  a  view  of 
the  sufficiency  of  the  authority  of  our  princes  to  reform,  in 
the  next  place  it  is  worthy  of  our  serious  consideration  what 
were  the  true  grounds  of  the  separation  of  the  kingdom  and 
Church  of  England  from  the  Court  of  Rome  ;  and,  secondly, 
whether  in  the  subduction  or  substraction  of  their  obedience 
or  communion  they  observed  due  moderation. 


Collier, Eccl.  Hist.,  Pt.  i.  bk.  iii.  vol.  i.     ed,  sect.  iv.  (Works,  p.  378.  fol.  edit.) 
p. 201. — and  Bramhall's  Schism  Guard-     Discourse  iv.  Parti.] 
N  2 


180 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part       1 .  The  grounds  of  their  separation  were  many.    First ;  the 

 '■  intoleraljlc  extortions  and  excessive  rapine  of  the  Court  of 

ground^     Rome,  committed  in  that  reahn  by  their  legates  and  nuncios 
e.xtoiUons         Commissioners  and  collectors  and  other  inferior  officers 
j^'^d  rapine  and  harpics,  enough  to  impoverish  the  kingdom,  and  to  drain 
Court  of    out  of  it  all  the  treasure  that  "was  in  it,  and  lea^'e  it  as  bare  as 
Rome.]     ^  grassliopper  in  winter,  by  their  indulgences  and  pardons 
for  all  kind  of  sin  at  a  certain  rate  registered  in  their  peni- 
[i.  e.  Tct-  tentiary  tax  ^.    Yea,  as  Ticelius,  the  Pope's  pardoner,  made 
his  brag  in  Germany,  though  a  man  had  "ra\ished  the  Mother 
of  God,"  yet  "  so  soon  as  the  money  did  but  clink  in  the 
bottom  of  the  bason,  presently  the  soul  flew  out  of  purga- 
tory a."    To  these  we  may  add  their  dispensations  of  all  sorts, 
and  commutations,  and  absolutions,  and  contributions,  and 
reservations,  and  tenths,  and  first-fruits,  and  appeals,  and 
palls  :  and  a  thousand  other  artifices  to  get  money ;  as  pro- 
visions, collations^  exemptions,  canonizations,  divolutions,  re- 
vocations, unions,  commendams,  tolerations,  pilgrimages,  ju- 
bilees ^.    "  Nulla  hie  arcana  revelo,"  saith  Mantuan, 


"  Teinpla,  sacerdotes,  (i/turin.  surra,  corona, 
"Ignis,  ihura,  preccs  ;  ri<litiii  rsl  niialc,  Deusque'^ ." 

'  Temples,  priests,  altars,  mitres.  Holy  Orders,  prayers,  masses. 
Heaven,  and  God  Himself,  are  saleable  at  Rome.'  It  is  no 
marvel ;  '  they  that  buy  must  sell.'  And  whilst  I  am  writing 
these  things,  comes  fresh  intelligence  of  a  book  lately  set 
forth  "  De  Simonid  prcesentis  Pontificis^,"  (they  say)  not 
penned,  but  dictated,  by  such  as  know  right  well  the  most 
secret  cabals  and  intrigues  of  the  Conclave :  "  Nam  propius 
fama  est  hos  tang  ere  Divos  "  ;  which  I  can  easily  impute  more 
to  the  fault  of  the  place,  than  of  the  man.  The  oblation  of 
the  Body  and  Blood  of  Clu-ist  is  sold ;  fastings  and  peniten- 
tiary works  are  sold, — "  qui  non  potest  jejunare  per  se,  potest 


[See  p.  5C,  note  h.] 
°  Chemnit.,  Exaim  Concil.  Trident. 
[P.  iv.  p.  87,  a.] 

[A  full  account  of  the  payments  to 
the  Papacy  from  England  may  be  seen 
in  Twysden's  Histor.  Vindic,  c.  iv. 
Dh'olution,  more  correctly  dfvolution, 


signifies  a  "  removal  from  hand  to 
hand"  (Johnson),  as,  e.  g.,  by  appeal 
fiom  a  lower  court  to  a  higher.] 

Mantuan.  [De  Calamit.  Tempor., 
lib.  iii.  vv.  101.  120—122.] 

[Viz.  Innocent  X.,  who  died  in 
1G55.] 


THE  CHURCH  or  ENGLAND. 


181 


jejunare  per  alium,  vel  potest  dare  nummum  pro  jejimio  ;"  the  Discourse 

merits  of  the  Saints  being  aUve  are  sold,  their  reUcs  being  '■  

dead  are  sold ;   scapulars  and  monastic  garments  are  sold. 
The  J ews  with  their  oxen,  sheep,  and  doves,  were  but  petty  [John  ii. 
merchants  in  comparison  of  these  great  bankers.    Did  any 
man  desire  a  pall  ?  the  law  itself  did  direct  them  what  to  do, 
"Pallium  non  datur  nisi  fortiter postulanti  ^" — '  the  pall  would 
not  be  given  but  to  those  that  knocked  hard '  with  a  silver 
hammer.    Was  any  man  a  suppliant  to  the  Court  of  Rome  ?  [Testimony 
Matthew  Paris  puts  him  into  a  right  way ;  "  Tunc  Sedes  clemen-  pads!]*  ^ 
tissima,  quce  nulli  deesse  consuevlt  dmnmodo  alhi  aliquid  vel 
rubei  intercedat,  prcescriptos  Pontifices  et  Abbates  ad  pristinas 
dignitates  misericorditer  revocavit^" — "then  the  most  pitiful 

.  See,  which  is  not  accustomed  to  be  wanting  to  any  suppliants, 
so  they  bring  white  or  yellow  advocates  along  with  them,  did 
mercifully  restore  the  said  Bishops  and  Abbots  to  their 
former  dignities."  It  is  almost  incredible,  what  a  mass  of 
treasm-e  they  collected  out  of  England  in  a  short  time  only 
from  investitui'es  and  some  otlier  exactions  from  Bishops ;  in 
fovir  years,  no  less  than  a  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  jDounds 
sterling,  as  was  found  by  inquisition  Archbishop  Cranmer 
paid  for  his  Bulls  that  concerned  his  consecration,  and  pall, 
nine  hundi'cd  ducats  ^ ;  to  such  a  height  were  the  extortions 
of  the  Roman  Court  mounted.  'Ex  ungue  leonem;' — judge 
by  this  what  the  Pope's  yearly  income  or  revenue  out  of 
England  might  be,  by  all  these  arts  which  we  have  formerly 
mentioned,  and  many  more;  sometimes  under  pretence  of 
recovering  the  Holy  Land ;  sometimes  to  relieve  the  poverty 
of  the  Roman  Court ;  sometimes  in  palfries ;  sometimes  in 
forged  bills  of  excliange;  sometimes  in  extorted  subsidies; 

f)3  sometimes  to  a  certain  sum  ;  sometimes  to  the  fifth  part  of 
their  goods ;  sometimes  to  tlie  third  part  of  residents  and  the 
half  of  non-residents  ;  sometimes  in  yearly  revenues,  as  two 
prebends  of  every  Bishop,  and  the  value  of  the  maintenance 
of  two  monks  from  every  Abbot ;  sometimes  out  of  the  goods 
of  rich  clergj'men  who  died  intestate;  sometimes  a  year's 

[Gratiau.,  Decret,  P.  i.]  Distinct.  year  of  Cranmer's  Arclibishopric,  A.D. 

100.  e.  2.  1532.      "Four"   is  a    mistalvc  foi- 

f  In  Hen.  I.  an.  1130.  [p.  59.]  "forty."] 

Antiquit.  Britann.  Eccles.,  p.  32C.  h  [ibid.  p.  327.] 
[The  inquisition  was  made  in  the  fu'st 


183 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  wages  for  payment  of  soldiers,  some  five,  some  ten,  some 

 —  fifteen,  according  to  their  estates ;  sometimes  in  jewels  :  of  all 

wliicli  he  that  desires  to  be  more  fully  informed,  needs  but  to 
read  Matthew  Paris,  who  describes  the  abuses  and  extortions 
of  the  Roman  Bishops  graphically  throughout  his  history. 
And  in  one  place  •  he  bemoans  the  condition  of  England  in 
these  words  :  "  Erat  igitur  videre  dolorem  prcecordialem  genas 
sanctorum  irrigare,  querelas  erumpere,  suspiria  multiplicare, 
dicentibus  multis  cum  singultu  cruentato,  melius  est  nobis  mori 
quam  videre  mala  gentis  nostrce  et  sanctorum.  Vcb  Anglice, 
qua;  quondam  princeps  provlnciarum,  domina  gentium,  specidum 
Ecclesice,  religionis  exemplum,  nunc  facta  est  sub  tribute.. 
ConciUcaverunt  earn  ignobiles,  et  facta  est  in  prcedam  degene- 
ribus,  &c." — "Therefore  a  man  might  see  sorrow  of  heart 
water  the  eyelids  of  holy  men,  complaints  break  out,  and 
groans  multiphed,  many  saying  with  bloody  sighs.  It  is 
better  for  us  to  die  than  to  see  the  misery  of  our  nation  and 
of  holy  persons.  Woe  be  to  England,  which  once  was  the 
Princess  of  Provinces,  the  Lady  of  Nations,  the  glass  of  the 
Clim-ch,  a  pattern  of  Religion,  but  now  is  become  tributary. 
Ignoble  fellows  have  trodden  her  under  foot,  and  she  is  made 
a  prey  to  base  persons." 
[of  Grost-  Neither  was  this  the  complaint  of  the  vulgar  only :  all 
shop 'of''  conscientioiis  men  were  of  the  same  mind.  Who  hath  not 
Lincoln.]   j^^g^j-fj  bitter  complaints  and  free  declamations  of 

Grosthead  the  learned  and  religious  Bishop  of  Lincoln, 
against  the  tyranny  and  rapine  of  the  Roman  com-ts,  both 
in  the  time  of  his  health,  and  upon  his  death-bed ;  for  which 
he  was  styled  " Romanorum  malleus^  " — "  The  hammer  of  the 
Romans?"  whereby  he  so  much  irritated  the  Pope,  that  he 
Avould  have  deposed  him,  and  accursed  him  in  his  life  time, 
if  he  had  not  been  dissuaded  by  his  Cardinals  in  respect  of 
the  learning  and  holiness  and  deserved  reputation  of  the 
Bishop  1 ;  and  after  his  death  would  have  had  his  corpse  dis- 
interred and  buried  in  a  dunghill,  but  that  the  Bishop 
appeared  to  him  the  night  before,  and  gave  him,  or  seemed 
to  give  him,  such  a  shrewd  remembrance,  partly  with  words, 
and  partly  with  his  crosier-staff,  that  the  Pope  was  much 

•  Matth.  Paris,  in  an.  1237.  [p.  158.]  ■  Id.  in  an.  1253.  [pp.  872.  875, 
k  Id.  in  an.  1253.  [p.  S7().]  876.J 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


183 


terrified  and  lialf  dead,  so  tliat  he  could  neither  eat  nor  drink  Discouuse 
tlie  day  following   ~  

The  Pope  excommunicated  Sewalus  the  Archbishop  of  [<'f  Sc«;u 
York  with  Bell,  Book,  and  Candle ;  but  "  non  curavit  volun-  bishop  of 
tati  Papali  relicto  juris  rhjore  muliebriter  obedire ;  quaj)ropter,  ^"'''1 
quanta  magis  prcecipicnte  Papa  maledicebatur,  tanto  plus  a 
populo  benedicebatur,  tacite  tamen,  propter  metum  Romano- 
rum  "  " — "  he  cared  not  to  submit  womanishly  to  the  Pope's 
will,  leaving  the  strait  rule  of  the  law ;  wherefore  the  more  he 
was  accursed  by  the  Pojie's  command,  the  more  he  was  blessed 
of  the  people,  but  secretly  for  fear  of  the  Romans."    In  his 
last  sickness  he  summoned  the  Pope  before  the  Tribunal  of 
the  high  and  incorruptible  Judge,  and  called  Heaven  and 
earth  to  be  his  witnesses  how  unjustly  the  Pope  had  oppressed 
him  : — "  Dixit  Dominus  Petro"  &c.  "  The  Lord  said  unto 
St.  Peter,  feed  my  sheep ;  not  clip  them,  not  flay  them,  not 
unbowcl  them,  not  devour  them 

They  who  desire  to  know  what  opinion  the  English  had  of 
the  greediness  and  extortion  of  the  Court  of  Rome,  may  fi.nd 
them  drawn  owi  to  the  life  by  Chaucer  in  sundry  places  P. 
Such  thriving  alcliymists  were  never  heard  "of  in  our  days, 
nor  in  the  days  of  our  forefathers,  that  with  such  ease  and 
dexterity  could  change  an  ounce  of  lead  into  a  pound  of  gold. 
So  they  had  great  reason  to  say  of  England  that  it  was  a 
"  well  that  could  not  be  drawn  dry  i."  And  England  had  as 
much  reason  to  whip  these  buj^ers  and  sellers  out  of  the  [Joim  ii. 
Temple.  This  complaint  is  neither  new  nor  particidar,  as  we 
shall  see  further  in  due  place. 

2.  The  second  ground  of  our  ancestors'  separation  of  them-  Our  second 
selves  from  the  Court  of  Rome,  were  their  most  unjust  usurpa-  [Wz.'the 
tions,  and  daily  encroachments  and  intrenchments,  and  ex-  Jj^„",s''an,i 
treme  'tiolations  of  all  sorts  of  rifiihts,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  vioiaiions 

"      '  of  all  sorts 

sacred  and  profane.  of  rights,  by 

They  endeavoured  to  rob  the  king  of  the  fairest  flowers  of  of  Rom't'.J 
his  crown  :  as  of  his  right  to  convocate  Synods,  and  to  confirm  [Of  the 
Synods,  within  his  own  dominions;  of  his  legislative  and  tiu;  king.] 


Id.  in  an.  125'k  [p.  883.]  non  eviscera,  vel  devorando  consume."] 

»  Id.  in  an.  1257.  [p.  956.]  ■*  Ploughman's  Tale,  and  elsewhere. 

°  Id.  in  an.  1258.  [p.  909.  "  Pasce  "  ["  Putcus   ine.xhaustus."  Matth. 

ovfs  Mcas  ;    non  tonde,  non   excoria,  Paris.,  as  quoted  in  p.  131,  note  a.] 


184 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  judiciary  power  in  ecclesiastical  causes  ',  of  his  political  juris- 

 ■       diction  over  ecclesiastical  persons ;  of  his  ecclesiastical  feuds 

and  investitures  of  Bishops ;  of  his  just  patronages  of  churches 
founded  by  his  ancestors ;  and  of  the  last  appeals  of  his  sub-  94 
jects.  And,  as  if  all  this  had  been  too  little,  taking  advantage 
of  King  John's  troubles,  they  attempted  to  make  the  royal 
Sceptre  of  England  feudatory  and  tributarj'  to  the  Crosier-staff 
of  Rome  at  the  annual  rent  of  a  thousand  marks  ■■.  Neither 
is  this  the  case  of  England  alone,  seeing  they  make  the  Uke 
pretensions  in  matter  of  fact  almost  to  all  Europe  ^ : — to  say 
nothing  now  of  that  dominion,  which  some  of  them  have 
challenged  indirectly,  others  directly,  over  sovereign  princes  ; 
"  Nos  imperia,  regna,  principatus,  et  quicquid  habere  mortales 
2)ossunt,miferre  et  dare posse^" — "We  have  power  to  take  away 
and  to  gi-\'e  empires,  kingdoms,  principalities,  and  whatsoever 
mortal  men  can  have because  I  confess  that  it  is  not  gene- 
rally received  b}^  the  Roman  Church. 
[Aichpriest     ]\Ir.  Blackwell,  made  Archpriest  of  England  by  Clement  the 

Blackwell    ^.  ,   ,        .  /4     t     t    »  n  •  i  i     i  i  • 

sraiuiaiiz-  Eiglith,  cites  ^  Cardinal  Allen,  with  much  honour  to  his 
<iot-triii«f  of  iiiGmory,  but  much  scandalized  at  his  doctrine,  that  none  can 
Alien  f'  admitted  king  of  England  wdthout  the  Pope's  leave.  His 
words  are  these ;  "  A¥ithout  the  approbation  of  the  See 
Apostolic,  none  can  be  lawful  king  or  qvieen  of  England,  by 
reason  of  the  ancient  accord  made  between  Alexander  the 
Third  the  year  1171  and  Henry  the  Second  then  king,  when ' 
he  was  absolved  for  the  death  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury, 
— that  no  man  might  laAvfully  take  that  crown,  nor  be  ac- 
counted as  king,  till  he  were  confirmed  by  the  sovereign 
Pastor  of  our  souls  which  for  the  time  should  be :  this  accord 
afterwards  being  renewed  about  the  year  1210  by  King  John, 
Avho  confirmed  the  same  by  oath  to  Pandulphus  the  Pope's 
legate  at  the  special  request  and  procurement  of  the  Lords 
and  Commons,  as  a  thing  most  necessary  for  preservation  of 
the  realm  from  unjust  usurpation  of  tyrants,  and  avoiding 
other  inconveniences  which  they  had  proved,  and  might  easily 
fall  again  into  by  the  disorder  of  some  wicked  king  To 

[L.  Andrewes,]  Episcop.  Eliensis.        "  Large  Exainin.  [of  G.  Blackw., 

[Resp.  ad  Apolog.  Card.  Bcllarm.,  c.  iii.  Lond.  1607.]  pp.  18,  19. 
pp.  72-82-87,  Lond.  IfilO.]  "  Aduionit.  tc  the  Nobility  by  Card. 

'  Platin.  in  Vita  Gregor.  VII.  [p.  Allen,  [publ.  inJ  1588.  [p.  8.  as  quoted 

169,  1.]  by  Blackwell.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


185 


wliich  he  adds  with  tlie  like  disapprobation  a  hke  testimony  of  Discourse 

Stanislaus  Christanovic     a  Polonian  author,  who  infers  upon  '■  

the  former  ground  that  the  Pope  may  depose  the  king  of 
England,  as  being  but  a  tributary  king  :  his  words  are  these  ; 
"  Illud  impie  leyislatores  per  jusjurandum  extorquent  a  Cutho- 
licis,"  &c. — "  The  law-makers  do  impiously  by  an  oath  extort 
this  from  Catholics,  to  deny  that  the  king  may  be  deposed  by 
the  Pope  and  his  kingdoms  and  countries  by  him  disposed  of. 
For  if  by  an  honourable  and  pious  grant  the  kingdom  have 
become  tributary  to  the  Pope,  why  may  he  not  dispose  of  it  ? 
Wliy  may  he  not  depose  the  prince  being  refractory  and  dis- 
obedient ?"  Thus  a  bold  stranger  altogether  ignorant  of  our 
histories  and  of  our  laws  shoots  his  bolt  at  all  adventures  upon 
the  credit  of  a  shameful  fiction.  But  from  whom  did  they 
learn  this  lesson?  Even  from  the  Pope  himself.  Bishop 
Grosthead  had  been  a  little  bold  with  the  Pope  for  his  ex- 
torting courses,  calling  him  "  Antichrist,"  and  "  murderer 
of  souls  y,"  fi^id  comparing  the  Court  of  Rome  to  "Behemoth,  [Job  xi. 
that  putteth  his  mouth  to  the  river  Jordan  thinking  to  drink  "'^'■^ 
it  up,"  and  styling  the  oppression  of  the  English  nation  an 
"Egyptian  bondage  He  had  good  reason  ;  for  the  Court 
of  Rome  in  those  days  was  grown  past  shame  ("  rubore  depo- 
sito  ^"),  and  consequently  past  grace.  The  Pope  irritated  with 
this  usage  breaks  out  ipto  this  passionate  expression,  "  Nonne 
rex  Anglorum  nosier  est  vasallus,  et,  ut  plus  dicam,  manci- 
pium  ?" — "  Is  not  the  king  of  England  our  vassal,  or  rather 
our  slave  ?  "  Or  rather  are  these  fit  guests  to  be  entertained 
in  a  kingdom  that  make  no  more  of  our  sovereign  princes 
than  their  vassals  and  slaves,  who  can  neither  be  admitted 
to  the  crown  without  their  leave,  nor  hold  it  but  by  their 
grace  ? 

This  relation  of  Cardinal  Allen  brings  to  my  remembrance 
the  qviestion  of  Neoptolemus  to  Ulysses,  when  he  should  have 
taught  him  the  art  of  lying,  '  how  it  was  possible  for  one  to 
tell  a  he  without  blushing  <^  ? '    The  Archpriest  is  much  more 


"  Exam.  Catliolic,  fol.  34.  [as  quoted 
by  Blackwell] 

^  [Matth.  Paris,  in  an.  1253.  p.  871.] 
^  [Id.  p.  870.    These  laiter  expres- 
sions however  were  used  by  Grosthead 
upon  liis  death-bed,  subsequently  to  the 


violence  of  the  Pope  mentioned  lower 
down.] 

a  Id.  in  an.  1244.  [p.  G22.] 
^  Id.  in  an.  1253.  [p.  8G2.] 
'■  ["  Tlwt  ovv  ^KfTru)V  tis  Tai'ra  toA- 
Hi]a(i  KaKilv,"  Soph.,  I'liiloct.,  110.] 


186 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   ingenuous,  affirming  ^  that  the  "  assertions  touching  both  the 

 '■       said  kings  for  matter  of  fact  were  untrue ;  that  Henry  the 

Second  never  made  any  such  accord  Avith  Alexander  the 
Third,  for  ought  tliat  he  could  ever  read  in  any  chronicle  of 
credit then  that  "the  oath  which  Henry  the  Second  did  take 
for  himself"  (not  for  his  heirs)  was  this,  that  he  "  would  not 
depart  from  him  or  his  successors,  so  long  as  they  should  iu- 
treat  him  as  a  Catholic  king^;"  that  "the  fact  of  King  John 
is  of  more  probability,  but  of  as  little  truth,"  which  he  confirms 
by  the  testimony  of  Sir  Thomas  ]\Iore,  a  Lord  Chancellor  of 
England,  a  man  of  extraordinary  learning,  of  great  parts,  of 
so  good  affections  to  the  Roman  See,  that  he  is  supposed  to 
have  died  for  the  Pope's  supremacy  ^,  and  is  commended  by 
Cardinal  Bellarmine  to  Mr.  Blackwell  s  as  a  martyr,  and  a 
guide  of  many  others  to  martyrdom,  "  cum  ingenti  Anglicce 
nationis  gloria,"  certainly  one  who  had  as  much  means  to  know 
the  truth,  both  hy  view  of  records  and  otherwise,  as  any  man  95 
living:  thus  \rateth  he,  "If  he"  (the  author  of  the  Beggars' 
Supplication)  "say,  as  indeed  some  writers  say,  that  King  John 
made  England  and  Ireland  tributary  to  the  Pope  and  the  See 
Apostolic  by  the  grant  of  a  thousand  marks ;  we  dare  sm-ely 
ssiy  again,  that  it  is  untrue,  and  that  all  Rome  neither  can 
shew  such  a  grant,  nor  ever  could  :  and  if  they  could,  it  were 
nothing  worth;  for  ncA^er  could  any  king  of  England  give 
away  the  realm  to  the  Pope,  or  make  the  laud  tributary, 
though  he  Avould 

[Case  of  As  to  that  of  Henry  the  Second,  without  doubt  the  Arch- 
Scxoiuif  pi'iest  had  all  the  reason  in  the  world  for  him.  Cardinal 
Allen  did  not  write  by  inspiration,  and  could  expect  no  more 
credit  than  he  brought  authority.  There  is  a  vast  difFeiTuce 
between  these  two ;  that  '  no  man  shall  be  accounted  king 
of  England,  until  he  be  confirmed  by  the  Pope,'  and  this 
otlier,  that  '  the  king  in  his  own  person  would  not  desert  the 
Pope,  so  long  as  he  intreated  him  like  a  Catholic  king.' 
The  former  is  most  dishonourable  to  the  nation,  and  diame- 
trically opposite  to  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  land.  The 

"  [Lavp;.  Exam.  pp.  10,  20.]  ^  Epist.  Card.  Bellarm.  ad  G.BIackw. 

"  Rog.  Hovcd.,  Annal.  [p.  529.]  Arclipr.  [preli.xed  to  the  Large  Exaniin- 

'  [See  p.  121,  notes  x,  y;  and  the  ation.] 

I-ife  of  Sir  T.  Move  in  Wordsw.,  Eccles.  "  Supplic.  of  Souls,  p.  296.  [ijuoted 

Biogr.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  IGti-lGS.]  by  Blackw.,  pp.  20,  21.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


187 


latter  we  might  take  ovirselves  without  offence  to  God  or  our  Discourse 

own  consciences.    But  to  make  our  kings  their  vassals  and  

then.'  slaves,  to  impoverish  their  realm,  and  to  commit  all 
those  exorbitant  misdemeanours  against  them,  which  we  have 
related  in  part,  and  shall  yet  describe  more  fuEy,  was  neither 
to  intreat  them  like  Catholic  kings,  nor  like  Christian  kings, 
nor  yet  like  political  kings. 

And  for  his  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  we  do  not  beheve 
that  the  Pope's  canonization,  or  to  have  his  name  inserted 
into  the  calendar  in  red  letters,  makes  a  Saint.  We  do 
abominate  that  murder  as  lawless  and  barbarous,  to  sprinkle 
not  only  the  pavements  of  the  church,  but  the  very  altar 
with  the  blood  of  a  Prelate ;  and  M'e  condemn  aU  those  who 
had  a  hand  in  it :  but  we  do  not  believe  that  the  cause  of 
his  suffering  was  sufficient  to  make  him  a  martyr,  namely,  to 
help  foreigners  to  pull  the  fairest  flowers  from  his  prince's 
diadem  by  violence,  and  to  perjure  himself,  and  violate  his 
oath  given  for  the  observation  of  the  Articles  of  Clarendon. 
All  his  own  suffragan  Bishops  were  against  him  in  the  cause, 
and  justified  the  king's  proceedings ;  as  appeareth  by  two  of 
their  letters,  one  to  himself,  the  other  to  Pope  Alexander  the 
Third".  The  barons  of  the  kingdom  reputed  him  as  a  traitor: 
"  Quo  progrederis  proditor  ?  expecta,  et  audi  judicium  tuum ;" — 
"  whither  goest  thou,  traitor  ?  stay,  and  hear  thy  judgment 
This  is  certain, — the  first  time,  that  ever  any  Pope  did  chal- 
lenge the  right  of  investitures  in  England,  Avas  in  the  days  of 
Henry  the  Fu-st ;  and  Paschal  the  Second  was  the  first  Pope 
that  ever  exacted  an  oath  from  any  foreign  Bishop,  above 
eleven  himdi'ed  years  after  Christ  Before  that  time  they 
evermore  swore  fealty  to  their  prince.  "  De  homagiis,  defeudis, 
de  sacramentis  Episcoporum,  laicis  anfea  exhibitis  ™ .  .  .  ." — 
"  There  was  great  consultation  about  the  homage,  and  fealty, 
and  oaths  of  Bishops,  in  former  ages  sworn  to  laymen." 
These  new  articles  of  faith  are  too  young  to  make  martyrs. 

Concerning  the  second  instance  of  King  J ohn,  though  I  [Case  of 
attribute  mvich  to  the  authority  of  Sir  Thomas  More  in  that  ^'^'"sJ"'" 
case,  who  would  never  have  been  so  confident  unless  he  had 

'  Ilovedeii,  in  Aimal.  [pp.  509-511.]     c.  iii.  §  49,  50.] 

k  Idem,  [p.  495.]  "  Platin.  in  Vita  Paschal.  II.  [p. 

'  [See  Twysdeu's  Histor.  Vindicat.,     176,  2.] 


188 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OP 


Part    supposed  that  lie  had  searched  the  matter  to  the  bottom, 
— — ^ —  j^et  his  zeal  to  the  Papacy,  and  his  unwillingness  to  see  such 
an  unworthy  act  proceed  from  that  See,  might  perhaps  mis- 
lead him ;  for  I  confess  sundry  authors  do  relate  the  case 
otherwise  : — that  there  was  a  prophecj^  or  prediction  made  by 
one  Peter  a  hermit,  that  the  next  day  to  Ascension  Sunday 
there  should  be  no  king  in  England  ;  that  Pope  Innocent  the 
Tliird,  being  angry  with  King  John,  excommunicated  him, 
interdicted  the  kingdom,  deprived  him  of  his  crown,  absolved 
his  subjects  from  their  allegiance,  animated  his  barons  and 
15ishops  against  him,  gave  away  his  realm  to  Philip  king  of 
France,  sent  Pandul])lius  as  his  legate  into  England  to  see  all 
this  executed ;  the  king  of  France  provides  an  army  accord- 
inglj' ;  but  the  crafty  Pope  underhand  gives  his  legate  secret 
instructions  to  speak  privately  with  King  John,  and  if  he 
could  make  a  better  bargain  for  him  and  draw  him  to  submit 
to  the  sentence  of  the  Pope,  he  should  act  nothing  against 
liim,  but  in  his  favour;  they  do  meet;  King  John  submits; 
the  Pope  orders  him  to  resign  his  crown  and  kingdoms  to  the 
See  of  Rome ;  so  (they  say)  he  did,  and  received  them  the 
next  day  of  the  Pope's  grace  as  a  feudatory  at  the  yearly  rent 
of  a  thousand  marks  for  the  kingdoms  of  England  and  Ire- 
land, and  did  homage  and  sware  fealty  to  Pope  Innocent 
But  Avhereas  the  Cardinal  adds  upon  his  own  head,  that  thisgej 
Avas  done  "  at  the  special  request  and  procurement  of  the  Lords  I 
and  Commons,"  it  is  an  egregious  forgery,  and  well  deserves  a 
whetstone ;  for  '  aU  the  three  Orders  of  the  Kingdom,  Bishops, 
Barons,  and  Commons,  did  protest  against  it  in  Parliament,  j 
notwithstanding  any  private  contract  that  might  be  made  by  | 
King  John  ;  and  that  they  Avould  defend  themselves  by  arms  \ 
from  the  temporal  jurisdiction  of  the  Pope°.'    But  the  other  || 
answer  of  Sir  Thomas  More  is  most  certain  and  beyond  all 
exception,  that,  if  either  Henry  the  Second  or  King  John  had 
done  any  such  thing,  it  was  not  worth  a  rush,  nor  signified 
any  thing  but  the  greediness  and  profaneness  of  these  pre-  [ 
tended  Vicars  of  Christ,  who  prostituted  and  abused  their 
office  and  the  power  of  the  Keys  to  serve  their  base  and  ava-  \ 


"  Matth.  Paris,  an.  1212,  1213.  [pp.  sa!cul.  xiv.  c.  5.,  citat.  a  Saiictii  Clara, 
232,  sq.]  [p.  412.] 

»  Uarpsf.  [Hist.  Ecclcs.  Anglic]  ad 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


189 


ricioTis  ends,  and  lets  the  world  see  how  well  they  deserved  to  DisrotmsE 

thrust  out  of  doors.    Wliat  ?  that  '  no  man  might  be  '■  

Clowned,  or  accounted  king  of  England,  until  he  were  con- 
firmed by  the  Pope?'  By  the  law  of  England,  'rex  non 
vioritur' — 'the  king  ncA'er  dies:'  and  doth  all  acts  of  sove- 
reignty before  his  coronation  as  well  as  after  P. 

They  robbed  the   nobility   of  their   patronages,  those  [Of  the 
churches  which  their  ancestors  had  founded  and  endowed  the  no. 
being  by  proAdsions  from  Rome  frequently  conferred  upon  ^''''^"-^ 
sti  ungers,  which  could  not  speak  one  word  of  English  nor  did 
ever  tread  upon  English  ground ;  insomuch  that  at  one  time 
there  were  so  many  Italians  beneficed  in  England,  that  they 
received  more  money  yearly  out  of  it  than  all  the  revenues  of 
the  crown,  to  the  high  disservice  of  Almighty  God,  the  great 
scandal  of  religion,  the  decay  of  hospitality,  and  the  utter 
ruin  of  the  English  Church  i. 

But  the  least  share  of  their  oppressions  did  not  light  upon  [Of  the 
the  Bishops,  who  by  their  dispensations,  and  reservations  of  the  Bi- 
cases,  and  of  pensions,  and  exemptions,  and  inhibitions,  and 
visitations,  and  tenths,  and  first-fruits,  and  provisions,  and 
subsidiary  helps,  Avere  impoverished  and  disabled  to  do  the 
duties  of  their  function.  They  take  their  aim  much  amiss 
who  look  upon  Episcopacy  as  a  branch  of  Popery,  or  a  dc\'icc 
of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  to  advance  his  own  greatness. 
Whereas  the  contrary  is  most  certain,  that  the  Pope  is  the 
greatest  impugner  of  Bishops,  and  the  Papacy  itself  sprung 
fi'om  the  unjust  usurpation  of  their  just  rights.  Let  it  be 
once  admitted,  that  Bishops  are  by  Divine  right,  and  in- 
stantly all  his  dispensations,  and  reservations,  and  exemptions, 
and  indulgences,  and  his  conclave  of  Cardinals,  and  the  whole 
Court  of  Rome,  shrink  to  nothing.  This  was  clearly  per- 
ceived by  both  parties  in  the  ventilation  of  that  famous 
question  in  the  Council  of  Trent,  concerning  the  Di\ine  right 
of  Bishops,  proposed  by  the  Almains,  Polonians,  and  Hun- 
garians, seconded  bravely  by  the  Spaniards,  prosecuted 
home  by  the  French,  owned  by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  as 
the  doctrine  of  [the]  Sorbonne,  and  only  crossed  by  the 
Italian  faction,  to  preserve  the  glory  of  their  own  countiy 


I"  [Coke  upon  Littleton,  Pt.  i.  9,  b.]  [p.  667.]  Epist.  Univ.  Angl.  ad  Inno- 
"  Matth.  Par:s.,in  Hen.  III.  an.121'5.     cent.  [IV.] 


190 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   and  the  advantages  which  that  nation  doth  reap  from  the 

 '-  Papacy  : — by  whose  frowardness  and  prevarication  (in  all 

probability)  the  reunion  of  the  Chiu'ch,  and  the  universal 
peace  of  this  part  of  Christendom  in  necessary  truths,  was 
hindered  at  that  time. 

I  presume  the  case  was  not  so  very  ill  in  foreign  parts,  but 
yet  ill  enough.    Or  otherwise  St.  Bernard  would  not  have 
made  so  bold  with  Eugenius,  adding  that,  if  the  days  were 
not  evil,  he  would  speak  many  more  things, — "  \\Tiy  do  you 
thrust  your  sickle  into  other  men's  harvest?"  &c.^  He 
complains  of  the  confusion  of  appeals,  how  they  were  admitted 
contrary  to  law  and  right,  beside  custom  and  order,  without 
any  distinction  of  place,  or  manner,  or  time,  or  cause,  or 
person.    He  complains  further  of  the  exemption  of  Abbots 
from  their  Bishops,  Bishops  from  their  Archbishops,  Arch- 
bishops from  their  Primates.    And  this  he  styles  "  murmur  et 
communem  querimoniam  Ecclesiarum" — "  the  murmuring  and 
common  complaint  of  the  Cluu'ches 
[Of  the         Lastlv,  they  cheated  and  impoverished  the  people  by  their 
the  peo-     dispensations,  and  commutations,  and  pardons,  and  iudulg- 
P'*'"^        ences,  and  expeditions  to  recover  the  Holy  Land,  and  jubilees, 
and  pilgrimages,  and  Agnus  Dei's,  and  a  thousand  pecuniary 
artifices  :  so  as  no  sort  of  men  escaped  their  fingers. 
The  third      3.  The  third  ground  of  their  separation  from  Rome  was, 
[viTuiat   because  they  found  by  experience  that  such  foreign  jmnsdic- 
fore*i"n  ju  exercised  was  destructive  to  the  right  ends  of  ecclesi- 

risdiction   astical  discipline,  which  is  in  part  to  preserve  public  peace 
cised  was   and  ti'anquilUty,  to  retain  subjects  in  due  obedience,  and  to  97 
fo  ecrhlsr  oblige  people  to  do  their  duties  more  conscientiously.  Far 
cipHnef'*  be  it  from  any  Christian  to  imagine  that  policy  is  the  spring- 
head of  religion.    There  never  was  yet  any  one  nation  so 
unpohtic  and  brutislily  barbarous,  but  they  had  some  reli- 
gion or  other.    They  who  obeyed  no  governors  but  their 
parents,  paid  religious  duties  to  some  God ;  they  who  wanted 
clothes  to  their  backs,  wanted  not  their  sacred  ceremonies ; 


r  [Fra.  Paolo's  Hist,  of  the  Coimc. 
of  Trent,  bk.  vii.  j)d.  5S7,  595,  604, 
634.;  bk.  viii.  pp.  7:.5,  737.  Eiig.Transl. 
of  10  10.  E.  Du  Bellay  was  then  Bishop 
of  Paris  ;  which  was  not  an  Arck- 
bishopiic  until  1622.] 


=  Bernard.,  DeConsiderat  [in  Papam, 
lib.  i.,  ap.  Goldast.,  Monarch.  S.  Rom. 
Imp.  torn.  ii.  p.  70.] 

'  [Ibid.]  lib.  iii.  [ap.  Goldast.,  ibid, 
pp.  78-80.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


191 


tliey  who  were  without  municipal  laws,  were  subject  of  them-  Discoitrsi: 

selves  to  the  law  of  conscience.    But,  where  religion  hatli   '  

lost  its  influence  and  Aagoiu'  by  contcm2)t,  and  much  more 
where  the  influence  of  religion  is  malignant,  where  policy  and 
rehgion  do  not  sujiport  one  another,  but  interfere  one  with 
another ;  societies  are  hke  castles  builded  in  the  air,  without 
any  firm  foundation,  and  cannot  long  endure ;  like  as  that 
single  meteor  Castor  appearing  without  Pollux  portends  an 
unfortunate  voyage  '  Let  us  flatter  ourselves  as  much  as 
we  please'  (said  Tully  to  the  Eomans),  'we  have  not  over- 
come the  Spaniards  in  nximber,  nor  the  Gauls  in  force,  nor 
the  Carthaginians  in  craft,  nor  the  Grecians  in  art,  nor  the 
ItaUans  in  understanding ;  but  the  advantage  which  we  have 
gained  over  them  was  by  religious  piety  So  great  an  in- 
fluence hath  religion  upon  the  body  politic. 

Wherefore  our  ancestors,  having  seen  by  long  and  costly 
experience,  that  the  tj^rannical  jmisdiction  of  the  Roman 
Court,  instead  of  peace  and  tranquillity  did  produce  disimion  in 
the  realm,- — factions  and  animosities  between  the  crown  and  the 
mitre,  intestine  discord  between  the  king  and  his  barons,  bad 
intelligence  with  neighbour  princes,  and  foreign  wars  ;  having 
seen  a  stranger  solicited  by  the  Pope  either  to  destroy  them 
by  war,  or  to  subdue  them  to  the  obedience  of  the  Roman 
Court ;  having  seen  their  native  country  given  away  as  a  prey 
to  a  foreign  prince,  Philip  of  France,  and  the  Pope  well  near 
seated  in  the  royal  chair  of  Estate,  for  him  and  his  successors 
for  ever,  to  the  endless  dishonom'  of  the  English  name  and 
nation,  by  the  cheating  tricks  of  Pandulphus  his  legate ; 
having  seen  English  rebels  canonized  at  Rome  and  made 
Saints  ;  it  was  no  marvel  if  they  thought  it  high  time  to  free 
themselves  from  such  a  chargeable  and  dangerous  guest. 

Fourthly;  besides  the  former  bad  influence  of  foreign  juris-  The  fourth 
diction  upon  the  body  politic,  they  found  sundry  other  incon-  f  viz."the 
veniences  that  incited  them  to  separate  from  Rome.  They  encesln"'" 
must  have  been  daily  subiect  to  have  had  new  Creeds  and  new  J^'""^"^  ^'l" 

lierence  to 

articles  of  Faith  obtruded  upon  them  ;  they  must  have  been  the  Pope 
daily  exposed  to  manifold  and  manifest  peril  of  idolatry,  and  involved 
sinning  against  God  and  their  own  consciences ;  they  must 
have  forsaken  the  communion  of  three  parts  of  Christendom, 

"  [Plin.,  Nat.  Hist.,  lib.  ii.  c.  37.]         "  [De  Haruspic.  Resp.,  c.  9.] 


192 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   wliicli  are  not  Roman,  to  join  with  the  fourth  ;  they  must  have 

 '■  approved  the  Pope's  apparent  rebellion  against  the  supreme 

ecclesiastical  power,  that  is,  a  general  Council ;  and  their 
Bishops  must  have  sworn  to  maintain  him  in  these  his  re- 
bellious usurpations.     Whether  they  should  prefer  their 
native  and  Christian  liberty,  or  give  them  up  for  nothing; 
whether  they  should  preserve  their  communion  with  the 
Catholic  Church,  or  with  the  Court  of  Rome ;  Mhether  they 
should  desert  the  Pope,  or  involve  themselves  in  rebellion, 
schism,  sacrilege,  and  perjury ; — the  choice  was  soon  made. 
[The  i^ast       5,  Lastly  ;  they  see  that  the  Popes  had  disclaimed  all  that 
viz.  the'    just  power  which  they  had  by  human  right,  and  challenged 
chaUenge  to  themsclves  a  spiritual  monarchy  or  sovereignty  by  Divine 
tuaimon'-  ^'ig^^t ;  whereby  their  sufferings,  which  in  themselves  were 
archyby    imsupportable,  were  made  also  irremediable,  from  thence. 

Divine  L  L  > 

right. ]      Wherefore  they  sought  out  a  fit  expedient  for  themselves,  being 
neither  ignorant  of  tlieii-  old  Britannic  exemption  and  liberties 
of  the  English  Church,  nor  yet  of  the  weakness  of  the  Roman 
pretences.     Our  progenitors  knew  well  enough  that  their 
authority  extended  not  to  take  away  any  the  least  particle  of 
Divine  right,  if  there  had  been  any  such.    Nor  could  they 
justly  be  accused  of  violating  that  human  right,  which  had 
been  quitted  long  before  ;  nor  be  blamed  rightly  for  denying 
obedience  to  him,  from  whose  jurisdiction  they  were  exempted 
by  the  canon  of  an  (Ecumenical  Council,  and  who  had  himself 
implicitlj^  renounced  that  ecclesiastical  right  which  he  held 
from  the  Church.  ' 
[No  dofrpt     Perhaps  some  may  conceive  a  defect  in  the  manner  of  pro- 
"nm!ner  of  cecdiug  of  tlic  king  aud  Church  of  England, — that  they  did 
propeechng  j^q^  £j,g^  make  a  remonstrance  of  their  grievances,  and  seek 

ot  the  king  ^  ' 

andchurch  rcdress  of  the  Pope  himself.  So  the  Council  of  Tours  thought 
laiici.]  it  fit.  "Visum  est  tamen  Concilio,  ante  omnia  mittendos  legates 
ad  D.  Papam  Julium,"  &c.  "  It  seemeth  good  to  the  Council,  9J 
that  in  the  first  place  messengers  be  sent  from  the  French 
Church  to  the  Pope,  who  may  admonish  him  with  brotherly 
love  and  according  to  the  evangelical  form  of  correction,  to 
desist  from  his  attempts  and  to  embrace  peace  and  concord 
with  the  princes.  But  if  he  will  not  hear  the  messengers,  let 
him  be  demanded  to  convocate  a  free  Council,  according  to 
the  decrees  of  the  holy  Council  of  Basle.    And  this  being 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


193 


done,  and  his  answer  received,  further  pro^•ision  shall  be  made  Hisco^ursk 
according  to  right  y."  — — — 
To  this  I  answer; — 

1.  First,  that  it  had  been  reasonable  and  just  indeed,  that  ^^^^^^^ 
we  had  made  our  first  address  to  the  Pope,  if  we  acknowledged  Bishops 
the  Roman  Bishop  to  be  our  lawful  Patriarch ;  but  the  same  "awfuV  Pa- 
respect  is  not  due  to  an  usurper  :  tnarchs.] 

2.  Secondly,  we  have  seen  by  frequent  experience,  how  vain  [Addresses 
and  fruitless  such  addresses  have  proved  from  time  to  time,    proved  ' 

According  to  the  former  advice  of  the  Council  of  Tours,  fruuiess^by 
the  king  of  France  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome  :  but  the  Pope  *requent 

"  '  ^  experi- 

"  refused  to  hear  them,  or  to  convocate  any  Council,"  and  enee.] 
before  his  death  anathematized  Maximilian  King  of  the  Ro- 
mans, the  kings  of  France  and  of  Navarre,  and  divers  other 
princes.  Cardinals,  aud  Bishops;  deprived  the  kings  and 
princes  of  their  respective  realms  and  principalities,  the 
Bishops  of  their  dignities  and  benefices;  and  gave  their 
kingdoms  and  principaHties  to  the  first  that  could  take  them  : 
from  which  sentence  they  appealed  to  a  future  Council  ^. 

The"  most  ancient  arbitrary  imposition  of  the  Popes  iipon 
the  British  Churches,  was  the  pall,  an  honourable,  and  at 
first  innocent,  ensign  of  an  Archbishop,  otherwise  of  no  great 
moment ;  first  introduced  in  the  reigns  of  the  Saxon  kings 
after  the  six  hundredth  year  of  Christ.  But  in  process  of 
time  it  became  vendible,  and  a  great  sum  was  exacted  for  it ; 
whereof  Canutus  long  since  complained  at  Rome,  and  had 
remedy  promised  %  as  he  well  deserved  of  that  See  ;  but  how 
well  it  was  observed,  the  experience  of  after  ages  doth  mani- 
fest, when  both  the  price  was  augmented,  and  mthal  an  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  Pope  imposed : — "  Electa  in  Archiepis- 
copum  Sedes  Apostolica  pallium  non  tradet,  nisi  prius  prcestet 
fidelitatis  et  obedientim  juramentmn" — "The  See  Apostolic 
will  not  deliver  the  pall  to  an  elect  Archbishop,  unless  he 
first  swear  fidehty  and  obedience  to  the  Pope**."  What  was 
become  of  their  old  oath  of  allegiance  to  their  king  ? 

>  Concil.  Turon.,  an.  1510,  in  fine.  ed.  Paris.  1612.]  des  "Annales  d'Aqui- 

[ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  xiii.  pp.  1482,  taine  [par  J.  Bouchet,"  P.  iv.  fol.  147, 

1483.  The  last  words  are  in  the  oiiginal  1.  ed.  1 545.] 

"prout  ejus  ei-it."  for  which  Bramhall  Baron.,  Annal.,  torn.  xi.  [an.  1027. 

appears  to  have  read  "  prout  ^'(m  erit."]  num.  4.] 

"  Extraict  [in  Act.  Imi.  Concil.  Pisan.,  •>  Greg.  [Decretal,  lib.  i.  tit.  vi.]  "  De 

BRAMHALL.  O 


194 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  In  tlie  j'car  1345,  the  king,  the  lords  spiritual  and  tem- 
^  ^  ^"^^^  poral,  and  the  whole  commonwealth  of  England,  joined  to- 
gether iinanimonsly  in  a  complaint,  and  exhibited  their 
grievances  to  Rome  : — that  '  the  Pope  extorted  more  than  his 
Peter-pence  out  of  the  kingdom,  contrary  to  law;  that  the 
patrons  of  churches  were  defrauded  of  their  rights,  strangers 
preferred,  souls  endangered,  their  bullion  exported,  the  king- 
dom impoverished,  provisions  made,  pensions  exacted;'  that 
'  the  English  were  drawn  out  of  the  realm  by  the  authority 
of  the  Pope,  contrary  to  the  customs  of  the  kingdom/  They 
complained  of  '  the  coming  among  them  of  the  Pope's  infa- 
mous messenger,  Non  obstante,  by  which  oaths,  customs, 
writings,  grants,  statutes,  rights,  privileges,  were  not  only 
weakened,  but  exinanited.'  They  complained  of  '  collections 
Avitliout  the  king's  lea^-e,  that  hospitality  was  not  kept,  the 
poor  not  sustained,  the  Word  not  preached,  cliurches  not 
adorned,  the  cure  of  souls  neglected,  DiAane  offices  not  per- 
formed, and  churches  ruined  by  the  abuses  of  the  Papal 
Court  f".'  I  cannot  omit  one  clause  in  the  letter  of  the  lords 
to  the  Pope, — "nisi  de  gravaminibus  domino  reyi  et  regno 
illatis  rex  et  regnum  citius  liberentur,  oportebit  nos  ponere 
murum  ptro  Domo  Domini,  et  libertate  regni ;  quad  quidem,  ob 
Aposto1ic{e  Sedis  reverentiam,  hucusque  facere  distulimus  " — 
"  unless  the  king  and  kingdom  be  quickly  freed  from  these 
grievances,  we  must  make  a  wall "  (of  defence  or  partition) 
"for  the  House  of  the  Lord  and  the  liberty  of  the  kingdom; 
Avhich  Ave  haA'e  hitherto  forborne  to  do  out  of  our  reverent 
respect  of  the  Apostolic  See."  They  seem  to  allude  to  that 
wall  Avhich  Severus  made  to  save  the  kingdom  from  the 
incm'sions  of  the  Scots  and  Picts.  Surely  that  was  not 
more  necessary  then,  than  that  Avail  of  partition  which 
Henry  the  Eighth  made  afterwards,  to  save  the  realm  from 
the  affronts  and  extortions  and  injuries  of  the  Roman  Coui't. 
Neither  did  they  make  their  addresses  to  the  Pope  alone, 
but  to  the  Council  of  Lyons,  by  the  proctors  of  the  whole 
nobility  and  commonalty  of  England,  for  redi'ess  of  the 
"  violent  oppressions,  intolerable  grievances,  and  impudent 

Elect,  et  Electi  Potest."  [c.  4.  in  tilulo;  printed  in  Wats'  edit.,  1245),  pp.  698, 

et  Baron.,  Annal.,  torn.  xi.  an.  1102.  (599.] 

num.  8.]  ■!  Idem,  in  an.  1246.  [p.  701.] 
'  Malth.  Paris,  in  an.  124[r).  (mis- 


THE  CHUUCII  OF  ENGLAND.  195 

exactions,  which  were  practised  "  in  England,  "  by  means  of  Discourse 

99  that  hateful  clause — non  obstante — too  often  inserted  in  the  ^—  

Pope's  letters  They  represented  that  there  were  so  many 
Italians,  for  the  most  part  ignorant  and  unlearned,  that 
understood  not  one  EngUsh  word,  nor  did  ever  tread  upon 
Enghsh  ground,  beneficed  among  them,  that  their  yearly 
revenue  exceeded  the  revenue  of  the  Crown  f.  Neither  did 
they  complain  only,  but  threaten  and  swear  that  they  would 
not  permit  such  abuses  for  the  future  But  what  ease  did 
the  poor  English  find  by  complaining  to  the  Pope  either  in 
Council  or  out  of  Council  ?  Martin  the  Pope's  commissioner 
(for  he  could  not  send  a  legate  without  the  king's  consent) 
extorts,  excommunicates,  interdicts  ;  the  Pope  himself  is 
angiy,  because  like  sturdy  children  'they  durst  cry  and 
whimper  when  they  -were  beaten  V  and  persuades  the  King  of 
France  to  invade  England,  and  either  to  depose  the  king,  or 
subject  him  to  the  Court  of  Rome,  which  lost  the  Pope  the 
heart  of  the  English.  The  king  [read  Pope]  told  them  that 
their  king  began  to  "kick  against  him,  and  play  the  Fre- 
derick." And  they  threatened,  that  if  he  'persisted,  they 
should  be  forced  to  do  that  which  would  make  his  heart 
ache  1.' 

After  this  Edwai'd  the  Third  made  liis  addi-esses  likewise 
to  Rome  for  remedy  of  grievances,  in  the  year  1343'".  How 
did  he  speed  ?  No  better  than  his  great  grandfather  Henry 
the  Tliird.  The  Pope  was  offended,  and  termed  his  modest 
expostidation  "  rebellion."  But  that  wise  and  magnanimous 
prince  was  not  daunted  with  words ;  to  requite  their  invec- 
tives, he  made  the  statutes  of  Provisors  and  PrcBinunire^, 
directly  against  the  encroachments  and  usm'pations  of  the 
Court  of  Rome.  Whereby  he  so  abated  their  power  in 
England  for  sundry  ages  following,  that  a  Dean  and  Chapter 
Avere  able  to  deal  with  them,  not  only  to  hold  them  at  the 
sword's  point,  but  to  foil  them  • 


'  Idem,  in  an.  1  24.'3.  [p.  668.] 
'  [Idem,  ibid.] 

Ibidem  [p.  681.] 
"  [Id.  an.  124.'I'.  pp.  Ol  !-,  61.3.  an. 
1245.  p.  657.] 

*  Id.  an.  1246.  [p.  691.] 

[Ibid.  p.  709.  The  word  'king' 
in  the  beginning  of  the  sentence  is 

O 


a  mistake  for  '  Pope.'] 

I  [Ibid.,  p.  701:  in  sense.] 

Walsingh.,  [Hist.  Brevis,  in  an. 

1.313.]  pp.  [149-152.] 

"  [25  Edw.  III.  Stat.  6.  §  3.-27  Edw. 

III.  Stat.  i.  c.  1.] 

"  [See  p.  141,  note  q.] 


196 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part       3.  Lastly^  King  Henry  tlie  Eighth  himself  had  been  long  a 

 ~  suitor  unto  Clement  the  Seventh,  to  have  his  predecessor  JuUus 

vnThira-  the  Second's  dispensation  for  his  marriage  with  his  brother's 
successful"  ^^^^  to  be  declared  void.  But,  though  the  Pope's  own  doctors 
suitor  to     and  Universities  had  declared  the  dispensation  to  be  unlawful 

Clement  ^ 

VII.]  and  invalid;  and  although  the  Pope  himself  had  once  given 
forth  a  Bull  privately  to  his  legate  Cardinal  Campeius  for  the 
revocation  thereof,  wherein  he  declared  the  marriage  to  be 
null,  and  that  the  king  could  not  continue  in  it  without  sin? ; 
yet  the  king  found  so  little  respect  either  to  the  condition  of 
his  person,  or  to  the  justice  of  his  cause,  that  after  long  delays, 
to  try  if  he  could  be  allured  to  the  Pope's  will,  in  the  conclu- 
sion he  received  a  flat  denial.  This  was  no  great  encoiu'age- 
ment  to  him  to  make  any  more  addresses  to  Rome.  So  what 
was  threatened  and  effected  in  part  in  the  days  of  Henry  the 
Third  and  Edward  the  Thii'd,  was  perfected  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  the  Eighth;  when  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  of 
Rome  in  England  was  abolished,  which  makes  the  great  dis- 
tance between  them  and  us.  Different  opinions  are  often 
devised  or  defended  on  purpose  to  maintain  faction.  If  ani- 
mosities were  extinguished,  and  the  minds  of  Christians  free 
from  prejudice,  other  controversies  might  quickly  be  reconciled, 
and  reduced  to  primitive  general  truths.  The  power  para- 
mount of  the  Court  of  Rome  hath  ever  been,  and  still  is,  that 
"  insana  laurus  i,"  which  causeth  brawling  and  contention, 
not  only  between  us  and  them,  but  between  them  and  the 
Eastern  Churches,  yea,  even  between  them  and  those  of  their 
own  communion,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter;  yea, 
the  original  source  and  true  cause  of  all  the  separations  and 
reformations  made  in  the  Church  in  these  last  ages;  as  all 
the  estates  of  Castile  did  not  forbear  to  tell  the  Pope  himself 
not  long  since  in  a  printed  memorial  and  the  kingdom  of 
Portugal  ^  likewise.  To  conclude  this  point  ; — these  former 
kings,  who  reigned  in  England  about  the  years  1200  and 
1300,  might  property  be  called  the  first  reformers;  and 
their  laws  of  Prom  isors  and  Prcemunire's,  or  more  properly 

P  See  the  copy  of  the  Bull  [dated  Ilea,'  [Pliilip  IV.,  to  Urban  VIII.,] 

16  Dec.  1527.]  in  Anti-Sanderiis.  [pp.  an.  1633.  [See  below  pp.  230,  231.] 

200,  &c.  Cantab.  1593.]  '  Lusitaniae  Gemitus.  p.  43.  [See 

[Plin.,  Nat.  Hist.,  lib.  xvi.  c.  89.]  below  p.  221,  notes  g,  h.] 

'  '  Memorial  de  Sa  Magestad  Cato- 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


197 


pr(Rm onere's,  tlie  beginning  of  the  Reformation.  Tliey  laid  Discourse 
the  foundation,  and  Henry  the  Eightli  builded  upon  it.  —  ' 

III.  Now,  ha^-ing  seen  the  authority  of  our  Reformers,  The  mo- 


1.  First,  they  did  not,  we  do  not,  deny  the  being  of  any  ['jfj^^sgp^ 
Church  whatsoever,  Roman  or  other,  nor  possibiHty  of  salva-  ration]. 

.  [Neither 

tion  in  them,  especially  such  as  hold  firmly  the  Apostles'  Creed,  they  nor 
and  the  Faith  of  the  four  first  general  Coiincils ;  though  their  the  be'ing 
.salvation  be  rendered  much  more  difficult  by  human  inven- 

other 

tions  and  obstructions.  And  bj^  this  very  sign  did  St.  Cyprian  Churches, 
purge  himself  and  the  African  Bishops  from  schism ; — "  Ne-  biiity°of' 
minem  judicantes,  aut  u  jure  communionis  aliquem,  si  rfirerawm  themO°" ' 
100 senserit,  amoventes^" — "judging  no  man,  removing  no  man 
from  our  communion,  for  difference  in  opinion."  We  do  in- 
deed require  subscription  to  our  Articles,  but  it  is  only  from 
them  who  are  our  own,  not  from  strangers ;  nor  yet  of  all 
om-  own,  but  only  of  those  who  seek  to  be  initiated  into  Holy 
Orders,  or  are  to  be  admitted  to  some  ecclesiastical  prefer- 
ment :  so  it  is  in  every  man's  election  whether  he  will  put 
himself  upon  a  necessity  of  subscription  or  not.  Neither  are 
our  Articles  penned  with  anathemas  or  curses  against  all 
those,  even  of  oui*  own,  who  do  not  receive  them;  but  used 
only  as  a  help  or  rule  of  unity  among  ourselves.  '  Si  quis 
diversum  dixerit' — if  any  of  our  own  shall  speak,  or  preach, 
or  write  against  them,  we  question  him.  But  'si  quis  diversum 
senserit'  —  if  any  man  shall  only  think  otherwise  in  his 
private  opinion,  and  trouble  not  the  peace  of  the  Church,  we 
question  him  not.  We  presume  not  to  censure  others  to  be 
ovit  of  the  pale  of  the  Church,  bvit  leave  them  to  stand  or  fall 
to  their  own  Master.  We  damn  none  for  dissenting  from 
us ;  we  do  not  separate  ourselves  from  other  Churches,  unless 
they  chase  us  away  with  their  censures,  but  only  from  their 
errors.  For  clear  manifestation  whereof,  observe  the  thirtieth 
canon  of  om-  Church ; — "  it  was  so  far  from  the  purpose  of 
the  Church  of  England  to  forsake  and  reject  the  Churches  of 
Italy,  France,  Spain,  Germany,  or  any  such  like  Chui'ches,  in 
all  things  which  they  held  and  practised,  &c.  that  it  only 


'  [Act.]  Coiicil.  Carthag.  [VIII.  Cypr.,  Op.  p.  229.] 
A.  D.  256.],  De  Baptiz.  Hicret.  [ap. 


198 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Pari    departed  from  them  in  those  particidar  points  -wlierein  they 

 Avere  fallen  both  from  themselves  in  their  ancient  integrity, 

and  from  the  Apostolical  Churches,  which  were  their  first 
founders"."  So  moderate  are  we  towards  all  Christians, 
whether  foreigners  or  domestics,  whether  whole  Churches  or 
single  persons. 

[Roman        jj^^  becansc  the  Roman  Catholics  do  lav  hold  upon  this 

Catholics  .  .  ' .  . 

answered  charitable  assertion  of  ours,  as  tending  mainly  to  theii*  ad- 
hoid'on  vantage  : — behold  (say  they),  Protestants  do  acknowledge  a 
charitable  Possibility  of  salvation  in  the  Roman  Church ;  but  Roman 
assertion.]  Catholics  deny  all  possibility  of  salvation  in  the  Protestant 
Churches ;  therefore  the  i^eligion  of  Roman  Catholics  is  much 
safer  than  that  of  Protestants  (hence  proceeded  their  treatise 
of  "  Charity  Mistaken  and  sundry  other  discourses  of  that 
nature,  wherein  there  are  mistakes  enougli,  but  little  charity)  : 
— for  answer,  if  this  objection  were  true,  I  should  love  my 
religion  never  the  Avorse ;  where  I  find  little  charity,  I  look 
for  as  little  faith  : — but  it  is  not  true ;  for  when  the  business 
is  searched  to  the  l)ottom,  they  acknowledge  the  same  possi- 
bility of  salvation  to  us,  Avhich  we  do  to  them,  that  is,  to  such 
of  either  Church  respecti\  ely  as  do  not  err  wilfully,  but  use 
their  best  endeavours  to  find  out  the  truth.  Take  two  testi- 
monies of  the  Bishop  of  Chalcedon  v ; — '  if  they '  (that  is,  the 
Protestants)  '  grant  not  salvation  to  such  Papists  as  they 
count  A'incibly  ignorant  of  Roman  errors,  but  only  to  such  as 
are  invincibly  ignorant  of  them,  they  have  no  more  charity 
than  we ;  for  we  grant  Chiu'ch,  saA'ing  Faith,  and  salvation, 
to  such  Protestants  as  arc  iiiA'inciljly  ignorant  of  their 
errors and  in  his  book  of  the  Distinction  of  Fundamentals 
and  not-Fundamentals,  he  hath  these  words, — '  if  Pi'otestants 


"  [Canon.  UJOS.]  Can.  30. 

"  ["  Charity  Mistaken,  with  tlie 
want  wlicvc.r  Catholics  arc  unjustly 
charged,  for  atiinning,  as  they  do,  tliat 
Protestancy  unrcpeiited  destroys  S,d- 
vation."  8vo.  IQ-ii),  by  Matthew  Wil- 
son, a  Jesuit,  under  the  assumed  name 
of  Edw.  Knott.  .Sec  the  art.  upon  him 
under  the  latter  name  in  Dodd,  Ch. 
Hist.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  km;,  107.1 

^  Protest.  I'la.in  Confession,  ch.  xiii. 
pp.  1.51,  l.V.'.~[])i^li„ction  of  Funda- 
mentals and  not  fundamentals,]  ch.  ii. 
p.  (j2.     [These  aj  pcir  to  lie  the  two 


hooks  of  the  Risliop  of  Chalcedon 
(Smith)  quoted  before  iu  the  Answ.  to 
I. a  Millet.,  p.  79.  They  are  mentioned 
by  ]Jodd  (Ch.  Hist.,  vol.  iii.  p.  78.)  as 
liis  aiid  as  piddished  in  1645;  but  are 
nut  to  he  met  with  either  in  the  Bod- 
leian Library,  the  l^ritish  Museum,  or 
Sion  Colle-e.  The  title  of  the  first  as 
given  by  Dodd  is,  "  Tlie  Protestants' 
Plain  Confession  that  tl'.e  Roman 
Church  is  tlie  Head  of  the  Church  of 
God,  and  that  in  her  is  a  saving  Faitli, 
&e."] 


THE  CHURCH  Ol'  ENGLAND. 


199 


allow  not  savinor  Faith,  Church,  and  salvation,  to  such  as  Discoursk 

II. 

sinfully  err  in  not-fundamental  s  sufliciently  proposed,  they  — 
shew  no  more  charity  to  erring  Christians  than  Catholics  do. 
For  we  allow  all  to  have  saving  Faith,  to  be  in  the  Church, 
in  way  of  salvation  (for  so  much  as  belongeth  to  Faith), 
who  hold  the  fundamental  points,  and  invincibly  err  in 
not-fundamentals,  because  neither  are  these  sufficiently 
proposed  to  them,  nor  they  in  fault  that  they  are  not  so 
proposed.' 

3.  Secondly,  as  our  separation  is  from  their  errors,  not  from  [Our  sepa- 
their  Churches,  so  we  do  it  with  as  much  inward  charity  and  niade  with 
moderation  of  om-  affections,  as  we  can  possibly ;  willingly  f^^J,""^^ * 
indeed  in  respect  of  their  errors,  and  especially  their  tyranni-  ciiaiity  as 
cal  exactions  and  usurpations,  but  unwillingly  and  with  re-  bie.] 
luctation  in  respect  of  their  persons;  and  much  more  in 
respect  of  om*  common  Saviour  :  as  if  we  were  to  depart  fi'om 
om*  father's,  or  our  brother's  house;  or  rather,  from  some 
contagious  sickness  wherewith  it  was  infected  :  not  forgetting 
to  pray  God  daily  to  restore  them  to  their  former  purity,  that 
they  and  we  may  once  again  enjoy  the  comfort  and  content- 
ment of  one  another's  Christian  society.    We  pray  for  their 
conversion  pubUcly  in  om*  Litany  in  general,  and  expressly 
and  solemnly  upon  Good  Friday ;  though  we  know  that  they 
do  as  solemnly  curse  us  the  day  before.   If  this  be  to  be  schis- 
matics, it  were  no  iU  wish  for  Christendom  that  there  were 
many  more  such  schismatics. 

3.  Thii'dly,  we  do  not  arrogate  to  ourselves  either  a  new  [We  do  not 
101  Church,  or  a  new  religion,  or  new  Holy  Orders ;  for  then  we  ouredies*" 
must  produce  new  miracles,  new  revelations,  and  ncAV  cloven  fje^*^'  ^ 
Tongues,  for  oiu'  iustification.    Our  religion  is  the  same  it  Church, 

o       '  J  D  a  new  reh- 

was,  our  Church  the  same  it  was,  our  Holy  Orders  the  same  Rion,  or 
they  were,  in  substance  ;  differing  only  from  what  they  were  oide"°]^ 
formerly,  as  a  garden  weeded  from  a  garden  uuweeded ;  or  a 
body  purged,  fi'om  itself  before  it  v\-as  purged.  And  therefore, 
as  we  presume  not  to  make  new  articles  of  Faith,  much  less 
to  obtrude  siach  innovations  upon  others,  so  we  are  not 
willing  to  receive  them  from  others,  or  to  mingle  scholastical 
opinions  with  fundamental  truths.  Which  hath  given  occa- 
sion to  some  to  call  ouv  religion  a  negative  religion ;  not  con- 
sidering that  our  positive  articles  are  those  general  truths, 


200 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  about  which  there  is  no  controversy.  Our  negation  is  only 
 of  human  controverted  additions. 

[We  are  4.  Lastly ;  we  are  ready  in  the  preparation  of  our  minds  to 
belfe^veand  believe  and  practise,  whatsoever  the  Catholic  Church  (even 
what  ti?e  present  age)  doth  universally  and  unanimously  beheve 

Catholic    and  practise.    "  Quod  apud  niultos  unum  invenitur,  non  est 

Church  be-  ^  ^  .    ,  .  , 

lievesand  erratum,  sed  traditum^."  And  though  it  be  neither  lawful 
practises.]  possible  for  us  to  hold  actual  communion  with  all  sorts  of 
Christians  in  all  things,  wherein  they  vary  both  from  the 
truth,  and  one  fi'om  another,  yet  even  in  those  things  we 
hold  a  commimion  with  them  'in  our  desires,'  longing  for 
their  conversion  and  re-union  with  us  in  truth. 


CHAP.  VII. 

THAT  ALL  PRINCES  AND  REPUBLICS  OF  THE  ROMAN  COMMUNION  DO  IN 
EFFECT  THE  SAME  THING  WHEN  THEY  HAVE  OCCASION,  OR  AT  LEAST  DO 
PLEAD  FOR  IT. 

So  we  are  come  to  our  fifth  conclusion — that,  whatsoever 
the  king  and  Church  of  England  did  in  the  separation  of 
themselves  from  the  Court  of  Rome,  it  is  no  more  than  all 
sovereign  princes  and  Churches  (none  of  whatsoever  commu- 
nion excepted)  do  practise  or  pretend  as  often  as  they  have 
occasion. 

[Protestant  And  first ;  for  all  Protestant  kings,  princes,  and  republics, 
states.]         admits  no  denial  or  dispute. 

[The  Secondly;  for  the  Grecian  and  all  other  Eastern  Churches, 

Eastern  (^^n  be  no  more  doubted  of  than  of  the  Protestants  ;  since 
Churches.]  ' 

they  never  acknoAvledged  any  obedience  to  be  due  from  them 

to  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  but  only  an  honourable  respect,  as 
to  the  prime  Patriarch  and  '  beginning  of  unity.'  Whose 
farewell  or  separation  is  said  to  have  been  as  smart  as  ours 
and  upon  the  same  grounds,  in  these  words — "  we  acknow- 
ledge thy  power,  we  cannot  satisfy  thy  covetousness,  live  by 
vourselves'*." 


^  Tertull.,  [Lib.  de]  Prsescript.  [adv.  Unit.  Graecor.,"  [Consider.  7ma.,  Op.] 

Haeret,  Op.  p.  241.  C]  P.  iv.  [fol.  114.  O.  "  Potentdam  tuam 

"  Gerson,   "  Serm.    [Coram    Reg.  rccognoscimus  ;  avaritiam  tuam  implere 

Franc."  (soil.  Carol.  VI.)]  "de  Pace  et  non  possumus  ;  vivite  per  vos."] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


201 


But  my  aim  extends  higher,  to  verify  tliis  of  the  Roman  Discourse 
Cathohc  princes  and  republics  themselves,  as  the  emperor,  j-j^^^;^ — 
the  most  Clu-istian  and  Catholic  kings,  the  Republic  of  Catholic 

,^     .  ,      -  ^  states.] 

Venice,  and  others. 

I.  To  begin  with  the  emperors.    I  do  not  mean  those  [i-  The  ^ 
ancient  Christian  primitive  emperors,  who  lived  and  flomished  German 
before  the  days  of  Gregory  the  Great.  Such  a  Court  of  Rome  Emperors.] 
as  we  made  our  secession  from,  was  not  then  in  being,  nor 
the  college  of  Parish-Priests  at  Rome  turned  then  into  a 
Conclave  of  Cardinals,  as  ecclesiastical  princes  of  the  Oecu- 
menical Chm'ch.    So  long  there  was  no  need  of  any  sepa- 
ration from  them,  or  protestation  against  them.    But  I 
intend  the  later  emperors  since  Gregory's  time,  after  the 
Popes  sovight  to  usurp  an  universal  sovereignty  over  the 
Catholic  Church;  and  more  particularly  the  Occidental,  that 
is  to  say,  the  French  and  German,  emperors. 

Yet  the  reader  may  be  pleased  to  take  notice,  that  the  The  case  of 
case  of  ovu'  kings  is  much  different  from  theirs  in  two  noftile'^ 
respects.  — 

First ;  they  believed  the  Roman  Bishop  to  be  their  lawful  Germany 
Patriarch  (whether  justly  or  not,  is  not  the  subject  of  this  respects], 
present  discourse),  but  we  do  utterly  deny  his  Patriarchal 
authority  over  us  ;  and  to  demonstrate  our  exemption,  do 
produce  for  matter  of  right,  that  famous  canon  of  the  general 
92  Council  of  Ephesus,  made  in  the  case  of  the  Cyprian  Bishops; 
and  for  matter  of  fact,  the  unanimous  votes  of  two  British 
Synods  and  the  concurrent  testimonies  of  all  our  histo- 
riographers. Some  have  been  formerly  cited  :  we  might  add 
to  them  the  ancient  British  history,  called  by  the  author 
thereof  Brutus,  wherein  he  relates  this  answer  of  the  British 
to  Augustine, — "  Se  Caerleonensi  Archiepiscopo  obedire  vo- 
luisse,  Augustino  autem  Romano  legato  omtiino  noluisse,  nec 
Anglis  inimicis  et  pauld  ante  paganis  [a  quibus  suis  sedibus 
pulsi  erant)  subesse  se,  qui  semper  Christiani  fuerunt,  vo- 
luisse^  ;" — "  that  they  woidd  obey  the  Archbishop  of  Caer- 
leon"  (that  was  their  British  Primate,  or  Patriarch),  "but 

*>  Cap.  98.  [as  quoted  and  trans-  cle,' or  "  Fructus  Temporum  ;"  and  is 

lated  by  Caius,  Antiq.  Acad.  Cantab.,  not  older  than  the  reign  of  Edward  IV. 

lib.  i.  p.  74.  The  book  intended,  which  See  Heanie's  edit,  of  Caius,  vol.  ii.  p. 

was  printed  by  Caxton  in   1480,  is  802 — Bale,  Cent.  viii.  num.  13.] 
usually  known  as  '  Caxton's  Chroni- 


202 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


p  A^n  T    they  Avoukl  not  obej^  Austiiie  tlie  Bishop  of  Rome's  legate  : 

 ^        neither  would  the  Britons,  who  had  evermore  been  Christians 

from  the  beginning,  be  under  the  English,  who  were  their 
enemies,  and  but  newly  converted  from  paganism,  by  whom 
they  had  been  driven  out  of  then*  aneient  habitations."  The 
same  history  is  related  by  sundiy  other  very  ancient  authors 

A  second  difference  between  our  English  kings  and  the 
later  German  emperors  is  this,  that  our  kings  by  the  funda- 
mental constitutions  of  the  kingdom  are  hereditary  kings, 
and  neA'er  die'':  so  there  is  an  uninterrupted  succession  with- 
out any  vacancy.  But  the  emperors  are  elective,  and  con- 
sequently not  invested  in  the  actual  possession  of  their 
sovereignty  without  some  public  solemnities;  whereof  some 
are  essential,  as  the  votes  of  the  electors ;  some  others  cere- 
monial, as  the  last  coronation  of  the  emperor  by  the  Bishop 
of  Rome,  which  was  realh^,  and  is  yet  titularly,  his  imperial 
city.  But  the  Popes,  Avho  had  learned  to  make  their  own 
advantage  of  every  thing,  sacred  or  ci^'il,  took  occasion  from 
hence  to  make  the  world  believe  that  the  imperial  crown  was 
their  gift,  and  the  emperors  their  liegemen.  So  Adrian  the 
[A.D.1158.]  J'ourth  doubted  not  to  write  to  Frederick  Barbarossa  the 
emperor, — "  Insigne  coron<s  beaeficium  tibi  contulimus ;"  which 
Avas  so  olfensively  taken,  that  (as  the  German  Bishops  in 
their  letter  to  the  same  Pope  do  affirm)  '  the  whole  empire 
was  moved  at  it,  the  ears  of  his  Imperial  Majesty  could  not 
hear  it  with  patience,  nor  the  Princes  endure  it,  nor  they 
themseh  es  either  durst  or  could  approve  it  \^Tiereupon 
the  Pope  was  forced  to  expound  himself,  that  by  "  bmeficium" 
he  meant  nothing  but  "  bonum  factum" — a  good  deed ;  and 
by  "  conhdimus"  nothing  but  "  impomimiis" — that  he  had  put 
the  crown  upon  him.  So  the  emperor  complains  in  his  letter 
to  the  Bishops, — "  A  picturd  cwpit,  a  pictiird  ad  scripturam 
processit ;  scriptura  in  autlioritatem  prodire  conatur,"  l^c. — 
"  It  began  with  painting,  from  painting  it  proceeded  to  writing, 
and  at  last  they  sought  to  justify  it  by  authority.     VJe  will 

[.Tohaniies]   Grains   [Oxlbrdius],  Cantab.,  lib.  i.  p.  74.] 
in  "ScalK   Chroiiicon."     [See  Bale,         J  [Sec  p.  IS!),  note  p.] 
Cent. iii.  num.  42.] — Gocclinus,  in  Hipt.         "  [In  Adrian.  IV.  Epi,-t.  ad  Episcop. 

Majorc  [S.  Augustini  Cantuar.,  e.  iii.  German.,  A.  D.  11-38.]  ap.  Goldast., 

§  35,  inter  Acta  SS.  per  Bolland.  Die  Constitut.  Imperial.,  impressae  Franco- 

xxvi.  Mail.],— &c.  [as  referred  to,  with  furti  an.  1()07,  P.  i.  p.  [61.] 
many  others,  by  Caius,  Antiq.  Acad. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


203 


not"  (said  he)  "  suffer  it,  we  will  not  endure  it,  we  M'ill  rather  Discourse 

lay  down  our  imperial  crown,  than  suffer  the  empire  itself  to  — — ^  

be  deposed  with  our  consent.  Let  the  pictures  be  defaced, 
let  the  Avritings  be  retracted,  that  perpetual  monuments  of 
enmity  between  the  Sceptre  and  the  Mitre  may  not  con- 
tinue Thus  Pope  Adrian  failed  of  his  design :  but  his 
successor  John  the  Twenty- Second  renewed  the  Papal  claim  [A.D.1323.] 
against  Ludovicus  the  Foiu'th,  in  higher  terms,  as  appeareth 
by  his  own  Bull,  wherein  he  affirms,  that '  after  the  translation 
of  the  Roman  Empire  from  the  Grecians  to  the  Germans  by 
his  predecessors  the  Popes,^  '  summus  ille  honor  beneficium 
Pontificis  Maximi  esse  solet — 'the  empire  used  to  be  the 
Pope's  gift  adding,  that  the  elections  of  the  German 
princes  were  invalid,  unless  the  Pope  {"  universi  orbis  Chris- 
tiani  Pater  atque  Princejis,  Dei  Optimi  Maximi  Leyatus,  .  .  . 
suo  numine  faveat  et  aspiret  ")  should  approve  it ;  and,  finalty, 
commanding  the  emperor  '  to  quit  his  crown  and  imperial 
dignity,  and  not  to  reassume  them  but  by  his  command' 
"nisijussit  et  mandato  nostro  s."  But  the  emperor  appealed ; 
the  Electors  and  other  Princes  protested  against  the  Pope's 
pretended  power ;  and  the  emperor  and  all  the  States  of  the 
empire  made  a  solemn  constitution  against  \t^.  This  was 
the  second  repulse,  yet  the  Popes  were  not  so  easily  shaken 
off.  It  fortuned  about  the  year  1400,  that  the  Electoral 
College  deposed  Wenccslaiis  from  the  empire,  and  chose 
Rupert  Prince  Palatine  in  his  place ;  communicating  the 
whole  bxxsiness,  whilst  it  was  in  agitation,  to  the  Pope,  to 
have  his  spiritual  advice  and  the  countenance  of  the  Apostolic 
See,  but  yet  resei-viug  the  power  entu-ely  to  themselves. 
HoAvsoever  Pope  Boniface  the  Ninth  lays  hold  of  this  oppor- 
tunity, and  declares  by  his  Bull,  that  the  Electors  did  it  '  by 
his  authority' — "  aiithoritate  nostra  suffulti ;"  and  confirms 
the  said  deprivation  as  good  and  lawful 

This  uncertainty  of  succession  and  this  Papal  pretension 
03  made  sundry  emperors  more  fearful  to  grapple  with  the 
Popes,  or  to  right  themselves  from  their  grievous  exactions 


f  [Id.,]  Ibidem,  [pp.  62,  G;3.]  Fiancorurtcnsibus  [A.  D.   13^8,  iip. 

g  [Bulla  .loh.  XXII.]  dat.  Avinioiiic  eundem,  il)id.  pp.  98- 100.] 

n.  1323,  ap.  Goldast., ihid.  P.  i.  p.  O.S.  i  Goldast.,  [ibid.  P.  i.]pp.  M2[-M3. 

"    lu     Comitiis     Rcinen<.ibus     ct  A.  D.  1101.] 


204. 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


and  usiii'pations.  In  tlie  year  1455,  'after  the  death  of 
Nicholas  the  Fifth,  the  Germans  bewailed  their  condition  to 
Frederic  the  Third,  and  sought  to  persuade  him  that  he 
Avould  no  longer  obey  the  Roman  Bishops,  unless  they  would 
at  least  give  way  to  a  Pragmatical  Sanction  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  the  liberties  of  the  German  nation ;  hke  that  of  the 
French  kings  for  the  privileges  of  the  Galilean  Chui'ch.  They 
shewed  that  their  condition  was  imich  worse  than  the  French 
and  Italians,  whose  servants  (especially  [of]  the  Italians) 
without  a  change  they  were  deservedly  called  "  Rogabant, 
urgebant  proceres,  populique  Germanice,  gravissimis  turn  ratio- 
Hibus  turn  exempJis,  turn  utilitatem  turn  necessitatem  imperii," 
&c. — '  the  Princes  and  people  of  Germany  intreated,  and 
pressed  both  the  advantage  and  necessity  of  the  empire. 
They  implored  his  fidelity,  they  prayed  him  for  his  oath's 
sake,  and  to  prevent  the  infamj'  and  dishonour  of  their 
nation,  that  they  alone  might  not  want  the  fruit  of  their 
national  decrees,  that  he  had  as  much  power,  and  was  as 
much  obliged  thereunto,  as  other  kings,'  &c.  •  "  Nec  certe 
procul  abfuit,"  &c. — "  it  wanted  not  much,"  saith  Platina 
Molinseus  goes  further, — "his  rationibus  victus  et  jjermotus 
imperator,"  &c. — "  the  emperor  being  overcome  and  moved 
with  these  reasons,  was  about  to  make  as  full  a  Sanction  for 
his  subjects,  as  the  king  of  France  had  done  for  his  "."  What 
hindered  him  ?  Only  the  advice  of  ^neas  Sylvius,  who  per- 
suaded him  rather  to  comply  with  the  Pope,  than  with  his 
people,  upon  this  ground,  that  "princes  disagreeing  might 
be  reconciled,  but  between  a  prince  and  his  people,  the  enmity 
was  immortal."  "  Motus  lidc  ratione  imperator,  spretd  popu- 
lorum  postulatione,  jEneam  oratorem  ddigit,  qui  ad  CalUstum 
mitteretur " — "  the  emperor,  being  moved  with  this  reason, 
despising  the  request  of  his  people,  sends  the  same  ^neas  as 
his  ambassador  to  CalUstus The  truth  is  this ;  the 
emperor  feared  the  Pope,  and  durst  not  trust  his  own  sub- 
jects :  whence  it  proceeded,  that  seven  years  before  his  death 
he  not  only  procured  his  son  Maximilian  to  be  crowned  King 


k  Platin.,  in  Vita  Pii  11.  [p.  305,  3.] 
'  Carol.  l\rolinaeus  in  '  Commentariis 
[ad  Edict.  Henr.  II.,  &c.  et  in  Senatus- 
consulta  Franciae  c.  abus.  Papar.,'  §  5, 


Op.  Juiid.,  tom.iii.  pp.  481.  E.  182.  A.] 
"  Platin.,  ibidem. 
"  Molin.,  ibidem.  [§  6.  p.  482.  A.] 
°  Platin.,  ibidem. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


205 


of  the  Romans^  but  also  took  liim  to  be  his  companion  in  the  DiscomisE 

empire,  "  ne  post  obitum  suum  {ut  factum  fuisset)  transferretur  

imperiwn  in  aliam  familiam  — "  lest  the  empire  after  his 
death  (as  without  doubt  it  had  come  to  pass)  shoidd  ha^  e 
been  transferred  into  another  family  p." 

Yet,  notwithstanding  these  bars  or  remoras,  the  uncertainty  [Yet  the 
of  succession,  and  Papal  pretensions,  the  emperors  have  done  hrve^done 
as  much  in  relation  to  the  Court  of  Rome,  as  the  kings  of  jl^^, 

England.  the  Court 

....  ...     of  Rome,  as 

1.  First  j  Henry  the  Eighth  within  his  own  dominions  did  thekinssof 
exercise  a  power  of  convocating  ecclesiastical  Synods,  con-  ^"^'"^"^'^ 
firming  Synods,  refoi'ming  the  Church  by  Synods,  and  sup- 
pressing upstart  innovations  by  ancient  canons. 

The  emperors  have  done  the  same.  Charles  the  Great  called  Emperors  ^ 
the  Council  of  Frankfort,  consisting  of  tlu-ee  hundred  Bishops  :  Synod.s; 
witness  his  own  letter  to  Elipandus ; — "  Jussimus  Sanctorum 
Patrum  Synodale  ex  omnibus  undique  nostra  ditionis  Ecclesiis 
congregari  Concilium" — "we  have  commanded  a  Spiodical 
Council  to  be  congregated  out  of  all  the  Chiu'ches  within  our 
dominions  neither  did  he  only  convocate  it,  but  confirm  it  and  cou- 
also; — "  Ecce  eyo  vestris petitionibus  satisfaciens,  congregationi  Synods; 
Sacerdotum  auditor  et  arbiter  adsedi.  Discernimus  [lege  De- 
cernimus^  et  Deo  donante  decrevimus  quid  esset  de  hac  inquisi- 
tione  firmiter  tenendum  " — "  Behold  I,  satisfying  your  re- 
quests "  (that  is,  of  the  Elipandians  and  Fselicians,  who  made 
Christ  but  an  adoptive  Son  of  God),  "  did  sit  in  the  Council 
both  as  a  hearer,  and  as  a  judge.  We  determine  and  by  the 
gift  of  God  have  decreed  what  is  to  be  held  in  this  inquiry^." 
And  it  is  very  observable  how  he  disposed  the  resolutions  of 
this  Council  into  four  books ;  the  first  book  contained  the 
sense  of  the  Roman  Bishop  and  his  suffragans  ;  the  second  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Milan  and  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia  with 
the  rest  of  the  Italian  Bishops ;  the  third,  the  votes  of  the 
German,  French,  and  British  Bishops ;  the  last,  his  own  con- 
sent. The  Romans  had  no  more  part  therein  than  others,  to 
set  down  their  own  faith,  and  to  represent  what  they  had 


Molin.,  [ibidem,  p.  482.  D.]  \_"  Decernhmia"  is  Goldastus' correction 

■I  [Carol.  M.,  Epist.  ad  Elipand.,  (Rationale  C.  I.,  p.  12)  ;  from  whom 

Tolet.  Civ.  Episc,  A.  D.  794,]  apud  apparently  it  was  adopted  in  the  folio 

Goldast.,  [C.  I.  ed.  1607.]  P.  i.  p.  3.  edit,  of  Abp.  Bramhall] 


206 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OV 


V  A  !i  T    rccciA  cd  from  the  Apostles — Neither  did  they  only  convo- 

 catc  Councils,  and  confirm  them,  but  in  them  and  by  them 

t^icm're-  reformed  innovations,  and  restored  ancient  tniths  and  orders. 
ciiuVch''  same  emperor; — "By  the  counsel  of  our  Bishops 

and  nobles  ^ve  h.ave  ordained  Bishops  throughout  the  cities, 
and  do  decree  to  assemble  a  Sj^nod  every  year,  that  in  our 
presence  the  canonical  decrees  and  laws  of  the  Church  may 
[A.D.816.]  be  restored*."  Ludovicus  Pius  convocated  a  Council  at 
Aquisgrane  to  reform  the  aljuses  of  the  clergy,  and  confirmed 
the  same,  and  commanded  the  constitutions  thereof  to  be  put 
in  execution,  as  appeareth  by  his  own  epistle  to  Arno  Arch- 1 
[A.D.96.3.]  bishop  of  Salzburg*.  Otho  the  First  called  a  Council  at 
Rome,  and  caused  John  the  Twelfth  to  be  deposed,  and  Leo 
the  Eighth  to  be  chosen  in  his  place.  The  sentence  of  the 
Council  was, — "  Pethmis  magnitmlvnem  Imperii  vestri"  &c. — 
"we  beseech  your  Imperial  IMajcsty,  that  such  a  monster 
may  be  thrust  out  of  the  Roman  Church."  And  the  emperor 
confirmed  it  with  pJacet" — "we  are  pleased"."  Henry 
[A,  D.  the  Fourth  called  a  German  Synod  at  Worms,  and  another 
!o8o.  ]'  of  Germans  and  Italians  at  Brixia,  wherein  sentence  of  de- 
privation M  as  given  against  Gregory  the  Seventh,  and  con- 
firmed by  the  emperor.  "  Quorum  sententice  quod  justa  et 
probabilis  coram  Deo  hominibusque  videbatur,  ^c,  ego  quoque 
assentiem  omne  tibi  Papatus  jus  quod  habere  visus  es  abrenim- 
cio,"  &c.  "  Ego  Henricus,  Rex  Dei  gratia,  cum  omnibus  Epi- 
scopis  nostris  tibi  dicimus,  Descende,  descende." — "To  whose 
sentence,  because  it  seemed  just  and  reasonable  before  God 
and  men,  I  also  assenting,  do  declare  thee  to  have  no  right 
in  the  Papacy,  as  thou  seemest  to  have."  "  I  Henry,  by  the 
grace  of  God  King  of  the  Romans,  with  all  our  Bishops  do 
say  unto  thee.  Descend  from  thy  scat,  descend^."  So 
[A.D.1160.]  Frederic  the  First  called  a  Council  at  Papia,  to  settle  the 
right  succession  of  the  Papacy,  wherein  Roland  the  Cardinal 
was  rejected,  and  Victor  declared  lawful  Bishop  of  Rome. 
And  all  this  was  done  with  due  submission  to  the  emperor : — 
"  Christianissimus  Imperator,"  &c. — "  The  most  Christian 
Emperor,  in  the  last  place,  after  all  the  Bishops  and  clergy, 


Ibidem.  12,  13. 

'  Capitul.  lib.  v.  [seep.  172,  note  r.]        "  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  i.  p.  31. 
"  Gold,ist.,  [C.  I.  ed.  1G07.]  P.  i.  pp.        "  Idem,  [ibid.  P.  i.]  pp.  45.  50. 


THE  CHURCH  Or  ENGLAND. 


207 


by  the  acMce  aud  upon  tlie  petition  of  the  Council,  received  Discol  kse 

and  approved  the  election  of  ^'^ictor  y."    I  will  conclude  this  — 

first  part  of  the  parallel  with  the  words  of  the  same  emperor 
in  the  same  Council ; — "  Quamvis  noverim  officio  ac  diynitate 
Imperii  penes  nos  esse  potestatem  congregandorum  Conciliorum," 
&c. — "  although  I  know,  that,  by  virtue  of  our  office  and  im- 
pei'ial  dignity,  the  poAver  of  calling  Councils  rests  in  us,  espe- 
cially in  so  great  dangers  of  the  Church ;  for  both  Constan- 
tine  and  Theodosius  and  Justinian,  and  of  fresher  memoi-y 
Charles  the  Great  and  Otho,  emperors,  are  recorded  to  have 
done  this ;  yet  I  do  commit  the  authority  of  determining  this 
great  and  high  business  to  youi"  wisdom  and  power  ^ that 
is,  to  the  Bishops  there  assembled. 

But  it  may  be  objected,  that  the  emperors  with  their  The  Eng- 
Synods  never  made  any  such  schismatical  reformation,  as  fomaUon 
that  which  was  made  by  the  Protestants  in  England.  'matfcai'*' 

I  answer, 

First,  that  the  schism  between  the  Roman  Com't  and  the  [xue 
English  Church  (other  schism  I  know  none  on  our  parts),  ^,un'before 
was  begun  long  before  that  reformation,  in  the  days  of  Henry  j^l^^j^^^J^jr^,,^  -j 
the  Eighth,  and  the  breach  sufficiently  proclaimed  to  the 
world,  both  by  Romish  Bulls,  and  English  statutes.  We 
could  not  be  the  first  separators  of  ourselves  from  them,  who 
had  formerly  thrust  us  out  of  their  doors.    It  is  not  schis- 
matical to  substract  obedience  from  them  to  whom  it  is  not 
due,  who  had  extruded  us  out  of  their  society :  but  it  is 
schismatical  to  give  just  cause  of  substraction. 

Secondly,  I  answer,  that  there  was  a  great  necessity  of  [Great  ne- 
refoimation  both  in  Germany  and  England.     For  proof  leforma- 
whereof  I  produce  two  witnesses  beyond  exception,  the  one  a  Qemanv  " 
Pope,  the  other  a  Cardinal.    The  former  is  Adrian  the  Sixth,  ^"^i  Eng- 

land.] 

in  his  instructions  to  his  legate  in  the  year  1522,  which  the  [Testimo- 
Princes  of  the  Empire  take  notice  of  in  their  answer.    His  tlie^'^"' 
words  are  these ; — "  Scimus  in  hac  sanctd  Sede  aliquot  Jam  S'"*'^-] 
annis  multa  abominanda  fuisse,"  &c. — "  We  know  that,  for 
some  by-past  years,  many  things  to  be  abominated  have  been 
in  this  holy  See,  abuses  in  spii'itual  matters,  excesses  in  com- 
mands, and,  to  conclude,  all  things  out  of  order ;  &c.  wherein. 


y  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  i.  p.  70.  peratoris,  lib.  ii.  c.  [64.] 

Radevic,  De  Gestis  Frider.  I.  Im- 


208 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


P    R  T   for  SO  much  as  concerns  us,  thou  shalt  promise  that  we  will 

'-  ■  use  all  our  endeavour,  that  first  this  Coui-t,  from  whence 

peradventure"  (sirre  enough)  "  all  the  evil  did  spring,  may  he 
reformed ;  that  as  corruption  did  flow  from  thence  to  the  in- 
ferior parts"  (of  the  Church),  "  so  may  health  and  reformation. 
To  procm-e  which,  we  do  hold  ourselves  so  much  more  strictly 
obliged,  by  how  much  we  do  see  the  whole  world  greedily 
desire  such  a  reformation*."  "  O  Adriane,  si  nunc  viveres !" 
[Testimo-  The  other  witness  is  Cardinal  Pole,  who  makes  two  main 
dfnai  ends  of  the  Council  of  Trent ;  the  one,  the  reconciling  of  the 
Lutherans;  the  other,  "Quo  pacta  ipsius  Ecclesice  proecipua 
vel  potius  omnia  fere  membra,  ad  veterem  disciplinam  et  insti- 
tula,  a  quibus  non  parum  declindrunt,  revocentur ;" — "  to  con- 
sider how  the  principal  members  of  the  Church,  or  rather 
almost  all  the  members,  might  be  reduced  to  their  ancient 
discipline  and  ordinances,  fi-om  which  they  had  swen  ed  lOi 
much  Yet,  when  himself  was  sent  afterwards  by  Paul  the 
Fourth  to  reform  the  Church  of  England  it  seemeth  that 
he  had  forgotten  those  great  deviations  of  the  principal  mem- 
bers, and  those  very  representations,  which  he  himself,  with 
eight  other  selected  Cardinals  and  Prelates,  had  made  upon 
oath  to  Paul  the  Third.  Then  he  saw,  that  this  Hying  flatter- 
ing principle,'  that  "  the  Pope  is  the  lord  of  all  benefices  and 
therefore  cannot  be  a  simoniack,"  was  the  fountain,  "  Ex  quo 
tanquam  ex  equo  Trojano  irrupere  in  Ecclesiam  Dei  tot  abusus 
et  tarn  gravissimi  morbi"  &c. — " from  which,  as  fi'om  the 
Trojan  horse,  so  many  abuses  and  so  grievous  diseases  had 
broken  into  the  Chm'ch  of  God,"  '  and  brought  it  to  a  despe- 
rate condition,  to  the  derision  of  Christian  religion  and  blas- 
pheming of  the  name  of  Clu-ist  and  "  that  the  cure  must 
begin  there,  from  whence  the  disease  did  spring  by  taking 
away  all  abuses  in  dispensations  of  all  kinds,  and  ordinations, 
and  collations,  and  provisions,  and  pensions,  and  permutations, 
and  reservations,  and  coadjutorships,  and  expectative  graces, 
and  unions,  and  non-residence,  and  exemptions,  and  absolu- 

»  Goldast.,  [ibid.,]  P.  ii.  pp.  29,  31.  Consil.    delect.    Cardinal,  [de 

•>  Regin.  Polus,  De   Concilio,  [in  Emend.  Eccles.,  Paulo  III.  jubente 

fin.],  fol.  86,  1.  [edit.  Venet.  1.562.]  consciiptum,]  edit.  Lutetis  annolC12, 

<^  Reformatio    Anglise,    [by   Card.  pp.  1 31,  &c.  [et  in  Append,  ad  Fascic. 

Pole],  edit.  "Venet.  1562.  [fol.  94,  2.  Rer.  Expetend.  et  Fugiend.,  p.  231.] 

95,  1.] 


THE  CHURCH  or  ENOLAND. 


209 


tions,  and  all  sixch  pecuniary  artifices  :  because  "  it  is  not  Discourse 

lawful  by  any  means  to  reap  any  gain  from  tlie  exercise  of  

the  power  of  tbe  Keys."  "  Tollantur"  (say  they)  "  hce  macules," 
i^c. — "Let  these  spots  be  taken  away,  to  whicli  if  any  en- 
trance be  given  in  any  commonwealth  or  kingdom  what- 
socA^er,  it  must  needs  fall  headlong,  instantly  or  very  shortly, 
to  ruin 

Thirdly,  I  answer,  that  the  emperors  and  the  German  [The  Ger- 
Church  did  not  only  desire  a  reformation,  (as  appeareth  by  perors  did 
the  letter  of  Sigismond  the  emperor  to  the  king  of  France, —  desire' but 
"  Maximo  desiderio  jamdudum  tenebamur"  &c. — "  We  have  ["g*,"™,® 
long  desired  greatly  to  see  the  only  Spouse  of  Christ,  the  ^^'[^^^'jj^j'j''-: 
Catholic  Chui'ch,  happily  reformed  in  our  days,  but  after  we  a.  d.  1415. 
were  assumed  to  the  imperial  government,  our  desii'e  passed 
into  command      &c. ;  and  [by]  the  "  Advices  of  Constance,"  [A.D.14I6] 
conceived  by  the  deputies  of  the  German  nation  in  that 
Council  against  some  special  abuses  of  the  Pope  and  his 
Cardinals and  bj^  the  "Advices  of  Mentz,  made  and  con-  [A.D.1427] 
eluded  in  that  city  by  the  States  of  the  Empire,  in  the  time 
of  the  Council  of  Basle,"  for  preserving  the  authority  of 
general  Councils,  for  rehef  from  grievances,  for  procuring  of 
conditions  from  the  Pope,  for  preservation  of  their  just 
liberties,  and  for  prevention  of  the  abuses  and  excesses 
and  extortions  of  the  Roman  Court and  by  the  "Hundred  rA.D.1522] 
Grievances  of  the  German  Nation,"  proposed  to  the  Pope's 
legate  by  the  Princes  and  lords  of  the  Roman  Empire  against 
the  injm'ies,  extortions,  and  usvu'pations  of  the  See  of  Rome, 
and  the  encroachments  and  oppressions  of  ecclesiastical  coiu'ts 
and  persons  i :  and,  lastly,  by  the  gracious  promise  of  Charles  [A.D.1&52] 
the  Fifth  to  '  hold  a  Diet  within  half  a  year,  wherein  it 
should  be  resolved,  what  way  the  differences  in  religion 
should  be  settled  and  quieted,  whether  by  a  general  or 
national  Council,  or  imperial  Diet :) — neither  did  the  em- 
peror and  the  German  nation  only  endeavoiir  to  reform,  but 
they  did  in  some  measure  actually  reform,  the  excesses  of  the 


*  [Ibid.]  p.  140.  [et  in  Append,  ad 
Fascic.  Rer.  &c.,  pp.  231-234.] 

f  Goldast.,  [C.  I.  ed.  l(j()7.]  P.  i. 
p.  146.,  in  an.  1415. 

«  Idem,  [iliid.,  P.  i.]  pp.  149[-151, 
in  an.  141().] 


"  Idem,  [ibid.,  P.  i.]  pp.  1.55[-159, 
in  an.  1427.] 

'  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  ii.  pp.  3G[-58,  in 
ann.  1,522,  l.?23.] 

I'  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  ii.  p.  177.  ["Tran.s- 
act.  Patav."  &c.  c.  i.  §  1.  A.D.  1552.] 


BRAMHALL. 


P 


210 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Pa^rt    Roman  Covirt,  and  other  ecclesiastical  abuses  and  innova- 

 '■  tions  ;  as  it  liath  already  been  verified  of  Charles  the  Great, 

[The  Con-  and  Ludoncus  Pius.  This  appeareth  yet  more  plainly  by  the 
cmclats,  Concordats  "  (as  they  are  styled)  "  of  the  German  Nation 
[A.D.1576]  with  Gregory  the  Thirteenth  i and  the  agreements  of 
Frederic  the  Third  and  the  Princes  of  the  Empire  with  Pope 
[A.D.1447]  Nicholas  the  Fifth"';  wliei'eby  the  excesses  and  abuses  of  the 
Roman  Court  are  something  abated  and  reduced;  and  by 
[A.D.1436]  the  "  Ghostly  or  Ecclesiastical  Reformation"  made  by  Sigis- 
mond  the  emjieror  in  the  j'ear  1436,  containing  thirty-seven 
chapters  or  articles,  for  regulating  the  Pope  and  his  Court, 
Cardinals,  Archbishops,  Bishops,  Suffragans,  Abbots,  monks, 
friars,  nuns,  and  all  sorts  of  ecclesiastical  or  rehgious  per- 
sons (I  cannot  here  omit  a  witty  answer  of  this  emperor, 
as  he  was  deliberating  with  some  ecclesiastical  persons  about  a 
reformation,  and  one  said  it  must  begin  with  the  Minimcs. 
No,  said  he,  " non  (i  Minoritis,  sed  a  Majoritis" — ''not  with 
the  Minimes,  but  with  the  Maximes,"  or  great  ones,  '  that  is, 
[The  In-  the  Pope  and  the  Cardinals  <>,'  and  the  Court  of  Rome.)  This 
appears  also  by  the  Interim,  or  'Declaration  of  Religion'  made 
by  Charles  the  Fifth,  attested  with  his  imperial  seal,  and  ac- 
cepted and  approved  by  the  States  of  the  Empire,  assembled 
in  a  Diet  at  Augsbiu-g,  May  15  in  the  year  1548,  where  the 
whole  exercise  of  religion  is  established  "  until  the  definition 
of  a  Council "  (I  produce  it  not  to  shew  what  it  was,  but  what 
power  the  emperor  did  assume  in  point  of  religion)  ;  wherein  : 
these  words  are  contained, — "  Quod  autem  in  supradictd  de- 
claratione  sub  rubricd,  de  ceremoniis  et  usu  Sacramentorum  inter 
alia  dicitur,  '  in  guas  tanien  si  quid  irrepsit  quod  causam  dare 
possit  superstitioni,  tollatur,'  reservat  sibi  soli  CasareaMajestas," 
&c. — "and  whereas  in  the  aforesaid  declaration,  under  the 
rubric  of  ceremonies  and  the  use  of  the  Sacraments,  among 
other  tilings  it  is  said,  'into  the  ivhich  nevertheless,  if  amj 
thing  have  crept  that  may  administer  occasion  of  superstition, 
let  it  be  taken  away,'  his  imperial  Majesty  doth  reserve  unto 
himself  alone  in  this  and  the  like  articles,  where  and  as  often 


I  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  i.  pp.  207[-2C9  "  Idem,  [ibid.  P.  i.]  pp.  170[-187.] 

"  (^ncordata,"  &e.]  "  Catal.  Testium   Veritatis,  [a  M. 

"'  Idem,  [ibid.  P.  i.]  pp.  211  [-212,  Flaccio  Illyrieo,  lih.  xix.  p.  1877.  B.C., 

in  an.  1417.]  ed.  Genev.  1608.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


211 


as  it  shall  be  needful,  no^v  and  hereafter,  the  right  to  correct,  Discour&b 

.  .11 
to  add,  to  detract,  as  it  shall  seem  just  and  equal  to  himself,  — — '  

according  to  the  present  exigence  of  aflPairs  P.^'    Lastly,  this  [tuc  de- 

appeareth  by  the  declaration  of  Ferdinand  the  emperor,  made  °^ 

in  the  yeai'  1555,  in  fa\ 

the  professors  thereof  i. 

3.  Secondly,  the  kings  of  England,  in  their  great  Councils, 
did  make  themselves  the  last  judges  of  the  liberties,  and 
grievances,  and  necessities,  of  their  people,  even  in  cases 
ecclesiastical, — not  the  Pope.  They  had  reason.  In  vain  is 
the  Court  of  Rome's  determination  expected  against  itself. 

The  emperors  did  the  same.    So  Lodovic  the  Fourth,  in  his  The  om- 
"  Apolog}^  against  Pope  John  the  Twenty-second,"  declareth  maje^ 
that  '  the  Pope  ought  not,  cannot,  be  a  competent  judge  in  |he"ast 
his  own  cause       The  Pope  challenged  such  a  confirmation  Ju'iscs  of 

°  their  [own] 

of  the  emperor,  without  which  his  election  was  invalid.    Tlie  liberties 
emperor  determined  the  contrary,  in  the  Diet  of  Frankfort,  sitks[,'aiid 
an.  1338  : — "  Declaramus  quod  imperialis  dignitas  est  immed'iate  ''' 
a  solo  Deo"  &c. — "We  declare,  that  the  imperial  dignity  is  people], 
immediately  from  God  alone '  and  that  election  gives  a  suffi- 
cient title  /  '  and  that  the  Pope's  approbation  or  disapproba- 
tion signifies  nothing       The  Pope  attempted  to  divide  Italy 
from  the  German  empire  by  his  fulness  of  power.  The  emperor 
declares  the  act  to  be  invalid,  and  of  no  moment When  the 
Princes  and  States  of  the  Empire  had  presented  the  hundred  [A.D.152S:] 
grievances  of  the  German  nation  to  the  Pope's  legate,  they 
add  this  conclusion  :  "  Quod  si  enumerata  onera  atque  grava- 
mina" &c. — "  But  if  the  abovesaid  burdens  and  grievances 
be  not  removed  within  the  time  limited,  or  sooner,  from  the 
eyes  of  men,  and  abolished  and  abrogated  (which  the  lay- 
states  of  the  empire  do  not  expect),  then  they  would  not  have 
his  Hohness  to  be  ignorant,  that  they  neither  can  nor  will 
bear  or  endure  the  aforesaid  most  pressing  and  intolerable 
burdens  any  longer      but  find  out  other  means  of  ease,  and 
vindicate  their  former  liberties  and  immunities.    As  the 
sense  of  their  sviff'erings  was  their  own,  so  they  woukl  ha\'e 


"  Goldast.,  [C.  I.  ed.  1607.]  P.  ii.  p.  Idem,  [ibid.,  P.  i.]  p.  99. 

109.  [in  Declarat.  Procenno,  §  12.]  t  [Idem,  ibid.,  P.  i.  pp.  102-101.] 

"  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  ii.  pp.  197,  198.  "  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  ii.  p.  58. 

^  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  i.  p.  10.3. 

p  2 


212 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


the  remedy  to  be  tlieir  own,  and  not  leave  the  cure  to  a 
[A  D  1338]  tyrannical  court.  To  this  add  the  protestation  and  the  oath 
of  the  electoral  CoUege,  and  the  other  Princes  of  the  Empire, 
mentioned  in  their  letter  to  Benedict  the  Twelfth  : — "  Quod 
jura,  honores,  bona,  libertates,  et  consuetudines  imperii,"  &c. — 
"  That  they  would  maintain,  defend,  and  preserve  imaolated, 
with  all  their  power  and  might,  the  rights,  honours,  goods, 
liberties,  and  customs,  of  the  empire,  and  their  own  electoral 
right  belonging  to  them  by  law  or  custom,  against  all  men, 
of  what  pre-eminence,  dignity,  or  state  soever  "  (that  is  to 
say,  in  plain  terms,  against  the  Pope  and  his  Court),  ''not- 
withstanding any  perils,  or  mandates,  or  processes,  whatso- 
ever — that  is,  notwithstanding  any  citations,  or  Bulls,  or 
excommunications,  or  interdictions,  from  Rome.  Take  but 
LA.D.1648]  one  instance  more  :  Ferdinand,  the  present  emperor,  out  of 
an  unavoidable  necessity,  to  extinguish  the  flame  of  a  bloody 
intestine  war  and  to  save  the  empire  from  utter  ruin,  con- 
tracts a  peace  with  the  king  of  France,  the  Swedes,  and  their 
adherents  ;  whereby  sundry  Bishoprics  and  other  ecclesiasti- 
cal dignities  were  conferred  upon  Protestants ;  lands  and 
other  hereditaments  of  great  value  were  alienated  from  the 
Church  in  perpetuity;  free  exercise  of  their  religion  was 
granted  to  those  of  the  Augustan  Confession ;  annates,  con- 
firmations, and  other  pretended  Papal  rights,  were  abolished. 
The  Pope's  extraordinary  nuncio  protested  against  it.  And 
Pope  Innocent  himself,  by  his  Bull  bearing  date  Nov.  26  in 
tlieyear  1651,  declared  "the  contract  to  be  void,  annulled  it,  and 
condemned  it"  as  "  injurious  and  prejudicial  to  tlie  orthodox 
rehgion,  to  the  See  of  Rome,  and  to  the  rights  of  Holy  Chm-ch," 
notwithstanding  the  municipal  laws"  and  "  immemorial 
customs"  of  the  empire,  and  "notwithstanding  any  oaths" 
taken  for  the  observation  thereof  y.  Yet  the  emperor  and  the  \o 
Princes  of  Germany  stand  to  their  contracts,  assert  the  muni- 
cipal laws  and  customs  of  the  empu'e,  and  assume  unto  them- 
selves to  be  the  only  judges  of  theii'  own  privileges  and 
necessities  ^. 

»  Idem,  [ibid.]  P.  i.  p.  100.  [in  an.  beck,  Ultraj.  lf)53.] 
1338.]  ^  [Ileydegger,  Hist.  Papat.,  Period. 

Bulla  Innocent.    [X.],  impressa  vii.  §  258,  259  J.iper.,  Hist.  Eccles. 

Romse  anno  1651  :  [et  in  fine  "  Exam.  et  Polit.  sec.  XVII,  lib.  viii.  c.  2.] 
Bull.  Papal.  Innoc.  X."  a  J.  Hoorn- 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


213 


8.  Thirdly,  Henry  the  Eiglith  challenged  to  himself  the  Discourse 

patronage  of  Bishoprics,  and  investitures  of  Bishops,  within  — — ~ 

his  own  dominions. 

The  emperors  did  more.   Adrian  the  Fovirth  taxed  Frederic  Emperors 
the  First  for  requiring  homage  and  fealty  of  Bishops, —  vesun^res" 
"  et  mams  eorum  sacratas  manibus  tuts  innectis," — and  that '•■^"^■"^'^ 
'he  held  their  consecrated  hands  in  his  hands.'     The  em- 
peror denied  it  not,  but  justified  it; — " Ab  his  qui  regalia 
nostra  tenent,  cur  homagium  et  regalia  sacramenta  non  exi- 
gamus  ?" — "  Why  may  we  not  require  homage  and  oaths 
of  allegiance  from  them,  who  hold  their  lands  of  our  imperial 
crown         The  ecclesiastical  lords,  in  their  letter  to  Inno-  [A.D.1200] 
cent  the  Third,  do  acknoAvledge,  that  "  the  fees  which  they 
held  from  the  empire,  they  had  received  at  the  hands  of 
Otho  the  Foui'th,  and  had  done  him  homage,  and  sworn 
fealty  to  him  ^ :"  and  this  before  his  imperial  coronation  at 
Rome.    Henry  the  Fifth  goes  yet  fm'ther,  and  accuseth  Pope  [A.D.iiio] 
Paschal,  that  without  any  hearing  he  sought  to  take  away 
from  the  empire  the  investitures  of  Bishops,  which  "  the  em- 
perors his  predecessors  had  enjoyed  from  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne by  the  space  of  four  hundred  years  and  upwards  — 
a  fail'  prescription.    But  this  is  not  all.    The  emperors  did 
long  enjoy  the  patronage  of  the  Papacy  itself,  and  the  dispo- 
sition of  the  Roman  Bishopric.    Adrian  the  First,  with  the  [A.D.774.] 
whole  clergy  and  people  of  Rome,  quitted  all  their  claim, 
right,  and  interest,  to  Charles  the  Great,  as  well  in  the  elections 
of  Popes,  as  investitures  of  Bishops 'l.    And  Leo  the  Eighth  [A.D.964] 
did  the  like  to  Otho  the  First  ^ ;  wliich  is  a  truth  in  history  so 
apparent,  that  no  man  can  deny  it  with  his  credit,  nor  ques- 
tion it  with  reason. 

4.  Fourthlj^,  the  kings  of  England  suffered  no  appeals  to 
Rome  out  of  their  kingdoms,  nor  Roman  legates  to  enter 
into  theu'  dominions  without  their  license. 

No  more  did  the  emperors,  though  they  acknowledge  the  Emperors 
Roman  Bishop  to  be  their  Patriarch,  which  we  do  not.  Ha-  cUided'ie- 
diian  the  Foui-th  complained  of  Frederic  the  First,  that  "  he  S'^'*^''  > 

"  [Goldast,  C.  I.]  P.  i.  pp.  58,  59.  1110.] 

"  Idem,  [ibid.,  P.  i.]  p.  72.  [in  an.        ^  Idem,  [ibid.,  P.  i.]  p.  1. 
1200.]  ^  Idem,  [ibid.,  P.  i.]  pp.  34[-.37.  in 

<:  Idem,  [ibid.,  P.  i.]  p.  53.  [Consti-  an.  964.] 
tut.  Henr.  V.  de  Invcstituris,  A.  D. 


214 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


1'a  11  t    sliut  botli  the  cliui'ches  and  tlie  cities  of  liis  kingdom  against 

 the  Pope's  legates  a  latere ;" — and  more  fully  in  his  letter  to 

[A.D.116^]  German  Bishops^  that  "he  had  made  an  edict/'  that  "no 
man  out  of  his  kingdom  shouhl  have  recourse  to  the  Apostohc 
Seef."  To  the  former  part  of  the  charge  the  emperor 
answers, — "  Card'maUbiis  vcstris  clauses  sunt  ecclesite,  et  non 
j)atent  civitates,  quia  non  videmus  eos  2ircedicatores,  sed  pree- 
datores ;  non  pads  corroboratores,  sed  pecunm  raptores ;  non 
orbis  reparatores,  sed  auri  insatiabiles  corrasores  :" — "  our 
churches  and  cities  are  shut  to  yom-  Cardinals,  because  we  do 
not  see  them  preachers,  but  robbers ;  not  confirmers  of  peace, 
but  extorting  catchers  of  money ;  not  repairers  of  the  world, 
but  insatiable  scrapers  together  of  gold  s."  Thus  much  he 
wrote  to  the  Pope  himself.  To  the  second  part  of  the  charge 
lie  answers,  that  "  he  had  not  shut  up  the  entrance  into  Italy 
or  the  passage  out  of  Italy  by  edict,  nor  would  shut  it  up  to 
travellers,  or  such  as  had  necessary  occasions  and  the  testi- 
mony of  their  Bishops  for  tlieir  voyage  to  the  See  of  Rome  ; 
but  he  intended  to  remedy  those  abuses,  by  which  aU  the 
Churches  of  his  kingdom  were  burdened  and  impoverished 
That  the  Avholc  body  of  the  empire  were  of  the  same  mind,  it 
[A. D.1427]  appears  1)^^  the  Advices  of  Mentz';  and  by  the  Hundred 
[A.D.1522]  Grievances  of  the  German  nation,  Avhich  the  Princes  and 
Peers  of  the  Empire  protested  that  they  neither  could,  nor 
would,  endure  any  longer 3. 

5.  Fifthl}',  the  kings  of  England  declared  the  Pope's  BuUs 
to  be  void.    They  had  good  reason,  for  they  were  not  under 
his  jurisdiction,  nor  M'ithin  the  sphere  of  his  activity. 
And  DCS-       The  emperors  did  not  so  generally,  but  yet  they  took  upon 
I'npet*'''^  them  to  be  judges  whether  the  Pope's  key  did  err  or  not.  Pius 
iJiiUs,  &c. ;       Second  by  his  Bull  condemned  all  appeals  from  the  Pope 
A. D.  1459.  to  a  general  Council,  "as  erroneous,  detestable,"  "void,  and 
pestilent,"  and  subjected  all  those  who  should  use  them  after 
two  months  to  "execration,  ipso  facto,"  of  what  condition 
soever  they  were,  emperors,  kings,  or  Bishops  ^.    Yet  long 
A.  D.  1526.  after  this  Charles  the  Fifth  appealed  fi-om  Clement  the 

j  cc.  5.  6.  7.  8.  [ap.  eund.,  ibid.,  P. 
ii.  pp.  .38,  .•J9.] 

^  [Bulla  Pii  II.]  an.  1  159,  [§  3  ct  4-. 
ap.  eund.,  ibid.,  P.  i.  pp.  212,  213.] 


f  Idem,  [ibid.,  P.  i.]  pp.  .38.  01. 

[Idem,  ibid.,  P.  i.]  p,  ,^<). 
I.  [Idem,  ibid.,  P.  i.  p.  02, J 
'  e.  l;!.    [ap.  eund.,  ibid.,  P.  i.  p. 
158.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


215 


Seventh  to  a  general  Conncil ;  "Ad  sacri  generalis  ConcUii  et  Discoukse 

totiiis  Christianltutls  coyn'dioimn  et  judicium  remittenda  cen  '-  

suimus ;  illique  nos  et  omnia  qua  cum  S.  vestrd  habere  iJOKmnuis 
aut  deiiiceps  habituri  sumus,  omnino  subjiciinus  ^ :"  Avherein 
lie  did  but  insist  in  tlie  steps  of  his  predecessors.  Lewis  the  [a.d.1338] 
Fourtli  did  the  same  to  John  the  Twenty-second,  and  in  the 
Diet  of  Frankfort  decreed  "  them  all  that  should  assent  to  the 
Pope's  Bull  to  be  guilty  of  treason,  and  to  have  forfeited  all 
108  their  fees  which  they  held  of  the  Empire ;  because  the  sen- 
tence of  a  Pope  contrary  to  God,  or  to  Holy  Scripture,  or 
to  that  due  obedience  which  a  subject  owes  to  his  prince,  is  of 
no  moment  or  validity  And  such  the  Princes  and  Peers 
of  the  Empire  did  inianimously  declare  the  Pope's  Bidl  to  be, 
— "  contra  Deum,  et  justitiam,  et  juris  ordinem  " — '  contrary 
to  God,  contrary  to  Holy  Scripture,  and  contrary  to  due 
order  of  la-w  °.' 

6.  Sixthly,  Henry  the  Eighth  deprived  the  Pope  of  his 
annates,  tenths,  and  first-fruits,  in  England;  of  his  pall-money, 
and  other  extorted  revenues. 

What  did  the  emperor  and  Germans  less  than  he  ?    In  And  seized 
the  Advices  of  Mentz  it  is  concluded,  that  "  the  Pope  shall  pfeleiuicd 
receive  nothing,  either  before  or  after,"  for  confirmations,  [aId!i427] 
elections,   admissions,  collations,  provisions,  presentations. 
Holy  Orders,  palls,  benedictions,  &c.  upon  pain  that  the 
triinsgressor  thereof,  either  in  exacting,  or  giving,  or  pro- 
mising, "should  incuj-  the  punishment  due  to  a  simoniacal 
person"."    And  though  these  were  but  "Advices,"  yet  the 
King  of  the  Romans  and  Electors  did  covenant  mutually  to 
assist  and  defend  one  another  in  the  maintenance  of  them 
against  all  men°j  and,  yet  further,  procm-ed  them  to  be  con-  [A.D.1435] 
firmed  and  enlarged  in  the  Council  of  Basle,  by  the  addi- 
tion of  investitures.  Bulls,  annates,  first-fruits,  &c.  P  This 
was  too  sweet  a  morsel  for  the  Pope  to  lose  wiUingly,  when 
the  Archbishop  of  Mentz  paid  for  his  pall  (worth  about  six- 


'  Rescript.  Carol.  V.  ad  Criminal.  P. 
Clement.  VII.,  anno  lo2(i.  [ap.  eund., 
ibid.,  P.  ii.  p.  100.] 

Idem,  [ibid.,]  P.  i.  pp.  99.  104. 
[in  an.  1338.] 

>■  Idem,  [ibid.,  P.  i.]  p.  100. 


0  Cap.  10.  et  in  Conclusione,  [ap. 
eiiml.,  ibid.,  P.  i.  pp.  158,  159.] 

[Act.  Concil.  Basil.]  Sess.  21. 
[(A.  D.  1435),  can.  1,  ap.  Labb., 
Concil.,  tom.  xii.  p.  552.  B.  C.  D.] 


216 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    peiice)  thirty  thousand  florins''.    By  the  "  Coiicordates "  or 

 Accord,  made  between  the  emperor,  and  Princes  of  Germany, 

[A.D.U47]  and  Nicliolas  tlic  Fifth,  the  annates  are  in  part  remitted,  or 
[A.D.1522]  taken  away ' .  The  Estates  of  the  Empu-e  assembled  at 
Nm'enl)erg  represented  to  Adrian  the  Sixth,  that  "  annates 
were  given  for  maintenance  of  the  war  against  the  Turks,"  and 
'  how  comely  a  thing  it  were  that  tliey  should  be  restored  to 
the  same  use/  The  Princes  added  farther,  that  they  were 
but  granted  "  for  a  certain  term,  which  was  effluxed  The 
Hundred  Grievances  rest  not  here,  but  say  moreover,  that 
"  they  were  but  deposited  at  Rome,  to  be  preserved  faithfully 
[A.D.1526]  for  that  use  And,  lastly,  Charles  the  Fifth,  in  his  Rescript, 
telLs  the  Pope,  that  "  other  kings  do  not  suffer  the  spoils  of 
the  Churches  and  annates  to  be  transported  out  of  their 
kingdoms  to  Rome,  so  universally,  and  so  abundantly"." 

7.  Seventhly,  to  draw  to  a  conclusion,  Hemy  the  Eighth 
imposed  an  oatli  of  fidelity  or  allegiance  upon  his  subjects, 
ecclesiastical  as  well  as  temporal. 

And  have      So  did  Frcdcric,  the  first  emperor  of  that  name  : — "  I  swear, 
('••uiiso'f     that  from  henceforth  I  will  be  faithfid  to  my  liege  lord, 
[A  D  n'ss]  Frederic,  the  Emperor  of  the  Romans,  against  all  men  "  (tlic 
Pope  is  included,  or  rather  intended  principally),  "  as  by  law 
I  am  bound  ;  and  I  will  help  him  to  retain  his  imperial  crown, 
and  all  his  honour  in  Italy,"  &c. " 

8.  Henry  the  Eighth  took  away  Popish  pardons,  and  in- 
dulgences, and  dispensations. 

The  Ger-  The  German  nation  likeAvise  groaned  under  the  bm-den 
"i?Unst  of  them.  Among  their  Hundred  Grievances,  that  of  dispcn- 
l!ui''Ie!Rx'r  nations  was  the  first ;  and  that  of  Papal  indulgences  the  third ; 

either  for  sins  past,  or  to  come,  "  modo  tinniat  dextra  "  (it  is 
their  own  phrase) .  They  call  these  artifices  mere  "imj^ostures," 
'  by  which  the  very  marroAv  of  Germany  was  sucked  up,  their 
ancient  liberty  was  enervated,  and  the  merit  of  Chi'ist's  Passion 
became  slighted  v.' 

[27,000  florins  was  the  sum  ex-  '  Cap.  19.  [ap.  eund.,  ibid.,  P.  ii.  p. 

acted  from  James,  who  was  Abp.  from  43.] 

1501'  to  1508  (Goldait.,  C.  I.,  torn.  ii.  "  Rescript.  [Carol.  V.,  &c.],  num. 

ed.  1G09.  p.  120).]  44.  [ap.  eund.,  il.id.,  P.  ii.  p.  !>8.] 

'  [Goldast.,  C.  I.,  P.  i.  pp.  207.  209.  '  Goldast.,  [ibid.]  P.  i.  p.  64.  [in  an. 

212.]  1158.] 

^  [Carol.  V.  Epist.,  c.  3  ;  et  Respons.  ^  Gravam.  1.  et  3.  [ap.  eund.,  ibid., 

Princip.  &c.,  c.  10.  ap.  J  G(iUla:4.,  [il.id  ]  P.  ii.  pp.  3(),  37  ;— very  loosely  trans- 

P.  ii.  pp.  21  et  32.  [in  an.  1522.]  lated.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


217 


9.  Lastly,  Henry  the  Eighth  aboHshcd  the  usurped  jxiris- Discourse 
diction  of  the  Bisliop  of  Rome,  v/ithin  his  dominions.   —  

The  emperors  did  not  so ; — whether  they  thought  it  not  fit  Emperors 
to  leave  an  old  Patriarch ;  or  because  they  did  not  sufficiently  poll/'^' 
consider  the  right  bounds  of  imperial  power,  especially  being  appealed"'^ 
seconded  with  the  authority  of  an  Occidental  Council ;  or  be-  ^om  them, 
cause  they  did  not  so  clearly  distinguish  between  a  '^'^  begin- 
ning of  imity  "  and  an  universality  of  jurisdiction ;  or  because 
they  had  other  remedies  wherewith  to  help  themselves;  I 
cannot  determine.    But  this  we  have  seen,  that  the  emperors 
have  deposed  Popes,  and  have  appealed  from  Popes  to  general 
Coruicils,  and  have  maintained  their  imperial  prerogatives 
against  Popes,  and  made  themselves  the  last  judges  of  the 
liberties  and  necessities  of  the  whole  body  politic. 

Frederic  the  Third,  in  the  Diet  of  Nurenberg,  sequestered  [A.D.1-I66] 
all  the  moneys  that  should  be  raised  in  three  years  from 
indidgences  and  absolutions,  whether  Papal  or  Conciliary, 
towards  the  raising  of  twenty  thousand  men  for  defence  of 
the  empire  against  the  Turk  2.  The  resolution  of  the  elect  [A.D.]077] 
Archbishop  of  Trevers  against  Gregory  the  Seventh,  was  this, 
09  — "  Ne  plus  per  hunc  Sancta,  quae  modo  extremum  traldt  spiri- 
tum,  periclitetur  Ecclesia,  ex  me  dico,  quod  nullam  ei  posthac 
obedientiam  servabo,"  &c. — "lest  the  holy  Church  which  is 
now  brought  to  the  last  gasp  incur  more  danger  by  his 
means,  I  speak  of  myself,  that  hereafter  I  will  perform  no 
obedience  to  him  "  (that  is.  Pope  Hildebrand)  Neither  was 
this  his  resolution  alone.  All  the  German  Bishops  were  of 
the  same  mind  : — "  Because  thy  entrance  into  the  Papacy  was 
begun  with  so  great  perjm'ies;  and  the  Cluu-ch  of  God  is 
brought  into  such  a  grievous  storm  through  the  abuse  of  thy 
innovations ;  and  thy  life  and  conversation  is  soiled  with  so 
manifold  infamy :  as  we  promised  thee  no  obedience,  so  we 
let  thee  know,  that  for  the  futm-e  we  will  perform  none  unto 
thee."  "  Et  quia  nemo  nostrum  {ut  publice  declamas)  tibi  hac~ 
tenus  fuit  Episcopus,  ita  nulli  nostrum  ci  modo  eris  Apostolicus^"^ 
- — "  And  as  thou  hast  reputed  none  of  us  for  Bishops  hitherto, 
so  hereafter  none  of  us  will  esteem  thee  for  the  successor  of 

^  [Decree  of  Frederic  III. at Norcin-  ^  [Idem,  ibid.,  P.  i.1  p.  47. 
l)crg  in  HOG,]  num.  8,  ap.  Goldast.  ^  [Idem,  ibid.,  P.  i.]  p.  48. 
[ibid.]  r.  i.  pp.  21!,  21  oi. 


218 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    St.  Peter  :" — which  sentence  was  confirmed  by  the  emperor; 

 '  "  Effo  Henricus  Rex  cum  omnibus  Episcopis  meis  tibi  dico, 

Descende,  descende 

[A.D.I409]  The  first  Council  of  Pisa  did  not  only  substract  their  obedience 
from  Peter  de  Luna,  calhng  himself  Benedict  the  Thirteenth, 
and  Angelas  de  Corario,  calling  himself  Gregory  the  Twelfth ; 
but  they  decreed  that  it  was  lawful  for  all  Christians,  and 
accordingly  did  command  them,  to  substract  their  obedience 
from  them  : — of  which  Council  the  Council  of  Constance  was 

[A.D.15I1]  a  continuation.  The  second  Council  of  Pisa  suspended  JuHus 
the  Second  from  the  Papacy,  and  commanded  all  Christians 
to  withdraw  their  obedience  from  him.  The  former  had  the 
consent  of  the  emperor :  the  latter  his  assistance  and  protec- 
tion ;  as  appeareth  both  by  the  solemn  promise  of  the  emperor's 
ambassadors  made  in  Council,  and  the  acknowledgment  of 
the  Council  itself  "l. 

[Two  an-       J  -vyin  conclude  this  first  xiiivt  of  mv  parallel, — concerning 

swers  01  .  .  '  . 

German  the  empii'e, — Avith  two  answers  of  German  Bishops.  The  first 
^A.^D.^OT.]  of  the  German  and  French  to  Anastasius  the  Second ;  wherein 
they  tell  him  plainly,  that  "  thc}^  did  not  understand  that  new 
compassion,  wherewith  the  Italian  pliA  sicians  used  to  cure  the 
infirmities  of  France they  tax  them  for  seeking  to  restrain 
"  the  absolution  of  souls  "  to  Rome ;  they  require  '  that  Itahan 
Bishop  that  is  without  sin  to  cast  the  fii'st  stone  at  them 
they  advise  them  '  not  to  use  their  pretended  authority  against 
their  Bishops,  lest  the  blow  should  recoil  upon  themselves,  for 
that  theirs  had  not  learned  to  fear  above  that  which  was 
needful they  tell  them,  that  siu-ely  they  in  Italy  think  that 
the  GaiUs  had  lost  all  these  three,  "  verbum,  ferrum,  et  inge- 
ni'uru" — "  their  tongues,  their  wits,  and  their  weapons and 
so  they  conclude, — "  Etiamsi  inclinata  esset  area  Testamenti 
nostri, . . .  .nostrorwn  Episeoporum  esset,  et,  non  itlorum,  inclina- 
tam  relevare" — although  the  ark  of  their  Covenant  was 
falhng,  A'ct  it  belonged  to  their  own  Bishops,  and  not  to 
them,  to  lift  it  up  again        The  other  answer  was  of  the 

[Idem,  ibid.,  P.  i.  p.  50.]  tion.] — PromotionesConcil.  Pisan.  [II., 
"[Act.  Primi  Concil.  Pisan.  (the  A.  D.  1 51 1.],  pp.  32.  1 72.  [in  fin.  Act. 
second  in  Cave's  reckoning),  A.  D.  Inii.  Concil.,  ed.  1612.] 
1409,]  Sess.  viii,  ix,  et  ultima;  [ed.  e  Ex  scliedis  .Toaunis  Avcntini,  ap. 
Paris.  1612,  pp.  8.  10.  43  and  for  the  Goldast.,  in  Rationali  [ad  torn.  i.  Con- 
consent  of  the  emperor  (Maximilian),  stitut.  Imperial],  pp.  48,  49. 
the  "Testimonia"  prefixed  to  that  edi- 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


219 


Archbishops  of  Cologne  and  Triers  witli  the  Synod  of  Cologne  Distm 
to  Nicholas  the  First :  wlierein^  after  many  bitter  expressions 


they  have  these  words; — "His  de  causis  nos  cum  fratribus  '^^■^■^^'^ 
nostris  et  collegis  neque  ediciis  tuis  stamus  neque  vocem  tnam 
aynoscimus  neque  tuas  Bullas  tonitruaque  tua  timemus  " — "  For 
these  reasons  we,  with  our  brethren  and  colleagues^  do  neither 
give  place  to  thy  edicts,  nor  acknowledge  th^'  voice,  nor  fear 
thy  thundering  Bulls 

I  expect  that  some  will  be  ready  to  object,  that  these  sub- 
stractions  were  but  personal,  from  the  present  Pope,  not  from 
the  See  of  Rome ;  which  is  true  in  part.  But  the  same  equity 
and  rule  of  justice,  Avhich  warrants  a  separation  from  the 
person  of  the  Pope  for  personal  faults,  doth  also  justify  a  raoi-e 
durable  separation  from  the  See  of  Rome,  that  is,  from  liim 
and  his  successors,  for  faulty  rides  and  principles,  either  in 
doctrine  or  discipline,  until  they  be  reformed. 

II.  From  Germany  om-  pass  is  open  into  Fi'ance ;  where  il.  The 
the  case  is  as  clear  as  the  sun,  how  their  kings  (though  ac-  va^ii'^  "° 
knowledged  by  the  Popes  themselves  to  be  "  most  Christian,"  J!;^']'^,, 
"the  eldest  sons  of  the  Church,"  and  otherwise  the  great  patrons  Court, 
and  protectors  of  the  Roman  See),  with  their  princes  of  tlie 
blood,  their  peers,  their  parliaments,  their  ambassadors,  their 
schools  and  universities,  have,  all  of  them,  in  all  ages,  affronted 
and  curbed  the  Roman  Com"t,  and  reduced  them  to  a  right 
temper  and  constitution,  as  often  as  they  deviated  from  the 
canons  of  the  Fathers,  and  encroached  upon  the  liberties  of 
10  the  GaUican  Church :   whereby  the  Pope's  jurisdiction  in 
France  came  to  be  merely  discretionary,  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
king. 

Ilincmar  had  been  condemned  by  three  French  SjTiods  for  [The  case 
a  tm'bulent  person,  and  deposed.    Pope  Adrian  the  Second  man'"*^" 
takes  cognisance  of  the  cause  at  Rome,  and  requires  Carolus  ^^''^ 
Calvus  the  king  of  Fi'ance,  to  send  Hincmar  thither  with  his 
accusers,  to  receive  justice.    The  king's  '  Apologetic  Answer ' 
will  shew  how  he  relished  it.    "Valde  mirati  sumus  uhi  hoc 
dictator  epistolce  scriptum  invenerit,  esse  Apostolicd  authoritate 
prcecipiendum,  ut  rex,  corrector  iniquorum  et  districtor  reorum, 
atque  secundum  leges  ecclesiasticas  atque  mundanas  ultor  crirni- 
nuiii,  reum  legaliter  ac  regulariter  pro  excessibus  suis  damnatum, 

<  [Idem,]  ibid.,  p.  .50. 


220 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   sud  fvetum  potcntid,  Romam  dirigat  " — "  We  wondered  much 

 ■ —  where  he  wlio  dictated  the  Pope's  letter  hath    found  it 

written,  as  commanded  by  ApostoUcal  authority,  that  a  king, 
who  is  the  corrector  of  the  unjust,  tlie  punisher  of  guilty 
persons,  and,  according  to  all  laws  ecclesiastical  and  ci\dl,  tlie 
rev  enger  of  crimes,  should  send  a  guilty  person,  legally  and 
reguhuh^  condemned  for  his  excesses,  to  Rome."  He  tells 
him,  that  the  kings  of  France  were  reputed  "  terrarum  domini," 
not  "Episcoporum  vice-doniini,"ov"Villici" — "lords  paramount 
Avithin  their  dominions,  not  Ueutenants  or  bailiffs  of  Bishops." 
— "  Quis  i(/itw  hanc  inversam  legem  infernus  evomuit  ?  Quis 
tartarus  de  suis  abditis  et  tenebrosis  cuniculis  eructavit?" — 
"  What  hell  hath  disgorged  this  disorderly  law  ?  What 
bottomless  depth  hath  belched  it  up  out  of  its  hidden  and 
obsciu-e  holes'*?" 

[Tiic  kings  The  kings  of  France  have  convented  the  Popes  before  them, 
have'con-  So  Charles  the  Great  dealt  with  Leo  the  Third' ;  and  Lotharius 
Popes'bef  ^"th  Leo  tlie  Fourth 

forethcra;]  fhc  kings  of  France  have  appealed  from  Popes  to  Councils. 
P^'^P-  So  Phihp  the  Fourth,  with  the  advice  of  all  the  Orders  of 
from  Popes  j'rance  and  the  whole  Gallican  Church,  appealed  from  Boni- 

to  Coun-  .  . 

cils ;]  face  the  Eightli,  and  commanded  his  appeal  to  be  pubhshed 
in  the  great  church  at  Paris  So  Henry  the  Great  appealed 
from  Gregory  the  Fom-teenth,  and  caused  his  appeal  to  be 
affixed  to  the  gates  of  St.  Peter's  Church  in  Rome  So  the 
School  of  Sorbonne  appealed  from  Boniface  the  Eighth  Bene- 
dict the  Eleventh  °,  Pius  the  Second  P,  and  Leo  the  Tenth  9. 

?  Goldast,  Constitut.  Imperial.,  P.  i.  his  predecessor  Bonif.  VIII.;  nor  was 

p.  24.  [in  an.  871.]  tliere  any  appeal  of  the  School  of  Sor- 

■>  [Idem,  ibid.,  P.  i.  p.  2").]  bonne  from  him.     Pithsus  (Traictez 

'[Platiu.,inVitiiLeon.III.,p.ll9,l.]  &c.  torn.  i.  p.  20),  from  whom  Bram- 

^  [Id.,  in  V.  Leon.  IV.,  p.  124',  2.]  hall  quotes,  seems  to  have  intended  their 

'  [Traictez  des  Libertez  de  I'Eglise  appeal  from  Benedict  XIII.  in  1396 

Gallicane,  Preuves,  c.  7.  nos.  xiii — xvii.  (Du  Boulaj',  Hist.  Univ.  Paris.,  secul. 

c.  1.3.  nos.  i.— ix.— Du  Puy,  Hist,  du  vi.  pi5.  803,  &c.)  :   See  Traictez  &e., 

Differendd'cntre  le  Pane  Bonif.  VIII.  et  Preuves,  c.  20.  no.  xix.,  and  Maillane's 

Philippe  le  Bel  &c.,  Paris.  1655.  folio.]  edition  of  the  Traictez,  &c..  Art.  Ixxviii.] 

[Thuan.,  Hist.,  lib.  ci.  §  14  Da-  [See  the  Ann.  d'  Aquitaine  par  J. 

Vila,  Hist,  dellc  Guer.  Civ.  di  Franc,  Bouchet,  Partie  iv.  fol.  119,  2.  (in  an. 

lib.  xii — Mem.  de  la  Ligue,  torn.  iv.  1467.),  quoted  in  the  Traictez  &c., 

pp.  358  &c — Traictez  &c.,  Preuves,  c.  Preuves,  c.  13.  no.  xi.] 
4.  nos.  xxiii. — xxx  :   where  however        '  [A])pellatio  Univ.  Paris.  &c.  adv. 

nothing  is  said  of  St.  Peter's.]  Concordata  Bononiens.,  A.  D.  151  in 

"  [Traictez  &c.,  Preuves,  c.  13.  no.  iii.  confirmation  of  the  Council  of  Basle; 

— Hist,  du  DifFerend  &c.,  p.  119.  An.  in  the  Traictez  &c.,  Preuves,  c.  13.  no. 

1303.]  xviii.  ;  and  the  Fascic.  Rcr.  Expetend. 

°  [Benedict  XI.  retracted  \\\e  acts  of  ct  Fuglcnd.,  pp.  68—71.  cd.  1690.] 


TIIK  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


221 


The  kings  of  France  have  protested  against  the  Pope's  do-  Discourse 

crccs,  and  slighted  them ;  yea,  in  the  very  face  of  the  Council  — —  

of  Trent.  "Witness  that  protestation  of  the  ambassador  of  te^stecf 
France,  made  in  the  Council  in  the  name  of  the  king  his  ^^l^^l  de- 
master.  "  We  refuse  to  be  subject  to  the  commands  and  dis-  ^^''^'I'^gg-] 
position  of  Pius  the  Fourth ;  ^Ye  reject,  refuse,  and  contemn, 
all  tlie  judgments,  censures,  and  decrees,  of  the  said  Pius. 
And  altliough  (most  Holy  Fathers,)  yovir  rchgion,  life,  and 
learning,  was  ever,  and  ever  shall  be,  of  great  esteem  with  us ; 
yet,  seeing  indeed  you  do  nothing,  but  all  things  are  done  at 
Rome  rather  than  at  Trent,  and  the  things  that  are  here 
published  are  rather  the  decrees  of  Pius  the  Fourth,  than  of 
the  Council  of  Trent;  we  denounce  and  protest"  here  before 
you  all,  "  that  whatsoever  things  are  decreed  and  published  in 
this  assembly,  by  the  mere  will  and  pleasure  of  Pivis,  neither  the 
most  Clu"istian  King  will  ever  approve,  nor  the  French  Chiu'ch 
ever  acknowledge  to  be  decrees  of  a  general  Council."  'Besides 
this,  the  king  our  master  commandeth  all  his  Archbishops,  and 
Bishops,  and  Abbots,  to  leave  this  assembh',  and  presenth'  to 
depart  hence ;  then  to  retm-n  again,  when  there  shall  be  liopc 
of  better  and  more  orderly  proceedings''.'  This  was  high  and 
smart, — for  the  king  and  the  GaUican  Church  so  publicly  to 
"reject,  refuse,  and  contemn,"  all  Papal  decrees,  and  to  challenge 
such  an  interest  in,  and  power  over,  the  French  Arclibishops 
and  Bishops,  as  not  only  to  license  them,  but  to  command 
them,  to  depart  and  leave  the  Council,  whither  they  were 
summoned  by  the  Pope. 

The  French  kings  have  made  laws  and  constitutions  fi'om  [Have 

time  to  time,  to  repress  the  insolencies  and  exorbitances  of  (o  repress 

the  Papal  Court,  so  often  as  they  began  to  prejudice  the  ienc^"s"an(j 

hberties  of  the  Gallican  Church,  with  the  unanimous  consent  exorbit- 
ances of 

of  then'  princes,  nobles,  clergy,  lawj^ers,  and  commons : — as  the  Papal 
against  their  bestomng  of  ecclesiastical  dignities  and  benefices  a?1xi2G7. 
in  France,  and  their  gross  simony  and  extortions  in  that  way  ^ ; 
against  the  payment  of  annates  and  tenths  to  Rome,  and  A.D.1406. 
generally  for  all  the  liberties  of  the  Chm'ch  of  Fi-ance  * ;  against  A.D.1418. 

'  Goldast.,  [Coiistitut.  Imperial.,  torn.  Hist.  Concil.  Gener.,  lib.  iii.  c.  7.  §1,2. 

iii.  ed.  ICIO.]  p.  fillS.  Sept.  A.D.  15G3.]  — and  for  this  and  the  laws  mentioned 

'   An.  12()7.  [viz.   the   Pragmatic  in  the  three  following  notes,  the  De- 
Sanction  of  Louis  IX.,  which  is  dated  fensio  Parisiensis  Curis  quoted  in  p. 
March,  1268 ;— Traictez  dcs  Libertez  225,  note  k,  cc.  G,  7.  9-11.  14.] 
&c.,  Preuves,  c.  15.  no.  xxxi.— Richer.,  <  An.    HOC.    [Ordonn.    du  Roy 


222 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   reservations,  and  Apostolical  graces,  and  <ill  other  exactions 

 of  the  Court  of  Rome Charles  the  Seventh  made  the 

Pragmatical  Sanction,  to  confirm  all  the  acts  of  the  Councils  ii 
of  Constance  and  Basle  against  the  tjTanny  and  usurpation 

[A.D.1461]  of  the  Pope  y^.  It  is  true  that  LcAvis  the  Eleventh,  by  the 
flattering  persuasion  of  JEneas  Sj'hius,  then  Pius  the  Second, 
did  revoke  this  Sanction.  But  the  king's  proctor,  and  the 
Rector  of  the  University  of  Paris,  did  oppose  themselves  for- 
mally to  the  registering  and  authorizing  of  this  revocation. 
Whereupon  the  king  desired  the  advice  of  his  parhament  in 
■writing,  which  they  gave  to  this  effect, — that  "  the  revocation 
of  that  Sanction  tended  to  the  confusion  of  the  whole  ecclesi- 
astical Order,  the  depopulation  of  Prance,  the  exhausting  and 
impoverishment  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  total  ruin  of  the 

A.  D.  1478.  French  Chm'chy."  Hereupon  the  king  changed  his  mind, 
and  made  divers  declarations   and  edicts  conformable  to, 

[A.D.i483]  and  in  pursuance  of,  the  Pragmatical  Sanction^.  After  this, 
the  three  Estates,  assembled  at  Tours,  made  it  their  first  and 
instant  request  to  Charles  the  Eighth,  that  he  would  presen-e 
inviolable  the  Pragmatical  Sanction,  which  they  reputed  as 

[A.n.isio]  the  Palladium  of  France^.  And  in  the  national  Council 
assembled  by  Lewis  the  Twelfth  in  the  same  city,  it  was 

[Julius IT.  again  confirmed''.    But  the  Pope  stormed,  and  thundered, 

A.D.isi-'.]  ^^^^  'excommunicated  and  interdicted  Lewis  the  Twelfth,' 
Francis  the  Fii'st,  and  '  the  whole  realm,  and  exposed  it  as  a 


(Cliarles  Vr.)  Src,  against  the  exactions 
of  the  Pope's  officers  in  France,  Feb.  18  ; 
— Ordonn.  du  Roy  &c.,  sur  les  libertez 
de  I'Eglise  Gallicane  &c.,  Feb.  18 
(and  May  15,  1408.),  which  is  directed 
against  reservations  and  espectative 
graces  ; — Arrest.  Cur.  Parliam.  Paris, 
super  annatis  non  solvendis,  Sept.  11  : 
in  the  Traictez  &c.,  Preuves,  c.  22. 
nos.  viii.  ix.  x.] 

"  An.  1418.  [Ordonn.  du  Roy 
Charles  VI.  &c.,  against  carrying  money 
out  of  the  realm  to  Rome,  j\Iay  7  ; — 
Ordonn.  du  Roy  S;c.,  against  the  exac- 
tions (reservations  and  Apostolical 
graces  included)  of  the  Court  of  Rome, 
April  13:  in  the  Traictez  &c.,  Preuves, 
c.  22.  nos.  XV.  xvi.] 

"  An.  1438.  [inter  Acta  Concil.  Bi- 
turicens.,  ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  xii. 
pp.  1429,  1432.  It  was  printed  with  a 
history  and  a  voluminous  commentary 


by  Pinsson,  Paris.  IGfifi.  fol.  See  also 
Richer.,  Hist.  Concil.  Gener.,  lib.  iii. 
c.  7.  §  3;  and  Thomassin,  Eccles. 
Vetus  et  Nov.  Discipl.,  P.  ii.  lib.  i.  c. 
45,] 

^  [Pro  Libert.  Eccles.  Gallic,  &c. 
Defens.  Paris.  Curiae,  c.  18.  See  also 
Richer.,  Hist.  Cone.  Gener.,  lib.  iv. 
P.  i.  c.  1 .  §  7-14.  — Traictez  &c.,  Preuves, 
c.  13.  nos.  x.  xi.] 

As  that  of  Aug.  16,  1478.  ["  Let- 
tres  Patentes  du  Roy  portant  defenses 
d'aller  ny  envoyer  a  Rome,  &c.,  ny  y 
porter  or  on  argent ;" — Traictez  &c., 
Preuves,  c.  20.  no.-xxvi.] 

"  An.  M8[3.  Traictez  &c.,  pp.  249, 
33C.  ed.  I(i39,  et  Preuves,  c.  12.  no.  vi. 
— Daniel,  Hist,  de  France,  tom.  viii.  pp. 
20,  22.] 

i>  [An.  1510.  See  Masssei  Chron., 
in  an.  1510.—  Daniel,  Hist,  de  France, 
tom.  viii.  p.  52(i.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


223 


prey  to  the  first  that  coukl  take  it ;  and  gave  plenary  indulg-  Discourse 

cnce  to  every  one  that  should  kill  a  Frenchman'^.'    King     p  ^^^-j 

Francis  fainted  imder  such  fulminations,  and  came  to  a 

composition  or  accommodation  with  Leo  the  Tenth,  which 

was  called  "  Con\  cnta/'  or  the  "  Concordate        On  the  one 

side,  the  Pope's  friends  think  he  wronged  himself,  and  his 

title  to  a  spiritual  sovereignty,  very  much,  by  descending  to 

such  an  accommodation ;   and  exclude  France  out  of  the 

number  of  those  countries  which  they  term  pays  d' obedience ; 

as  if  the  French  were  not  loyal  obedient  subjects,  but  rebels, 

to  the  Coiirt  of  Rome.    On  the  other  side,  the  prelates,  the 

universities,  the  parhaments  of  France,  were  as  ill  contented 

that  the  king  should  yield  one  inch,  and  opposed  the  accord  :  [a.d.isit] 

insomuch  as  the  University  of  Paris  appealed  fi'om  it  to  a 

future  Council,  and  expedited  letters  patents,  sealed  with  the 

University's  seal,  containing  at  large  their  grievances,  and 

the  reasons  of  the  appeal,  which  after  Avere  published  to  the 

world  in  print  ^. 

I  cannot  here  omit  the  free  and  just  speech  of  a  French 
Bishop,  ^lien  Henry  the  Fourth  had,  in  a  manner,  ended 
the  civil  wars  of  France  by  changing  from  the  Protestant  to 
the  Roman  Catholic  communion ;  yet  the  Pope,  who  favoured 
the  contrary  party,  upon  pretence  of  his  dissimulation,  and 
great  dangers  that  might  ensue  thereupon,  for  a  long  time 
deferred  his  reconciliation,  until  the  French  Prelates,  by 
theii*  own  authority,  did  first  admit  him  into  the  bosom  of 
the  Church  : — at  which  time  one  of  them  used  this  discoiu-sc, 
"  Was  France  all  on  fire,  and  had  they  not  rivers  enough  at 
home,  but  they  must  run  as  far  as  Rome,  to  Tiber,  to  fetch 
water  to  quench  it  ?  " 

Since  that,  in  Cardinal  Richelieu's  days,  it  is  well  known 
what  books  were  freely  printed,  and  publicly  sold  tipon  Pont 
Neuf,  of  the  lawfulness  of  erecting  a  new,  or  rather  restoring 
an  old,  proper  Patriarchate  in  France,  as  one  of  the  hberties 

[Traictez  &c.,  p.  248.  ed.  1639.—     sq  Concordator.  textus  integer,  ibid. 

Spondan.,  Continuat.  Aiinal.  Baron.,  in  pp.  3.38  sq.] 

an.  1512.  num.  19,  23 — 2.3.  Francis  I.  e  [Richer.,  Hist.  Concil.  Gener.,  lib. 

was  not  excommunicated.]  iv.  P.  ii.  c.  4.  §  13,  14.    The  Appeal  of 

[Bulla,  qua  contincnlur  Concor-  the  Univ.  of  Paris  is  printed  (see  p.  220 

data  ttc,  in  Act.  Concil.  Lateran.  V.,  note  q.)  in  the]  Fascic.  Rer.  Expetend. 

Sess.  xi.  (A.  1).   151(i),  ap.    Labb.,  et  Fugiend.,  impressus  [Colonise]  1535. 

Concil.,  torn.  xiv.  pp.  291  sq. — Bulla  [pp.  68-71.  cd.  1690.] 
Abrogat.  Pragm.  Sanct.,  ibid.  pp.  309 


224 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   of  the  Gallicaii  Clnu'ch  ^.    It  was  well  for  the  Bom  an  Court, 

 that  they  became  more  propitious  to  the  French  affairs. 

Take  one  instance  more  which  happened  very  lately.  The 
Pope  refused  to  admit  any  new  Bishops  in  Portugal  upon  the 
[John  IV.]  nomination  of  the  present  king,  because  he  would  not  thereby 
seem  to  acknowledge  or  approve  his  title  to  the  crown,  in 
prejudice  of  the  king  of  Spain ;  whereby  the  Episcoj^al  Order 
in  Portugal  and  the  other  dominions  belonging  to  that 
crown,  was  well  near  extinguished,  and  scarcely  so  many 
Bishops  were  left  alive  (or  could  not  be  drawn  together),  as  to 
make  a  canonical  ordination  s.  The  three  Orders  of  Portugal 
did  represent  to  the  Pope,  that  in  the  kingdoms  of  Portugal 
and  the  Algarbians,  wherein  ought  to  have  been  three  Metro- 
politans and  ten  Suffragans,  there  was  but  one  left,  and  he 
by  the  Pope's  dispensation  non-resident;  and  in  all  the 
Asiatic  provinces  but  one  other,  and  he  both  sickly  and  de- 
crepit ;  and  in  all  the  African  and  American  provinces,  and 
the  islands,  not  one  surviAdng''.  But  the  Pope  continued 
inexorable  :  whereupon  they  present  their  request  to  their 
neighbours  and  friends,  the  French  prelates,  beseeching  them 
to  mediate  for  them  with  his  Holiness;  and,  if  he  continue  11 
still  obstinately  deaf  to  theii*  just  petition,  to  supply  his 
defect  themselves,  and  to  ordain  them  Bishops  in  ease  of 
necessity.  The  French  did  the  office  of  neighbor's  and 
Christians.  The  Synod  of  the  French  clergy  did  Avi-ite  to  the 
Pope  on  their  behalf,  in  April,  1651\  But  that  way  not 
succeeding,  they  sent  one  of  their  Bishops  as  an  express 
envoyc  to  his  Holiness,  to  let  him  know,  that,  if  he  still 
refused,  they  cannot  nor  will  be  wanting  to  themselves,  to 
their  neighbours,  but  would  supply  his  defect.  "VVliat  the 
issue  of  it  is  since,  I  have  not  yet  heard. 

f  [See  the  tract  of  M.  Jacques  Capel,  Antiq.,  torn.  viii.  P.  i.  pp.  499  &c. 

in  fin.,  among  the  Traictez  &c.,- — Le  Groning.  1763)  will  be  found  a  full 

Long,  Biblioth.  Hist,  de  la  France,  liv.  account  of  the  whole  affair.] 

ii.  c.  vii.  art.  1.  num.  2515, — and  Bayle,  Lusitanias  Gcmitus,  p.  20.  [quoted 

Dictionn.,  art.  Le  Marca,  note  C,  there  by  Gcddes,  pp.  138-1 11,  where  however 

quoted  ]  I  wo  Bishops  are  men'tioned  as  remaining 

^  Balatus  Ovium,  pp.  2,  3.[,  being  in  the  Asiatic  provinces.    It  has  not 

apparently  the  letter  of  tlic  clergy  of  been  found  possible  to  meet  with  the 

Portugal  to  Innocent  X.,  in  I(i44.   See  original  tract.] 

a  translation  of  it  in  Dr.  Geddes'  "  Hist.  i  Epist.  Cleri  Gallicani  ad  Innocent 

of  the  Pope's  behaviour  lo  Portugal  X.  Papani  ;  [not  to  be  met  with.  See 

from  1611  to  16G6,"  IMiscellan.  Ti-acts,  a  translation  of  their  second  letter  to 

vol.  ii.  pp.  103-108:  in  which  and  in  the  Pope,  sent  by  the  Bishop  of  Beau- 

Bull'aldus  (Pro  Eccles.  Lusit.  ad  Cler.  jcu  their  envoy,  in  1652,  in  Gcddes,  pp. 

Gallic,  libelli  duo,  ap.  Gerdes.,  Serin.  113-146.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  225 

But  to  leave  matter  of  fact,  and  to  come  to  the  fundamental  Discourse 
laws  and  customs  of  France.    Every  one  hath  heard  of  the  —  ' — 
'  hberties  of  the  French  Church/  but  every  one  understands  ties  of  tiie 
not  what  those  liberties  are,  as  being  better  known  by  their  eifurch. 
practice  at  home,  than  by  books  abroad.    I  will  only  select 
some  of  them  out  of  their  own  authentic  authorities And 
when  the  reader  hath  considered  well  of  them,  let  him  judge 
what  authority  the  Pope  hath  in  France,  more  than  dis- 
cretionary at  the  good  pleasure  of  the  king,  or  more  than  he 
might  have  had  in  other  places,  if  he  could  have  contented 
himself  with  reason.    Protestants  are  not  so  indiscreet  or 
uncharitable,  as  to  ^iolate  the  peace  of  Christendom  for  a 
primacy  or  headship  of  order,  without  superiority  of  power ; 
or  for  the  name  of  '  his  Hohness or  for  a  pall,  if  the  price 
were  not  too  high ;  or  for  a  few  innocent  formalities. 

1.  "The  Pope  cannot  command  or  ordain  any  thing, 
directly  or  indirectly,  concerning  any  temporal  affairs,  within 
the  dominions  of  the  king  of  France." 

2.  "  The  spiritual  authority  and  power  of  the  Pope  is  not 
absolute  in  France,  but  limited  and  restrained  by  the  canons 
and  rules  of  the  ancient  Councils  of  the  Church,  received  in 
that  kingdom."  Where  observe  first,  that  the  Pope  can  do 
nothing  in  France  as  a  sovereign  spiritual  prince,  with  his 
Non  obstante' either  against  the  canons,  or  besides  the  canons ; 
secondly,  that  the  canons  are  no  canons  in  France,  except 
they  be  received.  This  same  privilege  was  anciently  radicated 

,  in  the  fundamental  laws  of  England.  This  privilege  the 
Popes  endeavom-od  to  pluck  up  by  the  roots.  And  the  con- 
tentions about  this  pririlege  were  one  principal  occasion  of 
the  separation. 

3.  'No  command  Avhatsoevcr  of  the  Pope  can  free  the 
French  clergy  from  their  obligation  to  obey  the  commands  of 
their  sovereign.^ 

k  Traictez  (les  Droits  et  Libertez  de  • — Pro  LibertateEcclesiae  Gallicanae  ad- 

I'Eglise  Gallicane  ;  [publ.  at  Paris  by  versus  Roman.  Aulam  Defensio  Parisi- 

Pierre  and  Jacques  Du  Puy,  at  first  in  ensis  Curi;E[,  Ludovico  XI.  Gallor. 

1  vol.  4to.  in  1009,  and  again  in  1  vol.  Regi  quondam  oblata  (viz.  in  1461),  as 

folio    in  1039  with   a  2nd.   vol.   of  publ.  in  Latin  by  Duarenus,  8vo.  Paris. 

"Preuves;"  re-arranged  and  publ.  a  1.j85,  and  in  his  works  (fol.  1592),  pp. 

3rd  time  in  1051,  and  ag^in  in  1715  1208,  sq.    It  is  also  among  the  docu- 

and  1731 ;  and  lastly  by  M.  de  Maillane  ments  in  Pinsson's  Hist.  Pragm.  Sanct., 

in  5  vols.  4to.in  1771.  See  Dupin,  Bibli-  and  in  Richer.,  Hist.  Cone.  Gener.,  lib. 

oth.desAuth.  Eccles.,Sieclexvii.  liv.iii.  iv.  P.  i.  c.  1.  §  12.     The  original 

c.  1,  and  the  Preface  of  M.  de  Maillane.]  French  is  in  the  Traictez  &c.] 

BRAMHALL.  Q 


226 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part       4.  "  The  most  Christian  King  hath  had  power  at  all  times, 

 —  according  to  the  occurrence  and  exigence  of  afFairs^  to  assem- 

tie'^of'the'  hie  or  cause  to  be  assembled  Synods,  provincial  or  national, 
Church  ]  therein  to  treat,  "not  only  of  such  things  as  concern  the 

conservation  of  the  civil  estate,  but  also  of  such  things  as 
concern  ecclesiastical  order  and  discipline  "  in  his  own  domi- 
nions; and  therein  "to  make  rules,  chapters,  laws,  ordin- 
ances, and  Pragmatic  Sanctions,  in  his  OAvn  name,  and  by 
his  own  authority ;  many  of  which  have  been  received  among 
the  decrees  of  the  Cathohc  Church,  and  some  of  them 
approved  by  general  Councils." 

5.  "The  Pope  cannot  send  a  legate-a-/ff/ere  into  France, 
with  power  to  reform,  judge,  collate,  dispense,  or  do  such 
other  things  accustomed  to  be  specified  in  the  authoritative 
Bull  of  his  legation,  except  it  be  upon  the  desire  or  with  the 
approbation  of  the  most  Chi'istian  King.  Neither  can  the 
said  legate  execute  his  charge  until  he  hath  promised  the 
king  in  writing,  under  his  oath  upon  his  Holy  Orders, 
not  to  make  use  of  his  legantine  power  in  the  king's  domi- 
nions longer  than  it  shall  please  the  king ;  and  that,  so  soon 
as  he  shall  be  admonished  of  the  king's  pleasm'e  to  forbid  it, 
he  will  give  it  over ;  and  that,  whilst  he  doth  use  it,  it  shall 
be  exercised  conformably  to  the  king's  will,  without  attempt- 
ing any  thing  to  the  prejudice  of  the  decrees  of  general 
Councils,  or  the  hberties  and  privileges  of  the  GaUican 
Church  and  the  universities  of  France." 

6.  "  The  commissions  and  Bulls  of  the  Pope's  legates  are 
to  be  seen,  examined,  and  approved,  by  the  Court  of  ParHa- 
ment ;  and  to  be  registered  and  pubhshed  with  such  cautions 
and  modifications  as  that  Court  shall  judge  expedient  for  the 
good  of  the  kingdom,  and  to  be  executed  according  to  the 
said  cautions,  and  not  otherwise." 

7.  "The  Prelates  of  the  French  Church  (although  com- 
manded by  the  Pope),  for  what  cause  soever  it  be,  may  not 
depart  out  of  the  kingdom  without  the  king's  commandment 
or  license." 

8.  "  The  Pope  can  neither  by  himself  nor  by  his  delegates  11! 
judge  of  any  thing  which  concerneth  th^  state,  pre-eminence, 
or  pri\ileges,  of  the  crown  of  France,  nor  of  any  thing  per- 
taining to  it :   nor  can  there  be  any  question  or  process 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


227 


about  the  state  or  pretensions  of  the  Idnj;,  but  in  his  own  DisrouKSE 
coiu'ts."  ^  

.      .  .      .  [Thehber- 

9.  "Papal  Bulls,  citations,  sentences,  excommunications,  tits  of  the 
and  the  like,  are  not  to  be  executed  in  France  without  the  church.] 
king's  command,  or  permission ;  and  after  permission,  only 

by  authority  of  the  king,  and  not  by  authority  of  the  Pope, 
to  shun  confusion  and  mixture  of  jurisdictions." 

10.  'Neither  the  king,  nor  his  realm,  nor  his  officers,  can 
be  excommunicated  or  interdicted  by  the  Pope,  nor  his  sub- 
jects absolved  from  their  oath  of  allegiance.' 

11.  "The  Pope  cannot  impose  pensions  in  France  upon 
any  benefices  having  cure  of  souls,  nor  upon,  any  others 
but  according  to  the  canons,  according  to  the  express 
condition  of  the  resignation,"  or  'ad  redimendam  vexatio- 
nem' 

12.  "All  Bulls  and  missives  which  come  from  Eome  to 
France  are  to  be  seen  and  visited,  to  try  if  there  be  nothing 
in  them  prejudicial  in  any  manner  to  the  estate  and  hberties 
of  the  Chiu'ch  of  France,  or  to  the  royal  authority." 

13.  'It  is  lawful  to  appeal  fi'om  the  Pope  to  a  future 
Council.' 

14.  Ecclesiastical  persons  may  be  convented,  judged,  and 
sentenced,  before  a  secular  judge,  for  the  first  grievous  or 
enormous  crime ;  or  for  lesser  offences  after  a  relapse,  which 
renders  them  incorrigible  in  the  eye  of  the  law. 

15.  All  the  prelates  of  France  are  obliged  to  swear  fealty 
to  the  king,  and  to  receive  from  him  their  investitures  for 
their  fees  and  manors. 

16.  "  The  Com'ts  of  Parliament,  in  case  of  appeals  as  from 
abuse,  have  right  and  power  to  declare  null,  void,  and  to 
revoke,  the  Pope's  Bulls  and  excommunications,  and  to  forbid 
the  execution  of  them,  when  they  are  found  contrary  to 
sacred  decrees,  the  liberties  of  the  French  Church,  or  the 
prerogative  roj^al." 

17.  General  Councils  are  above  the  Pope,  and  may  depose 
him,  and  put  another  in  his  place,  and  take  cognizance  of 
appeals  from  the  Pope. 

18.  All  Bishops  have  their  power  immediately  from  Christ, 
not  from  the  Pope,  and  are  equally  successors  of  St.  Peter 
and  the  other  Apostles,  and  vicars  of  Christ, 

Q  3 


228 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part       19.  " Provisions,  reservations,  expectative  graces,  &c.  have 

[Th^iib^;:      Pl^^^  "1  France." 

(iHiie      20.  The  Pope  cannot  exempt  any  church,  monastery,  or 

Church.]  ecclesiastical  body,  from  the  jm'isdiction  of  their  ordinarj^, 
nor  erect  Bishoprics  into  Archbishojirics,  nor  unite  them,  nor 
divide  them,  withont  the  king's  license. 

21.  All  those  are  not  heretics,  excommunicated,  or 
damned,  -vvho  differ  in  some  things  from  the  doctrine  of  the 
Pope,  who  appeal  from  his  decrees,  and  hinder  the  execution 
of  the  ordinances  of  him  or  his  legates 

These  are  part  of  the  liberties  of  the  Galilean  Church. 
The  ancient  British  Church  needed  no  such  particular  privi- 
leges, since  they  never  knew  any  foreign  juiisdiction ;  the 
English  British  Church,  which  succeeded  them  in  time,  in 
place,  and  partly  in  their  members  and  Holy  Orders,  ought 
to  have  enjoyed  the  same  freedom  and  exemption  :  but,  in 
the  days  of  the  Saxon,  Danish,  and  Norman  kings,  the  Popes 
did  by  degrees  insinuate  themselves  into  the  managery  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs  in  England.  Yet  for  many  ages  the 
English  Church  enjoyed  all  these  Galilean  pri\dleges,  without 
any  remarkable  interruption  from  the  Roman  Court.  As  in 
truth  they  do  of  right  by  the  law  of  nature  belong  to  all 
sovereign  princes  in  their  own  dominions :  other\Aase  king- 
doms should  be  "destitute  of  necessary  remedies  for  their 
own  conservation."  And  in  later  ages,  when  the  Popes, 
having  thrust  in  their  heads,  did  strive  to  draw  in  their 
whole  bodies  after,  the  whole  kingdom  opposed  them,  and 
made  laws  against  their  several  gross  intrusions,  as  we 
have  formerly  seen  in  this  discourse ;  and  never  quitted 
these  Enghsh  (as  well  as  Galilean)  liberties,  until  the  Re- 
formation. 

III.  The  III.  But  perhaps  we  may  find  more  loyalty  and  obedience 
s'pain  as-  to  the  Court  of  Rome  in  the  Catholic  King.  Not  at  all. 
lfbert*iesof  Whatsoever  power  King  Henry  or  any  of  his  successors  did 
Churche-  ^^^^  assume  to  themselves  in  England  as  the  political  Heads 
of  the  Church,  the  same  and  much  more  doth  the  Catholic 


'  [Tlie  "  liberties"  in  the  text,  which  the  Traictez  &c.  torn.  i.  ed.  1639.  The 

are  marked  as  quotations,  are  taken  from  remainder  may  be  found  in  different 

the  treatise  of  Pithou  (publ.  originally  parts  of  the  same  collection.] 
in  1.594),  which  stands  at  the  head  of 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


229 


King  not  only  pretend  unto^  but  exercise  and  put  in  practice,  Discoi-kse 

in  his  kingdom  of  Sicily,  both  by  himself,  and  by  his  dele  — - 

gates,  "whom  he  substitutes  with  the  same  authority,  to  judge  ^''-''y  ] 
114  and  punish"  all  ecclesiastical  crimes,  "to  excommunicate  and 
absolve"  all  ecclesiastical  persons,  "laymen,  monks,  clerks. 
Abbots,  Bishops,  Archbishops,  yea,  and  even  the  Cardinals 
themselves  which  inhabit  in  Sicily"^."  He  suffers  no  "appeals 
to  Romej"  he  "admits  no  nuncios  from  Rome;"  "atque  demum, 
respccta  ecclesiastics  jurisdictionis,  neque  ipsam  Apostolicam 
Sedem  recognoscere  et  habere  superiorem,  nisi  in  casu  jjraiven- 
tionis  " — "  and  to  conclude,  he  acknowledgeth  not  any  supe- 
riority of  the  See  of  Rome  itself,  but  only  in  case  of  preven- 
tion"." 

What  saith  Baronius  to  this  ?  He  complains  bitterly,  that, 
"prcetensd  Apostolicd  uutJwritate,  contra  Apostolicam  ipsam 
Sedem  grande  piaculum  perpetratur,"  &c. — "  Upon  pretence 
of  Apostolic  authority,  a  grievous  offence  is  committed  against 
the  Apostolic  See,  ....  the  power  whereof  is  weakened  in  the 
kingdom  of  Sicih^  the  authority  thereof  abrogated,  the  juris- 
diction wronged,  the  ecclesiastical  laws  violated,  and  the 
rights  of  the  Chm'ch  dissipated  °."  And  a  little  after  he  de- 
claims yet  higher; — "Quid  tu  ad  ista  dixeris,  lector?" — 
"  What  wilt  thou  say  to  this,  reader  ?  but  that,  under  the 
name  of  monarchy,  besides  that  one  monarch,  which  all  the 
faithful  have  ever  acknowledged  as  the  only  visible  Head  in 
the  Church,  another  Head  is  risen  up,  and  brought  into  the 
kingdom  of  Sicily,  for  a  monster  and  a  prodigy,"  &c.P  But 
for  this  libertj^  which  he  took,  the  king  of  Spain,  fairly  and 
quietly,  without  taking  any  notice  of  his  Cardinalitan  dignity, 
caused  his  books  to  be  bm-ned  publicly  fJ. 

It  will  be  obiected,  that  the  king  of  Spain  cliallengeth  this  [This 

c-  ■,  1       ,  •  1         1      •  •       power chal- 

power  m  Sicily,  not  by  his  regal  avithority  as  a  sovereign  lenged  by 
prince,  but  by  the  Bull  of  Urbanus  the  Second,  who  consti-  cii^byfhe 
tutcd  Roger  Earl  of  Sicily,  and  his  heirs,  his  legates-a-Za^ere  u^jj^"*^!!  j 
in  that  kingdom,  whereby  all  succeeding  princes  do  challenge 


Edict.  Carol.  V.,  Decemb.  5.  An. 
1526.  [as  quoted  by  Baron.,  Annal., 
in  an.  1097.  num.  29.] 

"  Baron.,  Annal.,  torn.  xi.  in  an. 
1097.  num.  29,  edit.  Mogunt.  KiOO. 

"  [Id.,]  il)id.,nuni.  28. 


P  [Id.,]  ibid.,  num.  29. 

1  [See  the  edict  of  Philip  III.  in 
1610,  "contra  Tractat.  de  Monarch. 
Sicil.  a  C.-es.  Baron,  xi.  Annal.  tomo 
insertum,"  ap.  Goldast.,  Moii.  S.  Rom. 
Imp.,  tom.  iii.  pp.  619,  620.] 


230 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   to  be  legati  nati,  with  power  to  substitute  otbers^  aud  qualify 


— — '■        them  with  the  same  authority 

[Authority     1.  But,  first,  if  the  Papacy  be  byDi%dne  right,  what  power 
t°o  make°'"^  li^th  any  particular  Pope  to  transfer  so  great  a  part  of  his 
gj^j^i'  J*      office  and  authority  from  his  successors  for  ever,  unto  a  lay- 
man and  his  heirs,  by  way  of  inheritance  ?    If  every  Pope 
should  do  as  much  for  another  kingdom,  as  Urbanus  did  for 
Sicily,  the  Court  of  Rome  -would  quickly  want  employment. 
^Similar        2.  Secondly,  if  the  Bull  of  Urbanus  the  Second  was  so 
Nicholas II.  available  to  the  succeeding  kings  of  Sicily,  Avhich  yet  is 
kin^s^of     disputed  whether  it  be  authentic  or  not,  whether  it  be  full, 
England.]  or  defective  and  mutilated;  why,  should  not  the  Bull  of 
Nicholas  the  Second,  his  predecessor,  granted  to  our  Edward 
the  Confessor  and  his  successors  ^,  be  as  advantageous  to 
the  succeeding  kings  of  England  ?    Why  not  much  rather  ? 
seeing  that  they  are  thereby  constituted  or  declared,  not 
legates,  but  governors,  of  the  English  Church,  in  the  Pope's 
place,  or  rather  in  Christ's  place;   seeing  that  without  aU 
doubt  Sicily  was  a  part  of  the  Pope's  ancient  Patriarchate, 
but  Britain  was  not;  and,  lastly,  seeing  the  situation  of 
Sicity,  so   much   nearer  to  Rome,  renders  the  Sicilians 
more  capable  of  receiving  justice  from  thence,  than  the 
English. 

[The  self-  3.  Thirdly,  the  king  of  Spain,  when  he  pleasetli  and  when 
assumecrby  sees  his  own  time,  doth  not  only  pretend  unto,  but 
Spain'in  °^  assume,  in  his  other  dominions,  that  self-same  power  or 
lioniT'^*^'^    essential  right  of  sovereignty,  which  I  plead  for  in  this  trea- 

nions.]  tisc. 

[Case  of  It  is  not  uukuown  to  the  world,  how  indulgent  a  father 
;nKi  riiiii],'  Urban  the  Eighth  Avas  sometimes  to  the  king  aud  kingdom  of 
Idas]^^''  Fi'fii^ce,  and  how  passionately  he  affected  the  interest  of  that 
crown ;  and  by  consequence,  that  his  ears  were  deaf  to  the 
requests  and  remonstrances  of  the  king  of  Spain.  The 
Catholic  King  resents  this  partiality  very  highly,  and  thi'eatens 
the  Pope,  if  he  persist,  to  prov  ide  a  remedy  for  the  grievances 
of  his  subjects  by  his  own  power.  Accordingly,  to  make 
good  his  word,  he  called  a  general  assembly  of  all  the  Estates 


'  [Urban.  II.  Epist.  xiii.  dat.  H  Jul.     1097.  iiuin.  23.] 
1098,  ap.  Labb.,  Coucil.,  torn.  x.  pp.        ^  [Seep.  138,  note  r.] 
437,  438.— et  Baron.,  Annal.,  in  an. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


231 


of  the  kingdom  of  Castile^  to  consider  of  tlie  exorbitancies  of  Discouhse 

the  Court  of  Rome  in  relation  to  his  Majesty's  subjects,  and  '■  

to  consult  of  the  proper  remedies  thereof.  They  did  meet, 
and  draw  uj)  a  IMemorial,  consisting  of  ten  articles,  contain- 
ing the  chiefest  abuses  and  innoA^ations  and  extortions  of  the 
Court  of  Rome  in  the  kingdom  of  Castile.  His  Majesty  sends 
it  to  the  Pope  by  Friar  Domingo  Pimentel,  as  his  ambas- 
sador. The  Pope  returned  a  smart  answer  by  Signior  Maraldo 
his  secretary.  The  king  replied  as  sharply.  All  which  was 
afterwards  printed  by  the  special  command  of  his  Cathohc 
Majesty 

5    The  sum  of  their  complaint  was, 

First,  concerning  the  Pope's  imposing  of  pensions  upon  [Com- 
dignities  and  other  benefices  ecclesiastical,  even  those  which  the  Estates 
had  cure  of  souls,  in  favour  of  strangers,  in  an  excessive 
proportion,  to  the  third  part  of  the  full  value  :  that,  although 
benefices  were  decayed,  in  many  places  of  Spain,  two  third 
parts  of  the  true  value,  yet  the  Com-t  of  Rome  kept  up  the 
pensions  at  the  full  height ;  that  it  was  contrived  so,  that  the 
pensions  did  begin  long  before  the  beneficiaries  entered  upon 
their  profits,  insomuch  as  they  were  indebted  sometimes  two 
years'  pensions,  before  they  themselves  could  taste  of  the 
fruits  of  their  benefices ;  and  then  the  charge  of  censures,  and 
other  proceedings  in  the  Com-t  of  Rome,  fell  so  heavy  upon 
them,  that  they  could  never  recover  themselves  :  and  further, 
that,  whereas  all  trade  is  driven  in  current  silver,  only  the 
Com-t  of  Rome,  which  neither  toils  nor  sweats  nor  hazards 
any  tiling,  will  be  paid  only  in  ducats  of  gold,  not  after  the 
CTU*rent  rates,  but  according  to  the  old  value  :  that  to  seek 
for  a  remedy  of  these  abuses  at  Rome,  was  such  an  insup- 
portable charge,  by  reason  of  three  instances  and  tliree  sen- 
tences necessary  to  be  obtained,  that  it  was  in  vain  to 
attempt  any  such  thing.  This  they  cried  out  upon  as  a  most 
gi-ievous  yoke 

Tliej  complained  Hkemse  of  the  Pope's  granting  of  coad- 
jutorships  with  future  succession,  whereby  ecclesiastical  pre- 
ferments were  made  hereditary,  persons  of  parts  and  worth 

»  [See  Heydegger,  Hist.  Papat,  Pe-         "  Memorial  de  Sa  Magestad  Cato- 

riod.  vii.  §  244'  ;  and  from  liim,  Andr.  lica,  [viz.   Philij)  IV.,  addressed  to 

Carolus,  Memorab.  Sec.  xvii,  torn.  i.  Urban  VIII.]  ce.  1,  2,  3.     [not  to  be 

,  lib.  iv.  c.  9.]  met  with.] 


230 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  to  be  legati  nati,  witli  po^Ye^  to  substitute  otbers,  and  qualify 
■  '■  them  with  the  same  authority 

[Authority     1 .  But^  first^  if  the  Papacy  be  by  Divine  right,  what  power 
t'o  make"''^  h^th  any  particular  Pope  to  transfer  so  great  a  part  of  his 
^      office  and  authority  from  his  successors  for  e^'er,  unto  a  lay- 
man and  his  heirs,  by  way  of  inheritance  ?    If  every  Pope 
should  do  as  much  for  another  kingdom,  as  Urbanus  did  for 
Sicily,  the  Court  of  Rome  would  quickly  want  employment. 
[Similar        2.  Secondly,  if  the  Bull  of  Urbanus  the  Second  was  so 
Nicholas II.  available  to  the  succeeding  kings  of  Sicily,  Avhich  yet  is 
kin^s^of     disputed  whether  it  be  authentic  or  not,  whether  it  be  full, 
England.]  or  defective  and  mutilated;  why,  should  not  the  Bull  of 
Nicholas  the  Second,  his  predecessor,  granted  to  our  Edward 
the  Confessor  and  his  successors  ^,  be  as  advantageous  to 
the  succeeding  kings  of  England  ?    Why  not  much  rather  ? 
seeing  that  they  are  thereby  constituted  or  declared,  not 
legates,  but  governors,  of  the  EngUsh  Church,  in  the  Pope's 
place,  or  rather  in  Christ's  place;   seeing  that  without  all 
doubt  Sicily  was  a  part  of  the  Pope's  ancient  Patriarchate, 
but  Britain  was  not;  and,  lastly,  seeing  the  situation  of 
Sicily,  so   much   nearer  to  Rome,  renders  the  Sicilians 
more  capable  of  receiving  justice  from  thence,  than  the 
English. 

[The  self-  3.  Tliirdlj^,  the  king  of  Spain,  when  he  pleasetli  and  when 
SsumeTby  be  sccs  his  owii  time,  doth  not  only  pretend  unto,  but 
s)fain"in  assume,  in  his  other  dominions,  that  self-same  power  or 
Ijjj^^o'her    essential  right  of  sovereignty,  which  I  plead  for  in  this  trea- 

nions.]  tisC. 

[Case  of  It  is  not  unknown  to  the  world,  how  indulgent  a  father 
and  Philip  Urban  the  Eighth  was  sometimes  to  the  king  and  kingdom  of 
1633  f'^'  Fi'^iiicc,  and  how  passionately  he  affected  the  interest  of  that 
crown ;  and  by  consequence,  that  his  ears  were  deaf  to  the 
requests  and  remonstrances  of  the  king  of  Spain.  The 
Catholic  King  resents  this  partiabty  very  highly,  and  threatens 
the  Pope,  if  he  persist,  to  provide  a  remedy  for  the  grievances 
of  his  subjects  by  his  own  power.  Accordingly,  to  make 
good  his  word,  he  called  a  general  assembly  of  aU  the  Estates 


'  [Urban.  II.  Rpist.  xiii.  dat.  5  Jul. 
1098,  ap.  Labb.,  ('oncil.,  torn.  x.  pp. 
437,  -138.— et  Baron.,  Annal.,  in  an. 


1097.  num.  23.] 

'  [See  p.  138,  note  r.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


231 


of  the  kingdom  of  Castile,  to  consider  of  the  exorbitancies  of  Discourse 

the  Court  of  Rome  in  relation  to  his  Majesty's  subjects,,  and  —  

to  consult  of  the  proper  remedies  thereof.  They  did  meet, 
and  draw  up  a  Memorial,  consisting  of  ten  articles,  contain- 
ing the  chiefcst  abuses  and  innovations  and  extortions  of  the 
Court  of  Rome  in  the  kingdom  of  Castile.  His  Majesty  sends 
it  to  the  Pope  by  Friar  Domingo  Pimentel,  as  his  ambas- 
sador. The  Pope  returned  a  smart  answer  by  Signior  Maraldo 
his  secretary.  The  king  replied  as  sharply.  All  which  was 
afterwards  printed  by  the  special  command  of  his  Catholic 
Majesty  K 
5    The  snm  of  their  complaint  was, 

First,  concerning  the  Pope's  imposing  of  pensions  upon  [Com- 
dignities  and  other  benefices  ecclesiastical,  even  those  which  the  Estafes 
had  ciu-e  of  souls,  in  favour  of  strangers,  in  an  excessive 
proportion,  to  the  third  part  of  the  full  value  :  that,  although 
benefices  were  decayed,  in  many  places  of  Spain,  two  third 
parts  of  the  true  value,  yet  the  Cornet  of  Rome  kept  up  the 
pensions  at  the  full  height ;  that  it  was  contrived  so,  that  the 
pensions  did  begin  long  before  the  beneficiaries  entered  upon 
their  profits,  insomuch  as  they  were  indebted  sometimes  two 
years'  pensions,  before  they  themselves  could  taste  of  the 
fruits  of  their  benefices ;  and  then  the  charge  of  censures,  and 
other  proceedings  in  the  Court  of  Rome,  fell  so  heavy  upon 
them,  that  they  could  never  recover  themselves  :  and  further, 
that,  whereas  all  trade  is  driven  in  current  silver,  only  the 
Coirrt  of  Rome,  which  neither  toils  nor  sweats  nor  hazards 
any  thing,  will  be  paid  only  in  ducats  of  gold,  not  after  the 
current  rates,  but  according  to  the  old  value  :  that  to  seek 
for  a  remedy  of  these  abuses  at  Rome,  was  such  an  insup- 
portable charge,  by  reason  of  three  instances  and  tliree  sen- 
tences necessary  to  be  obtained,  that  it  was  in  vain  to 
attempt  any  such  thing.  This  they  cried  out  upon  as  a  most 
grievous  yoke  ^. 

They  complained  likemse  of  the  Pope's  granting  of  coad- 
jutorsliips  with  future  succession,  whereby  ecclesiastical  pre- 
ferments were  made  hereditary,  persons  of  parts  and  worth 

'  [See  Heydegger,  Hist.  Papat,  Pe-  "  Memorial  de  Sa  Majjestad  Cato- 

riod.  vii.  §  244  ;  and  from  him,  Aiidr.  lica,  [viz,   Pliilip  IV.,  addressed  to 

Carolus,  Memorab.  Sec.  xvii,  torn.  i.  Urban  VIII.]  cc.  1,  2,  3.    [not  to  be 

,  lib.  iv.  c.  9.]  met  with.] 


233 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   were  excluded  from  all  hopes,  and  a  large  gap  was  opened  to 

  most  gross  simony 

piihm  of       They  complained  of  the  Pope's  admitting  of  resignations 
orcastife!]  '^^th  reservation  of  the  greatest  part  of  the  profits  of  the 
benefice,  insomuch  that  he  left  not  above  a  hundred  ducats 
yearly  to  the  incumbent  out  of  a  great  benefice  y. 

They  complained  most  bitterly  of  the  extortions  of  the 
Roman  Court,  in  the  case  of  dispensations  :  that,  whereas  no 
dispensation  ought  to  be  granted  without  just  cause,  now 
there  was  no  cause  at  all  inquired  after  in  the  Court  of  Rome, 
but  only  the  price ;  that  a  great  price  supphed  the  want  of  a 
good  cause ;  that  the  gate  was  shut  to  no  man  that  brought 
money ;  that  their  dispensations  had  no  limits  but  the  Pope's 
will ;  that  for  a  matrimonial  dispensation  under  the  second 
degree,  they  took  of  great  persons  8000  or  12,000  or  14,000 
ducats  2. 

They  complained,  that  the  Pope,  being  but  the  Church's 
steward  and  dispenser,  did  take  upon  him,  as  lord  and 
master,  to  dispose  of  all  the  rights  of  all  ecclesiastical  persons ; 
that  he  withheld  from  Bishops,  being  the  true  owners,  the 
sole  disposing  of  all  ecclesiastical  preferments,  for  eight 
months  in  the  year ;  that  he  ought  not  to  provide  for  his  own 
profit,  and  the  necessities  of  his  Court,  with  so  great  preju- 
dice to  the  right  of  ordinaries,  and  confusion  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical order,  whilst  he  suff'ers  not  Bishops  to  enjoy  their  own 
patronages  and  jurisdictions  ^.  They  cite  St.  Bernard,  where 
he  tells  Pope  Eugenius,  that  "  the  Roman  Chm'ch  (whereof 
he  was  made  governor  by  God)  was  the  Mother  of  other 
Churches,  but  not  the  Lady  or  Mistress ;  and  that  he  himself 
was  not  the  Lord  or  Master  of  other  Bishops,  but  one  of 
them^." 

They  complained,  that  the  Pope  did  challenge  and  usurp 
to  himself,  as  his  own,  at  their  deaths,  all  clergymen's  estates, 
that  were  gained  or  raised  out  of  the  revenue  of  the  Church  ; 
that  a  rich  clergjTnan  could  no  sooner  fall  sick,  but  the  Pope's 
collectors  were  gaping  about  him  for  his  goods,  and  guards 


"  [Ibid.,]  c.  4. 
^  [Ibid.,]  c.  5. 

[Ibid.,]  c.  6. 
'  [Ibid.,]  c.  7. 


De  Cousiderat.  [adv.  Eugen.  Pap.,] 
lib.  iv.  c.  7.  [ap.  Goldast.,  S.  Rom. 
Imp.,  torn.  ii.  p.  88.] 


THE  CHUKCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


233 


set  presently  about  liis  house ;  that,  by  this  means.  Bishops  discourse 

have  been  deserted  iipon  their  death-beds,  and  famished  for  —  

want  of  meat  to  eat ;  that  they  have  not  had,  before  they  p^"™ts  of 
were  dead,  a  cup  left  to  drink  in,  nor  so  much  as  a  candle-  j 
stick  of  all  their  goods  (it  is  their  own  expression) ;  that,  by 
this  means,  creditors  were  defrauded,  processes  in  law  were 
multiplied,  and  great  estates  wasted  to  nothing 

They  complained,  that  the  Popes  did  usurp  as  their  own 
all  the  revenues  of  Bishoprics  dm-ing  their  vacancies,  some- 
times for  divers  years  together,  all  which  time  the  churches 
were  unrepaired,  the  poor  unrelieved,  not  so  much  as  one 
alms  given,  and  the  wealth  of  Spain  exported  into  a  foreign 
land,  which  ^vas  richer  than  itself.  They  wish  the  Pope  "  to 
take  it  as  an  argument  of  their  respect  to  the  See  of  Rome, 
that  they  do  not  go  about  forthwith  to  reform  these  abuses 
by  their  OAvn  authority,  in  imitation  of  other  provinces*^." 
16  So  it  was  not  the  unwarrantableness  of  the  act  in  itself,  but 
merely  their  resjiect,  that  did  withhold  them. 

They  complained  of  the  great  inconveniences  and  abuses 
in  the  exercise  of  the  nuncio's  office :  that  it  is  reckoned  as 
a  curse  in  Holy  Scriptm-e,  to  be  governed  by  persons  of  a 
different  language;  that  for  ten  crowns  a  man  might  pur- 
chase any  thing  of  them  ;  that  the  fees  of  their  office  were  so 
great,  that  they  alone  were  a  sufficient  punishment  for  a 
grievous  crime.  They  added,  that  self-interest  was  the  root 
of  all  these  eviis ;  that  "  such  abuses  as  these  gave  occasion 
to  all  the  reformations  and  schisms  of  the  Church."  They 
added,  that  these  things  did  much  trouble  the  mind  of  his 
Catholic  Majesty,  and  ought  to  be  seriously  pondered  by  all 
sovereign  princes ;  "  qui  intra  Ecclesiam  potestatis  adeptce  cul- 
mina  tenent,  ut  per  eandem  potestatem  disciplinam  ecclesias- 
ticam  muniant^ :" — behold  our  political  supremacy.  They 
proceeded,  that  "  often  the  Heavenly  kingdom  is  advantaged 
by  the  earthly;  that  Churchmen,  acting  against  faith  and 
right  discipline,  may  be  reformed  by  the  rigour  of  princes. 
Let  the  princes  of  this  world  know "  (say  they)  "  that  they 
owe  an  account  to  God  of  the  Chm-ch,  which  they  have 
received  from  Him  into  their  protection.    For  whether  peace 


"=  [Memorial,  &c.]  c.  8. 
"  [Ibid.,]  c.  9. 


'  [Quot.  from  Gratian.,  Decret.,  P. 
ii.  caus.  xxiii.  Qu.  H.  c.  19.] 


234 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   and  right  ecclesiastical  discipline  be  increased  or  decayed  by 

— — '-  Christian  princes,  God  will  require  an  account  from  them, 

piah^ts  of   Who  hath  trusted  His  Chiu'ch  unto  their  power."    They  tell 
of  cStne^]        Holiness,  it  was  a  work  worthy  of  him,  to  turn  all  such 
courtiers  out  of  his  com-t,  who  did  much  hurt  by  their 
persons,  and  no  good  by  their  examples :  adding  tliis  dis- 
tich,— 

"  Vivere  qui  saticte  ciipitis,  discedite  Romd ; 
"  Omnia  cum  liceant,  non  licet  esse  honum 

And  for  remedy  of  these  abusqg,  they  proposed,  that  the 
Pope's  nuncios  should  not  meddle  with  the  exercise  of  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction,  but  be  merely  in  the  nature  of  ambas- 
sadors ;  that  all  ecclesiastical  causes  should  be  determined  at 
home,  according  to  the  canons ;  that  the  Pope  should  delegate 
the  dispensation  of  matters  of  grace  to  some  fit  commissioners 
Avithin  the  kingdom ;  that  ecclesiastical  com-ts  or  Rota's  should 
be  erected  within  the  realm,  wherein  all  causes  should  be 
finally  determined  Avithout  recom-se  to  Eome,  except  in  such 
cases  as  are  allowed  by  the  ancient  canons  of  the  Church  s. 

Lastly,  they  represented,  that  his  Majesty  was  justly 
pressed  by  the  continual  clamours  and  reiterated  instances 
of  his  subjects,  to  whose  assistance  and  protection  he  was 
obliged  to  contribute  whatsoever  he  was  able,  as  their 
natural  lord  and  king ;  to  procure  their  weal  with  all  his 
might,  by  all  just  means,  according  to  the  dictates  of  natm-al 
reason ;  and  to  remedy  the  grievances  which  they  suffered  in 
their  persons,  and  in  their  goods,  by  occasion  of  such  like 
abuses,  not  practised  in  other  kingdoms  :  especially  this  pro- 
position being  so  conformable  to  the  Apostolical  precepts, 
and  to  the  sacred  canons  of  Councils  ^. 

They  tell  the  Pope,  that  their  first  address  is  to  him,  to 
whom  as  universal  pastor  the  reformation  thereof  doth  most 
properly  belong,  that  "  there  might  be  no  need  to  proceed  to 
other  remedies  prescribed  by  the  doctors  of  the  Chm'ch." 
And  in  the  margin  they  cite  more  than  twenty  several 
authors,  to  shew  what  the  magistrate  might  do,  in  case  the 
Pope  should  refuse  or  neglect  to  reform  these  abuses.  So 
j^ou  see  thej  confessed  plainly,  that  there  Avere  other  lawful 
remedies ;  and  intimated  sufficientl}^,  that  they  must  proceed 

f  [Tbid.,]  c.  10.  ^  Ibid.,  c.  10.  "  Ibidem. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


235 


to  the  use  of  tliem,  in  case  the  Pope  refused  or  neglected  to  Discoup 
do  his  duty.    That  was  for  the  sovereign  prince,  mth  his 


Bishops  and  Estates,  to  ease  his  subjects,  and  reform  the  pj^'j^g  of 
abuses  of  the  Roman  Court  vidthin  his  own  dominions  :  and  *'],'^,^^*^*^^ 

of  Castile.] 

this  by  direction  of  the  law  of  natui'e,  upon  our  former 
ground, — that  "  no  kingdom  is  destitute  of  necessary  remedies 
for  its  own  preservation."  But  they  chose  rather  to  tell  the 
Pope  this  unwelcome  message  in  the  names  and  words  of  a 
whole  cloud  of  Roman  Catholic  doctors,  than  in  their  own. 

In  fine,  the  Pope  continued  obstinate,  and  the  king  pro- 
ceeded from  words  to  deeds  :  and  by  his  sovereign  power 
stopped  all  proceedings  in  the  nuncio's  court ;  and  for  the 
space  of  eight  weeks  did  take  away  all  intercoui'se  and  cor- 
respondence with  Rome  (this  was  the  first  act  of  Henry  the 
1  Eighth,  which  Sanders  calls  the  "  beginning  of  the  schism  ; 
until  the  Pope,  being  taught  by  the  costly  experience  of  his 
predecessors,  fearing  justly  what  the  consequents  of  these 
things  might  be  in  a  little  time,  was  contented  to  bow,  and 
condescend  to  the  king's  desii'es. 

To  shew  yet  further,  that  the  kings  of  Spain,  when  they  [other  in- 
judge  it  expedient,  do  make  themselves  no  strangers  to  eccle-  tile  same*^ 
siastical  affairs,  we  read  that  Charles  the  Fifth  renewed  an  '^'"'^-^ 
edict  of  his  predecessors  at  Madrid,  that  "  Bulls  and  missives 
sent  from  Rome  should  be  visited,  to  see  that  they  contained 
nothing  in  them  prejudicial  to  the  crown  or  Chm'ch  of 
Spain-*;"  which  was  strictly  observed  within  the  Spanish 
dominions. 

I  might  add,  upon  the  credit  of  the  Portugueses,  how 
Alexander  Castracan  was  disgraced  and  expelled  out  of  Spain 
for  publishing  the  Pope's  Bulls,  and  that  the  Papal  censm'cs 
were  declared  void  ^ ;  and  how  the  Pope's  delegates  or  Apo- 
stohcal  judges  have  been  banished  out  of  that  kingdom  for 
maintaining  the  privileges  of  the  Roman  Com-t  i. 

And  when  the  king  of  Spain  objected  to  the  Pope  the 
pensions,  which  he  and  his  Court  received  yearly  out  of 
Spain  from  ecclesiastical  benefices  and  dignities,  the  Pope's 

'  [De  Schism.,  lib.  i.  p.  74,  eil.  1610. J  (juoting  from  the  Traictez  &c.,  tom.  i. 

j  An.  1543  Pad.  Paolo,  Apologia  p.  20.  ed.  1G.39.] 

[per  Gerson,  in  the  Raccolta  degli  Lusitanite  Gemitus,  p.  39.  [see  p. 

Scritti,  &c.  nella  causa  di  P.  Paolo  V.  224,  notes  g,  h.] 
CO.  Sign.  Venet.],  p.  405.  [cd.  1607,        '  [Ibid.,]  p.  41. 


236 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


P  A  R  T    secretary  replied^  tliat  all  the  Papal  pensions  put  together  did 

  scarcely  amount  to  so  much  as  only  one  pension  imposed  by 

the  king  upon  the  Archbishopric  of  Seville.  Neither  did  the 
king  deny  the  thing,  but  justify  it,  as  done  in  fav  our  of  an 
Infante  of  Castile ;  and  did  fiu-ther  acknowledge,  that  it  was 
not  unusual  for  the  kings  of  Spain  to  impose  pensions  upon 
ecclesiastical  preferments,  to  the  fourth  part  of  the  value, 
except  in  the  kingdom  of  GalUcia™.  This  was  more  than 
ever  any  king  of  England  attempted,  either  before,  or  after, 
the  Reformation. 

[Reception  Before  we  leave  the  dominions  of  this  gi-eat  prince,  let  us 
ami  Kiaii-  Cast  our  eyes  a  little  upon  Brabant  and  Flanders.  Who 
n'bjm  bath  not  heard  of  a  book  composed  by  Jansenius  Bishop  of 
Biiii^finst  ^P^^^^  called  "  Augustinus and  of  those  great  animosities 
JaiisL-iiius.]  and  contentions  that  have  risen  about  it  in  most  Roman 
Catholic  countries?  I  meddle  not  with  the  merit  of  the 
cause, — whether  Jansenius  folloAved  St.  Austin,  or  St.  Austin 
his  ancients,  or  whether  he  be  reconcileable  to  himself  in  this 
question.  I  do  willingly  omit  all  circumstances,  but  only 
those  Avhich  conduce  to  my  present  purjjose.  So  it  was,  that 
Urban  the  Eighth  by  his  Bull  censured  the  said  book,  as 
maintaining  divers  temerarious  and  dangerous  positions  under 
the  name  of  St.  Austin,  forbidding  all  CathoUcs  to  print  it, 
sell  it,  or  keep  it,  for  the  future.  This  Bull  was  sent  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Mechlin  and  the  Bishop  of  Gaut,  to  see  it 
published  and  obeyed  in  their  provinces.  But  they  both  re- 
fused, and,  for  refusing,  were  cited  to  appear  at  Rome ;  and 
not  appearing  by  themselves,  or  their  proctors,  were  sus- 
pended and  interdicted  by  the  Pope,  and  the  copy  of  the 
sentence  affixed  to  the  door  of  the  great  church  in  Brussels : 
although  in  truth  they  durst  not  pubhsh  the  sentence  of  con- 
demnation without  the  king's  hcense ;  and  were  expressly 
forbidden  by  the  Council  of  Brabant  to  appear  at  Rome, 
under  great  penalties,  as  appeareth  manifestly  by  the  jjro- 
clamation  or  Placaert  of  the  Council  themselves  dated  at 
Brussels,  May  12,  1653 : — wherein  they  do  fui'ther  declare, 
that  it  was  "  lEtcniuKcft  cnlje  notOtr,"  &c.  "  well  known  and 
notoriously  true,  that  the  subjects  of  those  provinces,  of  what 
state  or  condition  soever,  could  not  be  cited  nor  convented 

Memorial  de  Sa  Magestad  Catolica. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


237 


out  of  the  land,  neither  in  person/nor  by  their  proctor" —  Discourse 

"  selbtr  ootfe  nict  boor  fict  fioff  ban  Moomen  " — ''no,  not  by  the  — ~ — 

CoTirt  of  Rome  itself:" — and  further,  that  "the  provisions, 
spiritual  censiu'es,  excommunications,  suspensions,  and  inter- 
dictions, of  that  Court,  might  not  be  published  or  put  in  exe- 
cution," without  '  the  king's  approbation  after  the  CounciFs 
deliberation — and  yet  further,  they  do  ordain,  that  "  the 
said  defamatory  writing"  (so  they  call  the  copy  of  the  Pope's 
sentence)  "  should  be  torn  in  pieces  in  the  great  hall  of  the 
Court  at  Brussels  by  the  door-keeper,  condemning  and 
abolishing  the  memory  thereof  for  ever  Thus  all  Christen- 
dom do  join  unanimously  in  this  truth,  that  not  the  Court  of 
Rome,  but  theii'  own  sovereigns  in  their  Councils,  are  the 
last  judges  of  their  national  liberties  and  privdleges. 

IV.  I  pass  from  Spain  to  Portugal,  where  the  king  and  iv.  The 
kingdom  either  are  at  this  present  time,  or  very  lately  were,  POTUi^^ai 
very  much  unsatisfied  with  the  Pope,  and  all  about  their  ^^^^^ 
ancient  customs  and  essential  rights  of  the  crown :  as  the  "j^g*^'"?! 
nomination  of  their  own  Bishops,  without  which  condition 
they  tell  the  Pope  plainly,  that  "  they  neither  can  nor  ought 
to  receive  them  ° that  if  others  than  the  sovereign  prince 
have  the  naming  of  them,  then  "  suspected  persons  may  be 
18 intruded P,"  and  the  realm  can  have  no  security:  that  it  is  the 
opinion  of  all  good  men,  and  the  judgment  of  most  learned 
men,  that  herein  "  the  Pope  doth  most  grievously  derogate 
from  the  right  of  the  crown  i ;"  that  it  is  done  in  favour  of 
the  king  of  Castile,  lest  he  should  either  revolt  from  his  obe- 
dience to  the  Pope,  or  make  war  against  him ;  and  that,  if 
provision  be  made  contrary  to  justice  "for  the  private  in- 
terests of  the  Roman  Court,  Christ's  right  is  betrayed  ^" 
They  advise  the  Pope  to  let  the  world  know  that  "  he  hath 
care  of  souls,  and  leaves  temporal  things  to  princes  * ;"  that, 
if  he  persist  to  change  the  custom  of  the  Chui'ch  to  the  pre- 
judice of  Portugal,  Portugal  may  and  ought  to  preserve  its 

"  Impress.  Bruxellis  per  Anth.  Vel-  "  Lusitauiae  Gemitus,  p.  30.  [see  p. 

pium  Typograph.  Regmm,  16.53.  [See  224,  notes  g,  h.] 

a  translation  of  this  decree  (with  the  '  [Ibid.,]  p.  31. 

Bulls  and  otlier  documents  relating  to  ">  [Ibid.,]  p.  32. 

the  whole  transaction)   in   Argentre,  '  [Ibid.,]  p.  34. 

Collect.  Judicior.  de  Nov.  Error.,  torn.  [Ibid.,]  p.  37. 
iii.  pp.  244,  2;}],  2.';6,  S:c.] 


238 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


right ;  and  that,  "  if  he  love  Castile  more  than  Portugal,  Por- 
tugal is  not  obliged  to  obey  him  more  than  Castile 

There  are  other  differences  likewise,  as  namely  about  the 
imprisoning  of  some  Prelates  for  treason;  to  wliich  they 
make  this  plea,  that  '  the  law  doth  waiTant  it ;  that  ecclesi- 
astical immunities  are  not  opposite  to  natural  defence  j  that 
it  is  he  that  hurts  his  country,  who  hurts  his  own  im- 
munity 

A  third  difference  was  about  the  king's  intermeddling  in 
the  controversies  of  religious  persons ;  to  which  they  answer, 
that  "  the  protection  of  the  prince  is  not  a  violation,  but  a 
defence,  of  the  rights  of  the  Church that  "  it  is  the  duty  of 
Catholic  princes  to  see  regular  discipline  be  observed^/' 

The  foiu'th  difference  is  aboiit  taxes  imposed  upon  ecclesi- 
astical persons,  and  the  taking  up  the  revenues  of  Bishop- 
rics in  the  A'acancy ;  to  which  they  give  this  satisfaction, 
that  "  all  orders  of  men  are  obliged  in  justice  to  contribute 
to  the  common  defence  of  the  kingdom,  and  their  own  neces- 
sary protection and  that  the  revenues  of  the  vacant 
Bishoprics  could  not  be  "better  deposited  and  conserved, 
than  when  they  are  employed  by  the  prince  for  the  public 
benefit,  cum  onere  restituendi." 

In  sum,  they  wish  the  Pope  over  and  over  again  to  con- 
sider seriously  the  danger  of  these  courses,  now  when  heresy 
shews  itself  with  such  confidence  throughout  Europe  ^ ;  that 
the  minds  of  men  are  inclined  to  suspected  opinions;  that 
"  St.  Peter's  ship,  which  hath  often  been  in  danger  in  a  calm 
sea,  ought  not  to  be  opposed  to  the  violent  course  of  just 
complainers y,"  who  think  themselves  forsaken;  that  "the 
Church  of  Rome  hath  lost  many  kingdoms,  which  have  with- 
di'awn  then'  obedience  and  reverential  respect  from  it,  for 
much  lesser  reasons  ^  that  they  had  learned  with  grief,  by 
their  last  repulse,  tliat  their  submissions  and  iterated  suppli- 
cations had  prejudiced  their  right ;  that  "  the  king's  ambassa- 
dor, the  clergy's  messenger,  the  agent  from  the  three  Orders 
of  the  kingdom,  had  found  nothing  at  Rome  from  two  Popes 
but  neglects,  affronts,  and  repulses  ^ ;"  and,  lastly,  for  a  fare- 


t  [Ibid.,]  p.  38. 
"  [Ibid.,]  p.  40. 
^  [Ibid.,]  p.  42. 
'  [Ibid.,]  p.  23. 


y  [Ibid.,]  p.  27. 
^  [Ibid.,]  p.  43. 
"  [Ibid.,]  p.  44. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAiND. 


239 


M  oil,  that  Portugal,  and  all  the  provinces  that  belong  unto  it  Discourse 

ill  Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  and  Amei'ica,  "is  more  than  one  —  

single  sheep'';" — which  is  as  much  as  if  they  should  tell  him 
in  plain  doAvnright  terms,  that,  if  he  lose  it  by  his  own  fault, 
he  loseth  one  of  the  fairest  flowers  in  his  garland.  Wliat  the 
issue  of  this  will  be,  God  only  knows,  and  time  must  discover. 

I  will  conclude  this  point  with  the  answer  of  the  Univer-  [Answers 
sity  of  Lisbon  to  certain  questions  or  demands,  moved  unto  verslty^'f ' 
them  by  the  States  or  Orders  of  Portugal  <=.  L'sbon  to 

.  .     °  the  States 

The  first  question  was,  whether,  in  case  there  were  no  re-  of  Poi-tu- 
course  to  the  Pope,  the  king  of  Portugal  might  permit  the 
consecration  of  Bishops  without  the  Pope  in  his  kingdom  ? 
To  which  their  answer  was  affirmative,  that  he  might  do  it, 
because  "  Episcopacy  was  of  Divine  right,  but  the  reservation 
of  the  Pope^s  approbation  was  of  human  right,  Avhich  doth 
not  bind  in  extreme,  nor  in  very  great,  necessity." 

The  second  question,  whether  there  was  extreme  necessity 
of  consecrating  new  Bishops  in  Portugal  ?  Their  answer  was 
aflfirmative,  that  there  was,  because  there  was  but  one  Bishop 
left  in  Portugal,  and  six-and-twenty  wanting  in  the  rest  of 
the  king's  dominions. 

The  third  question  was,  whether  Portugal  had  then  [been 
obliged  to  have'']  recourse  to  the  Pope  for  his  approbation? 
The  answer  was  negative,  that  they  had  not :  first,  because  the 
Castilians  had  attempted  to  slay  their  ambassadors  before  the 
eyes  of  Urban  the  Eighth,  and  Innocent  the  Tenth,  so  there 
was  no  safe  recourse ;  and,  secondly,  because  their  ambas- 
sadors could  not  prevail  with  the  Pope  in  nine  years  by 
all  their  solicitations ;  so  there  was  no  hope  to  obtain. 

The  fourth  question  was,  whether  the  permission  of  this 
were  scandalous  ?  The  answer  was  negative,  that  it  was  not : 
fii'st,  because  it  was  a  greater  scandal  to  want  Bishops ; 
secondly,  because  the  king  had  used  all  due  means  to  obtain 
the  Pope's  approbation ;  thirdly,  because  it  was  done  out  of 
extreme  necessity. 

The  fifth  and  last  question  was,  how  Bishops  were  to  be 
provided  ?  They  answered,  that  it  was  to  be  done  according 
to  law,  by  the  election  of  the  respective  Chapters  and  by  the 

[Ibid.,]  p.  45.  [not  to  be  met  with.] 

Impress.  Olyssiponae,  an.  1649.  [Supplied  in  the  folio  edition.] 


240 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    presentation  of  the  king,  as  it  was  of  old  in  Spain  and  Portu- 

 gal,  and  was  still  observed  in  Germany  and  elsewhere. 

[V.  The  From  Spain  and  Portugal  it  is  now  high  time  to  pass 

Venrce''f  over  iuto  Italy  :  where  we  meet  with  the  republic  of  Venice, 
obliged  in  some  sort  to  the  Papacy  for  that  honour,  and 
grandeur,  and  profit,  and  advantage,  Avhich  the  Italian  nation 
doth  reap  from  it.  Yet  have  not  they  wanted  their  discon- 
tents, and  differences,  and  disputes,  Avith  the  Court  of  Rome. 
Venetian  The  RcpubHc  of  Venice  had  made  several  laws  :  as,  first, 
that  no  ecclesiastical  person  should  make  any  claim  or  pre- 
tence to  any  "  bona  emphyteutica  "  (as  the  lawj' ers  call  them, — 
that  is,  Avaste  lands,  that  had  been  planted  and  improved  by 
the  great  charge,  and  industry,  and  good  culture,  of  the  fee- 
fai'mers),  "which  Avere  possessed  by  the  laitj'^;"  secondly,  that 
"  no  person  whatsoever,  within  their  dominions,  should  found 
any  church,  monastery,  hospital,  or  other  religious  house, 
without  the  special  license  of  the  state,"  upon  pain  of  "  im- 
prisonment, and  banishment,  and  confiscation  of  the  soil 
and  buildings  thirdly,  that  none  of  their  subjects  should 
'alienate  any  lands  to  the  Church,  or  in  favour  of  any  ecclesi- 
astical persons,  secular  or  regular,  without  the  special  license 
of  the  Senate,'  upon  pain  that  the  lands  so  alienated  should 
be  "sold,  and  the  money  divided  between  the  commonwealth, 
the  magistrate  executing  the  law,  and  the  party  prosecuting 
the  process  fourthly,  the  Duke  and  the  Senate  had 
imprisoned  an  Abbot  and  a  Canon,  for  certain  crimes  whereof 
they  stood  convicted''. 
The  Bull  Paul  the  Fifth  resented  these  things  very  highly,  and  com- 
[Paui^V].  manded  the  Duke  and  Senate  of  Venice  to  abrogate  these 
laws,  so  prejudicial  to  the  authority  of  the  Pope,  to  the  rights 
of  holy  Church,  and  to  the  privileges  of  ecclesiastical  persons; 
and  to  set  their  prisoners  forthwith  at  liberty :  or,  otherwise, 
in  case  of  disobedience,  he  excommunicated  the  Duke  and 
Senate  and  all  their  partakers;  and  subjected  the  city  of 
Venice  and  all  the  dominions  thereunto  belonging  to  an 
interdict ;  and,  moreover,  declared  all  the  lands  and  goods, 


^  Maii  23,  An.  1602.[,  ap.  Bull.  ^  Martii  2G,  An.  1605.  [ibid.] 

Paul,  v.,  in  the  Raccolta  degli  Scritti,  "  Bulla  Pauli  V.,  <lat.  Rom.  Apr.  17, 

&c.,  p.  3.]  1606.  [in  the  Raccolta  degli  Scritti  &c., 

'  Jan.  10,  An.  1603.  [ibid.]  p.  4.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


241 


whicli  either  the  city  of  Venice  or  any  of  the  persons  excom-  Discourse 

municated  did  hold  of  the  Church,  to  be  forfeited;  and,  — —  

lastly,  commanded  all  ecclesiastical  persons,  high  and  low, 
upon  their  obedience,  to  publish  that  Bull,  and  to  forbear  to 
celebrate  all  DiAdne  offices,  according  to  the  interdict,  upon 
pains  contained  therein,  as  also  of  suspension,  sequestration, 
depriA^ation,  and  incapacity  to  hold  any  ecclesiastical  prefer- 
ments for  the  future'. 

But  what  did  the  Venetians,  whilst  Paul  the  Fifth  thun-  siishtedby 
dered  against  them  in  this  manner  ?  They  maintained  their  Jlans^^"*^' 
laws ;  they  detained  their  prisoners ;  they  protested  publicly, 
before  God  and  the  world,  against  the  Pope's  BuU,  as  'unjust 
and  void,  made  without  reason,  against  the  Scriptures,  and 
the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Fathers,  and  the  canons  of  the 
Church,  to  the  high  prejudice  of  the  secular  power,  with 
grievous  and  imiversal  scandal';  they  commanded  all  the 
clergy  within  their  dominions  to  celebrate  Di\dne  offices  duly, 
notwithstanding  the  Pope's  interdict'':  and,  at  the  same  time, 
they  published  and  licensed  sundry  other  writings,  tending 
to  the  lessening  of  the  Papal  greatness  and  jurisdiction  of  the 
Roman  Court ; — sundry  of  which  books  were  condemned  by 
the  Inquisition,  as  "  containing  in  them  many  things  teme- 
rarious, calumnious,  scandalous,  seditious,  schismatical,  here- 
tical ;"  and  the  reading  and  keeping  of  them  was  prohibited, 
under  pain  of  excommunication '. 

During  this  contestation,  the  Duke  of  Venice  died;  and 
the  Pope  prohibited  the  Venetians  to  proceed  to  the  election 
of  a  new  Duke.  The  Senate,  notwithstanding  the  Pope's 
injimction  or  inhibition,  proceed  to  the  election.  The  people 
are  unanimous,  and  resolute  to  defend  their  just  liberties. 
The  clergy  celebrate  Divine  offices  duly,  notwithstanding  the 
Pope's  interdict.  Only  one  Order,  with  some  few  others, 
adhered  to  the  Pope;  and,  for  their  labour,  were  banished 
out  of  the  Venetian  city  and  territories.  The  Pope  called 
20  home  his  legate  from  Venice.  The  Venetians  revoked  their 
ambassadors,  ordinary  and  extraordinary,  from  Rome.  The 

'  Bulla  eadem,  [ibid.,  pp.  5,  6.]  p.  285.] 

k  Litterse    Leonardi    Don.,   Ducis        '  Pad.  Paolo,  Historia  Parficolare, 

Venet.,  [addressed  to  the  clergy  of  the  lib.  iv.  pp.  141,  [142.  ed.  Genev.  1624. 

Venet.  empire,]  datae  Maii  (i,  l(i06.  See  also  lib.  i.  p.  50.] 
[ap.  Goldast.,  S.  Rom.  Imp.,  torn.  iii. 

BRAMIIALL.  R 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    Pope  incited  the  king  of  Sjjain  to  make  war  against  the 

 —  Republic,  to  reduce  them  to  the  obedience  of  the  Church. 

And  the  Venetians,  being  aided  by  their  Roman  CathoHc 
alhes,  armed  themselves  for  their  own  defence  ™. 
Venetian  It  is  not  unworthy  of  our  observation,  what  was  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Venetian  preachers  and  writers  in  those  days,  as 
it  is  summed  up  by  an  eye-witness  and  a  great  actor  in  those 
affairs  : — that  "  God  had  constituted  tAvo  governments  in  the 
world,  the  one  spiritual,  the  other  temporal ;  either  of  them 
sovereign  in  their  kind,  and  independent  the  one  upon  the 
other that  "  the  care  of  the  spiritual  was  committed  to  the 
Apostles  and  their  successors  "  (not  to  St.  Peter  as  a  single 
Apostle,  and  his  successors  alone,  either  at  Antioch,  or  at 
Rome,  as  if  all  the  rest  were  but  delegates  for  term  of  life ; 
wherein  they  agreed  justly  with  us)  :  that  '  as  each  particular 
Bishop  is  the  respective  Head  of  his  proper  Church,  so  Epi- 
scopacy,'or  St.  Cyprian's  "  unus  Episco2)ahis"^" — the  conjoint 
body  of  Bishops,  "^is  the  ecclesiastical  Head  of  the  militant. 
Church  :'  that  the  care  "  of  the  temporal  government  is  com- 
mitted to  sovereign  princes  :"  that  "  these  two  cannot  intrude 
the  one  into  the  office  of  the  other:  that  the  Pope  hath 
no  power  to  annul  the  laws  of  princes  in  temporal  things, 
nor  to  deprive  them  of  their  estates,  nor  to  free  their  sub- 
jects from  their  allegiance;"  that  the  attempt  "to  de- 
pose kings  was  but  five  hundred  years  old,  contrary  to 
Scriptures,  contrary  to  the  examples  of  Christ  and  of  the 
Saints :  that  to  teach,  that,  in  case  of  controversy  between 
the  Pope  and  a  prince,  it  is  lawful  to  persecute  him  by 
treachery  or  force,  or,  that  his  rebelhous  subjects  may  pur- 
chase by  it  remission  of  sins, — is  a  seditious  and  sacrilegious 
doctrine :  that  the  exemption  of  ecclesiastical  persons  and 
their  goods  from  the  secular  power,  is  not  from  the  law  of 
God  but  from  the  piety  of  princes,"  "sometimes  more,  some- 
times less,  according  to  the  exigence  of  aftairs  :"  that  "Papal 
exemptions  of  the  clergy  are  in  some  places  not  received  at 
all,  in  other  places  but  received  in  part;"  "and  that  they  have 
no  efficacy  or  validity  farther  than  they  are  received :  that 
notwithstanding  any  exemption,  sovereigns  have  power  over 

"  Idem,  [ibid.,]  lib.  i,  [ii,  etiii.]  pp.     "  [De  Unitat.,  Op.,  p.  108.] 
24[-11.5.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


243 


their  persons  and  goods,  whensoever  the  necessity  of  the  Discourse 

commonwealth  requires  it :  that  if  any  exemption  whatso-  ~  

ever  be  abused  to  the  disturbance  of  the  pubHc  tranquilHty, 
the  prince  is  obhged  to  pro\'ide  remedy  for  it that  "  the 
Pope  ought  not  to  hold  himself  infallible,  nor  promise  himself 
such  Divine  assistance :"  that  "  the  authority  to  bind  and 
loose  is  to  be  understood,  clave  non  errante that  "  when 
the  Pope  hath  censm-ed  or  excommunicated  a  prince,  the 
doctors  may  lawfully  examine  whether  his  key  have  erred  or 
not ;  and  when  the  pi'ince  is  certified  that  the  censure  against 
him  or  his  subjects  is  in^  alid,  he  may  and  ought,  for  the  pre- 
servation of  public  peace,  to  hinder  the  execution  thereof, 
preserving  liis  religion  and  convenient  reverence  to  the 
Chtu'ch that  "  the  excommunication  of  a  multitude,  or  a 
prince  that  commands  much  people,  is  pernicious  and  sacri- 
legious :  that  the  ncAv  name  of  blind  obedience,"  lately  "  in- 
vented, was  unknown  to  the"  ancient  "Church,  and  to  all  good 
theologians ;  destroys  the  essence  of  Adrtue,  which  is  to  work 
by  certain  knowledge  and  election ;  exposeth  to  danger  of 
offending  God ;  excusetli  not  the  errors  of  a  spiritual  prince ; 
and  was  apt  to  raise  sedition,  as  the  experience  of  the  last 
forty  years  had  manifested  °."  What  conclusion  would  have 
followed  from  these  premisses,  if  they  had  been  thoroughly 
pursued,  it  were  no  difficult  matter  to  determine. 

1.  It  may  perhaps  be  objected,  that  the  A-^enetian  state  had  [These  pri- 
these  privileges  granted  to  them  by  the  Popes  and  Com-t  poss^fssed* 
of  Rome.    And  it  is  thus  far  true,  that  they  had  five  Bulls,  Venetians 
two  of  Sixtus  the  Fourth,  one  of  Innocent  the  Eighth,  one  of  ''.v  srant  of 
Alexander  the  Sixth,  and  the  last  of  Paul  the  Third  P.  But  it  is  ^ 
as  true,  that  none  of  these  BuUs  concerned  any  of  the  matters  in 
debate,  but  only  the  punishment  of  delinquent  clergymen. 
It  hath  been  an  old  subtilty  of  the  Popes,  that  when  the 
emperors  or  Councils  had  granted  any  ecclesiastical  privilege 
or  honour  to  any  person  or  society  which  it  was  not  in  their 
power  to  cross,  yet  straightway  their  Bidls  did  fly  abroad, 
either  of  concession,  or  confirmation,  or  delegation,  to  make 
the  world  believe  that  nothing  could  be  done  without  them. 

But  how  or  by  what  right  did  the  Venetians  claim  these 

°  Pad.  Paolo,  Hist.  Part.,  lib.  iv.  pp.  Gaetano],  Avertimenti  Veii,   p.  24. 

14.5-147.  [Bologn.  1G06.— not  to  be  met  with.] 
''  Nicomaco    Filal.    [soil.  Cardin. 

R  2 


did  not  make  a  total  and  perpetual  separation  from  Rome. 


244  A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 

Part  privileges  ?  By  virtue  of  any  Papal  Bulls  ?  No  sucli  thing. 
^"  But  by  tlie  law  of  nature,  as  an  essential  right  of  sovereignty, 
and  by  a  most  ancient  custom  of  one  thousand  two  hundred 
years,  that  is,  a  thousand  years  before  the  first  Bull  was 
dated,  as  appeareth  by  a  letter  of  tlie  Senate  of  Venice  to  the 
Venetian  commons  their  subjects'". 
[DifTer-        2.  Secondly,  it  may  be  lu'ged  fiu'ther,  that  tlie  Venetians  121 

ence  be 
tweon 
Veiiic 
England  in 

their seve-  CliUTch  of  Rome.  First,  not  total,  but  only  ''in  particular 
fines  from  points  wlierciii  they  were  fallen,  both  from  themselves  in 
oiied?"  their  ancient  intcgritj^  and  from  the  Apostolical  Churches 
ence.]  Vthich  were  their  first  founders," — which  are  the  veiy  words 
of  our  canon ;  secondly,  not  perjietual,  but  only  temporary, 
— until  their  errors  be  amended  and  abuses  reformed. 

But  if  by  Rome  be  understood  the  Roman  Court,  the  case 
of  Venice  and  England  is  much  diff'erent.  They  acknowledge 
themselves  to  be  justly  subject  to  the  Roman  Patriarch;  we 
do  altogether  deny  his  jurisdiction  over  us  :  the  vicinity  of 
Venice  renders  them  capable  of  receiv-ing  justice  from  Rome ; 
which  the  distance  of  England,  being  so  far  divided  by  seas 
and  mountains,  doth  hinder  us  of :  their  interest  invited 
them  to  a  conjunction  with  Rome ;  ours  is  against  it.  But 
yet  they  take  cai'e  for  their  own  security  and  indemnity,  that 
the  Papacy  which  they  submitted  imto,  should  be  toothless, 
not  able  to  bite  them  or  injui'e  them.  If  that  Papacy 
which  they  sought  to  have  obtruded  upon  us,  had  been  such 
an  one,  in  probability  they  had  not  so  quickly  been  turned 
out  of  doors. 

[Differ-  3.  Lastly,  it  may  be  objected,  that  the  points  in  diff'erence 
t«ccn' between  Rome  and  us  be  many  more,  than  those  which  were 
Venice  and      diff'erence  between  Rome  and  Venice.     This  indeed  is 

England  in 

their  seve-  most  truc,  but  not  mucli  material.   More  or  less  do  not  vary 
fure'i'^fiom  the  kind  or  nature  of  any  thing.    Whether  their  liberties  or 
doctrine.]  ^^'^         greater  or  lesser  extent,  is  impertinent  to  our  ques- 
tion.   If  Venice  ought  to  enjoy  their  ancient  liberties  and 
customs,  then  so  ought  England  also.    If  the  Venetians 


1  [Lettera  della  Republ.  e  Senat.  di     &c.  pp.  9,  10. 
Venetia  alle  loro  Communita,  &c.,  May        '  [Can.  1603,]  can.  30. 
6,  1G06;  in  the]  Raccolta  degli  Scritti, 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


245 


ought  to  be  the  last  judges  of  their  o^vn  pretensions,  what  Discourse 

their  ancient  customs  and  liberties  v/ere,  then  so  ought  we  —  

to  be  likewise :  not  the  Pope  and  his  Conclave  of  Cardinals, 
which,  if  Venice  would  not  endure,  we  have  much  less  reason 
to  endm'e  it.  What  canons  have  been  received  with  us,  and 
how  far,  and  where  our  shoe  did  wring  us,  none  knew  so  well 
as  ourselves. 

The  chiefest  difference  between  our  case  and  that  of  ^^^f  jj'y'-'^' 
Venice,  seems  to  me  to  be  this ;  that  we  were  put  to  an  after-  crice"  be- 
game,  so  were  not  they :  they  preserved  their  rights  and  ca^^and 
privileges,  then  in  question,  entire  from  the  usurpations  of  y^^*;"^  -j 
the  Roman  Coiu-t ;  we  were  necessitated  in  part  to  retrieve 
and  vindicate  om's :  theirs  was  properly  a  conservation  ;  ours 
a  reformation  :  they  might  thank  the  unanimity  of  their  sub- 
jects, the  loyalty  of  their  clergy,  and  their  nearer  acquaintance 
with  Rome,  for  their  advantage ;  we  might  blame  the  barons' 
wars,  and  the  contentions  between  the  houses  of  York  and 
Lancaster,  and  a  kind  of  superstitious  veneration  of  that  See, 
occasioned  by  our  distance  and  want  of  experimental  know- 
ledge, for  our  disadvantage. 

But  to  come  to  the  catastrophe  of  this  business.  Both  The  con- 
sides  grew  weary  of  the  difference.  Christian  princes  me-  0',"  vene- 
diated  a  peace,  especially  the  most  Christian  King.  The  j^J'J^ """" 
Venetians  were  contented  to  shake  hands  and  be  friends  with 
the  Court  of  Rome ;  but  -vvithout  any  reparation,  or  submis- 
sion, or  confession,  or  so  much  as  a  request,  to  be  made  on 
their  parts.  They  refused  to  abrogate  any  one  of  the  laws 
complained  of.  They  refused  (though  the  Pope  did  press  it 
most  instantly,  and  the  Cardinal  Joyeuse  did  assiire  them 
that  it  would  be  more  acceptable  to  his  Hobness  than  the 
conquest  of  a  kingdom)  to  readmit  the  banished  persons  into 
their  city.  They  refused  to  take  an  absolution  from  Rome ; 
yea,  they  were  so  far  from  it,  that,  when  the  ambassador 
intreated  that  the  Duke  might  receive  a  benediction  from 
him  publicly  in  the  Chui'ch,  both  the  Duke  and  the  Senate 
did  resolutely  oppose  it,  because  it  had  some  appearance  of 
an  absolution. 

A  man  would  have  thought  that  this  might  have  sufficed 
to  have  taught  the  Popes  more  wit,  than  to  have  hazarded 
their  reputation  again,  so  near  home,  where  they  arc  so  well 


246 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    known.  But  it  did  not.    They  adventured  after  this  to  make 

—  their  spiritual  weapons  subsen'ient  to  their  temporal  ends^  by 

excommunicating  and  interdicting  the  Duke  of  Parma  and 
his  subjects,  with  httle  better  success 

I  expect  that  it  shovild  be  alleged,  that  all  the  projects  of 
France  for  a  new  Patriarchate,  and  the  Memorials  of  CastUe, 
and  the  Bleatiugs  of  Portugal,  &c.  were  but  personated  shows, 
to  terrify  Popes  into  their  duties.  And  in  part  I  do  believe  122 
it  to  be  true.  But  withal  they  must  peld  thus  much  unto 
me,  that  it  is  for  children  to  be  terrified  with  grimaces,  or 
painted  vizards,  which  signify  nothing.  To  work  upon  wise 
men,  there  must  be  probable  and  just  grounds,  that  such 
things  as  are  pretended  may  be,  and  will  be,  effected. 

We  have  said  enough  to  shew,  that  all  Christian  nations 
do  challenge  this  right  to  themselves,  to  be  the  last  judges  of 
their  own  liberties  and  pri\ileges. 


CHAP.  VIII. 

THAT  THE  POPE  AND  THE  COURT  OF  ROME  ARE  MOST  GUILTY  OF  THE 
SCHISM. 

The  I  AM  come  now  to  my  sixth  and  last  proposition,  which 

but  princi-  brings  the  schism  home  to  their  own  doors,  ^lierein  I  en- 
Court^'of  deavour  to  demonstrate,  that  the  Church  of  Kome,  or  rather 
four'wa^s  ^^^^  Pope  and  the  Court  of  Rome,  are  causally  guilty  both  of 
guilty  of    this  schism,  and  almost  all  other  schisms  in  the  Church. 

First,  by  seeking  to  usurp  a  higher  place  and  power  in  the 
body  ecclesiastical,  than  of  right  is  due  unto  them.  Secondly, 
by  separating,  both  by  their  doctrines  and  censures,  three 
parts  of  the  Christian  world  from  tlieir  communion,  and,  as 
much  as  in  them  lies,  from  the  communion  of  Christ.  Thirdly, 
by  rebelUng  against  general  Councils.  Lastly,  by  breaking 
or  taking  away  all  the  lines  of  Apostolical  succession  except 
their  o^vn. 

'  [For  the  quarrel  of  Urban  VIII.     Urban  VIII.,  and  Nani,  Hist.  Venet., 
with  the  Duke  of  Parma  in  1640-1644,     lib.  xii.] 
see  Rycaut's  Lives  of  the  Popes,  in 


THK  CHUKCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


247 


I.  First,  they  make  tlie  Cluirch  of  Rome  to  be  not  only  Discourse 
the  sister  of  all  other  Patriarchal  Churches,  and  the  'Mother  — 
of  many  Churches,''  but  to  be  '  the  Lady  and  Mistress  of  all  church  of 
Churches  * to  be  not  only  a  prime  stone  in  the  building,  ^"^^^  ^ 
but  the  very  foundation ;   to  be  not  only  a  respective  jjjsher 
foundation,  in  relation  to  this  or  that  time  and  place  (as  all  body  eccie- 
the  Apostles  and  all  Apostolical  Churches  were,  and  all  good  than'ls'ciue 
pastors  and  all  orthodox  Cliurches  are),  but  to  be  an  abso-  ^'^''•^ 
lute  foundation,  for  all  persons,  in  all  places,  at  all  times, — 

which  is  proper  to  Christ  alone:  "Other  foimdation  can  no  iCor.iii.ii. 
man  lay  than  that  which  is  laid,  even  Jesus  Christ."  They 
hold  it  not  enough  for  the  Roman  Church  to  be  a  top 
branch,  unless  it  may  be  the  root,  of  Christian  religion,  or  at 
least  of  all  that  jurisdiction  which  Christ  left  as  a  legacy  to 
His  Church.  In  all  which  claim,  by  the  Chiu'ch  of  Rome 
they  understand  not  the  'essential^  Chiu'ch,  nor  yet  the 
'representative^  Church — a  Roman  Synod,  but  the  'virtual' 
Church  which  is  invested  with  ecclesiastical  power,  that  is, 
the  Pope  witli  his  Cardinals  and  ministers.  When  any 
member  how  eminent  soever  scorns  its  proper  place  in  the 
bod}'^,  whether  natural,  or  political,  or  ecclesiastical,  and  seeks 
to  usm"p  the  office  of  the  Head,  it  must  of  necessity  produce 
a  disorder  and  distiu-bance  and  confusion  and  schism  of  the 
respective  members.  This  is  one  degree  of  schismatical 
pravity. 

II.  But,  in  the  second  place,  we  press  the  crime  of  schism  [ir.  The 
more  home  against  the  Court  of  Rome,  than  against  the  Rome  hatii 
Church  of  Rome.  It  is  the  Court  of  Rome,  which,— partly  b}-  j^P^'^'^j^^ff^ 
obtruding  new  creeds  and  new  articles  of  faicli,  and  especially 

°  '  i-  •!  Christian 

this  doctrine,  that  it  is  necessary  for  every  Christian  under  wori.d  from 
pain  of  damnation  to  be  subject  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  as  Iifon"]  ™" 
the  vicar  of  Christ  by  Divine  ordination  upon  earth  (that  is,  doctrines-] 
in  effect,  to  be  subject  to  themselves  who  are  his  council 
and  officers),  yea,  even  those  who  by  reason  of  theii"  remote- 
ness never  heard  of  the  name  of  Rome,  Avithout  which  it  will 
profit  them  nothing  to  have  holden  the  Catholic  Faith  en- 
tii'ely,  and  partly  by  their  tja-annical  and  uncharitable  cen-  [and  by  its 
sures, — have  separated  all  the  Asiatic,  African,  Grecian,  ^^"^"'''^^-l 

'  [S.  Bernard.,  Dg  Consider,  adv.     S.  Rom.  Imp.,  torn.  ii.  p.  88.] 
Eugen.  Pap.,  lib.  iv.  c.  7,  ap.  Goldast., 


248 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   Russian^  and  Protestant,  Clnu-ches  from  tlieir  communion ; 

—  not  only  negatively,  in  the  way  of  Christian  discretion,  by 

Avithdrawing  of  themselves  for  fear  of  infection,  but  privatively 
and  authoritatively,  by  way  of  jurisdiction,  excluding  them 
(so  much  as  in  them  licth)  from  the  communion  of  Christ ; 
though  those  Chui'ches  so  chased  away  by  them  contain  three 
times  more  Christian  souls  than  the  Church  of  Rome  itself 
with  all  its  dependents  and  adherents ;  many  of  v.  hich  do 
suffer  more  pressures  for  the  testimony  of  Christ,  than  the 
Romanists  do  gain  advantages,  and  are  ready  to  shed  the  last 
drop  of  their  blood  for  the  least  known  particle  of  sa\ing 
truth ;  only  because  they  will  not  strike  topsail  to  the  Pope's  123 
cross-keys,  nor  buy  indulgences  and  such  hke  trinkets  at 
Rome.  It  is  not  passion,  but  action,  that  makes  a  schismatic ; 
to  desert  the  communion  of  Christians  A^olmitarily,  not  to  be 
thrust  away  from  it  unwillingly.  For  divers  years  in  the 
beginning  of  Queen  Ehzabeth's  reign,  there  was  no  recusant 
known  in  England ;  but  even  they  who  Avere  most  addicted 
to  Roman  opinions,  yet  frequented  our  churches  and  pubhc 
assembhes,  and  did  join  with  us  in  the  use  of  the  same  prayers 
and  Divine  offices,  without  any  scruple ;  until  they  were  pro- 
hibited by  a  Papal  Bull,  merely  for  the  interest  of  the  Roman 
Court Tliis  was  the  true  beginning  of  the  schism  between 
us  and  them.  I  never  yet  heard  any  of  that  party  charge 
our  Litiu'gy  with  any  error,  except  of  omission; — that  it 
wanted  something  which  they  would  have  inserted.  I  wish 
theirs  as  fi>ec  from  exception,  to  try  Avhether  tve  would  shun 
their  communion  in  the  public  service  of  God :  charity  would 
rather  choose  to  want  something  that  was  lawful,  than  will- 
ingly to  give  occasion  of  offence. 
[III.  The  III.  But,  to  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  schism,  in  the  third 
Home^have  place ; — the  Papacy  itself  {qua  talis),  as  it  is  now  maintained 
a^ah'st'^  by  manj^,  with  superiority  above  general  Councils  and  a 
general      sovereign  power  paramount  to  confirm  or  reject  their  sane-. 

tions,  is  the  cause,  either  procreant,  or  conservant,  or  both, 
of  all  or  the  most  part  of  the  schisms  in  Chi-istendom  ^.  To 
rebel  against  the  Catholic  Chm-ch,  and  its  representative,  a 

"  [See  the  Replicat.  to  tlie  Bp.  of  [See  note  E  in  Append,  to  Abp. 

Chalced.,  c.  vii.    (pp,  241,  212.  fol.     Bramhall's  Life,  p.  xvii.] 
edit).  Discourse  iii.  Part  i.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


249 


general  Council,  which  is  the  last  visible  judge  of  contro-  Discourse 

versies  and  the  supreme  ecclesiastical  court;  either  is  gross  — —  

schism,  or  there  is  no  such  thing  as  schismatical  pravity  in 
the  world. 

I  say,  the  Bishops  of  Rome  have  exempted  themselves  and 
theii'  Com-t  from  the  jm'isdiction  of  an  Oecumenical  Council, 
and  made  themselves  sovereign  monarchs  and  Universal 
Bishops,  "  in  totius  Ecclesite  injuriam  et  discissionem  " — "  to 
the  wrong  of  the  Church,  and  renting  it  in  pieces  y,"  making 
themselves  to  be  not  only  "fathers,"  but  "masters  of  all  Chris- 
tians"— it  is  the  Pope's  own  expression  in  his  letter  to  his 
legate^; — contrary  to  their  former  professions  of  obedience 
to  the  ecclesiastical  constitutions  of  sovereign  princes  and 
Synods^;  contrary  to  their  own  laws,  which  allow  appeals 
from  them  so  often  as  they  transgress  the  canons,  and  sub- 
ject them  to  the  judgment  of  the  Church,  not  only  in  case  of 
heresy,  which  the  most  of  themselves  do  acknowledge,  and 
schism  and  simony,  which  many  of  them  do  not  deny,  but 
also  of  scandal^;  contrary  to  so  many  appellations  from 
them  by  Christian  princes,  prelates,  and  universities  ;  con- 
trary to  the  judgment  of  almost  all  the  Cisalpine  prelates, 
Spanish,  French,  Dutch,  assembled  at  Trent  ^ ;  contrary  to 
the  decrees  of  so  many  Councils  both  general  and  provincial, 
which  have  hmited  their  jurisdiction,  set  down  the  true 
reason  of  their  greatness,  rescinded  their  sentences,  forbidden 
appeals  to  them,  condemned  their  pragmatical  intrusion  of 
themselves  into  the  affairs  of  other  Churches  as  being  con- 
trary to  the  decrees  of  the  Fathers  ;  Avhich  have  judged  them, 
and  condemned  them  of  heresy,  schism,  simony,  and  other 
misdemeanors ;  which  have  deposed  them  by  two  or  thi-ec 
at  a  time,  whereof  one  was  undoubtedly  the  true  Pope; — 
these  things  are  so  obvious  in  the  history  of  the  Chm-ch,  that 
it  were  vanity  and  lost  laboiu'  to  prove  them ; — but  especially 
contrary  to  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle,  which  have 

y  Greg.  [M.  Epist.,  lib.  ix.  Ep.  08,  "  [Id.,  ibid.,  P.  ii.  Causa]  2.  Qu.  7- 

Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  984.  D.]              '  c    [41.]  "  Nos  si  inoompetenter." — 

Hist.  Concil.  Trident.,  in  an.  1503,  Gloss,  [in  eund.,  P.  i.]  Distinct.  40. 

lib.    vii.    [p.   529.   ed.    Lond.   1020.  c.  [0.]  "  Si  Papa ;"  [et  in  P.  ii.  Causa] 

"Omnium  Christianorum  Patrem  ac  9.  Qu.  3.  c.  [13.]  "  Nemo." 

Doctorem:''\  '  [See  c.  vii.  pp.  217,  220,  &c.] 

"  [Gratian.,  Decret,  P.  i.]  Distinct.  "  Hist.  Concil.  Trident.,  lib.  vii.  et  x. 

10.  c.  [9.]  "  De  Capitulis."  [sec  p.  190,  note  r.] 


25a 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    decreed  expressly,  that   'the  Pope  is  subject  to  a  general 

 ^'  —  Council,  as  well  in  matter  of  Faith,  as  of  manners ;  so  as  he 

oftlfJ'^*^*  may  not  only  be  corrected,  but,  if  he  be  incorrigible,  be  de- 
Constance'^  posed  This  is  determined  in  the  Council  of  Constance ; 
and  Basle.]  and  confirmed  in  the  Council  of  Basle,  with  this  addition, 

that  "  whosoever  opposeth  this  truth  pertinaciously,  is  to  be 

reputed  a  heretic  f." 
[Objected      This  decree  of  the  Council  wounds  deep,  because  it  is  so 
confirmed  evident  and  clear  in  the  point,  and  because  the  decrees 
Pope  be-    thereof  were  confirmed  by  Martin  the  Fifth ;  but  the  Roman- 
cause  not   ists  have  found  out  a  salve  for  it, — that  Pope  Martin  "con- 

conciliarly  .  .  . 

made.]  firmed  only  those  decrees  which  were  conciliarly  made,"  that 
is,  with  the  influence  and  concm-rence  of  the  Pope,  as  the 
condemnation  of  Wickliff"  and  Huss ;  but  "  not  those  decrees 
which  were  not  conciliarly  made,"  that  is,  which  wanted  the 
influence  of  the  Pope,  as  the  decree  of  the  superiority  of  the 
Council  above  the  Pope,  which  ought  to  be  understood  (say 
they)  only  of  dubious  Popes  s. 

For  clearing  of  which  doubt,  I  propose  several  consider- 
ations. 

The  Pope's     1.  Fii'st,  that  it  is  not  material,  whether  the  decree  were  i 
tioif™'^    confirmed  by  the  Pope,  or  not.    There  are  two  sorts  of  con- 
no  value  °^  firiii<'ition,  approbative,  and  authoritative.    Approbative  con- 
firmation is  by  way  of  testimony,  or  suffrage,  or  reception ; 
and  so  an  inferior  may  confirm  the  acts  of  his  superior ;  as  it 
[1  Cor.  vi.  is  said,  that  "  the  Saints  shall  judge  the  world,"  that  is,  by 
their  doctrine,  by  their  example,  and  by  their  approbative 
[Ps.  cxix.  suff'rage ; — "  Just  art  Thou,  O  Lord,  and  right  are  Thy  judg- 
ments."     Authoritative  confirmation  implies  either  a  sole 
legislative  power,  or  at  least  a  negative  voice  :  whereas  it  is  as 
clear  as  the  light,  that  the  Popes  anciently  never  had  either 
the  one  or  the  other  in  the  Catholic  Church ;  we  meet  with 
no  confirmations  of  general  Councils  of  old,  but  only  by  the 
emperors,  whereby  ecclesiastical  sanctions  became  civil  laAvs, 
and  obliged  all  the  subjects  of  the  empire  under  a  civil  pain. 
Wherefore  it  is  no  matter,  whether  the  Pope  confirmed  the 

'  Concil.  Constant.  [A.  D.  1415],  pp.  477,  478,  et  619,  B.] 
Sess.  iv.  [et  v.,  ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  toin.        ^  [Bellarm.,  De  Eccles.  Milit.,  lib.  ii. 

xii.  pp.  19.  23.]  Dc  Concil.  Auctoritat.,  c.  19.  Op.  tom.i. 

f  Concil.  Basil.  [A.  D.  1431].  Sess.  pp.  1222,  1223.] 
ii.  [Decret.  3  et  4,  et  Sess.  xx.\iii.  ibid., 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


251 


decree  or  not,  whether  it  was  confirmed  or  unconfirmed  :  it  Discourse 
lets  us  see  what  was  the  Catholic  tradition,  and  the  sense  of  — ^ — 
the  Christian  world  in  those  days  ;  and  we  abide  in  it. 

2.  Secondly,  I  reply,  that  this  decree  was  most  conciUarly  The  de- 
made,  and  consequently  confirmed ;  made  after  due  examina-  council's 
tion  and  discussion,  without  any  underhand  packing  or  abl^e'the' 
labouring  for  voices  ;  made  in  the  pubHc  session,  not  privately  ^"V^  ro"** 

11         ■        f  ^  ■  •         i  /.i"  conciliarly 

before  the  deputies  of  the  nations.  For  clearing  whereof  take  made, 
this  dilemma.  Eitlier  this  decree  and  the  subsequent  acts 
done  by  \'irtue  and  in  execution  thereof  were  conciliarly  made 
and  confirmed,  and  consequently  valid  in  the  judgment  of 
the  Romanists  themselves,  or  unconciharly  made,  and  conse- 
quently, according  to  their  rules,  not  confirmed  but  invaUd. 
If  they  grant,  that  this  decree  was  conciliarly  made  and  con- 
fii'med,  then  they  grant  the  question.  If  they  say  it  was^ 
not  conciliarly  made  nor  confirmed,  then  Martin  the  Fifth 
was  no  true  Pope,  but  an  intruder  and  an  usurper,  and  conse- 
quently his  confirmation  was  of  no  value ;  for  in  pm'suance  of 
this  very  decree,  and  by  vii'tue  of  that  doctrine  therein  de- 
livered, the  other  Popes  were  deposed,  and  he  Avas  created 
Pope^. 

But  to  clear  that  passage  from  all  ambiguity : — there  were 
in  the  Council  of  Constance  the  deputies  of  the  nations,  as  a 
selected  committee  to  examine  matters,  and  prosecute  them, 
and  prepare  them  for  the  Council'.  Wliat  was  done  apart 
by  these  deputies,  by  this  committee,  was  not  conciliarly 
done.  But  what  was  done  in  the  public  session  of  the 
Council,  upon  their  report,  that  was  conciliarly  done.  Now 
so  it  was,  that  one  Falkenberch  had  published  a  danger- 
ous and  seditious  book,  Avliich  had  been  complained  of  to 
the  deputies  of  the  nations,  and  condemned  by  them;  but 
the  conjoint  body  of  the  Council,  in  their  public  session,  had 
not  condemned  it  conciliarly.  Yet,  after  the  Council  was 
ended,  and  after  the  Cardinal  had  given  the  Fathers  their 
conge,  or  leave  to  depart,  and  dismissed  them  with  "  Domini^ 
ite  in  pace " — "  Fathers,  depart  in  peace,"  and  the  Fathers 
had  answered  "  Amen when  there  was  nothing  left  to  do, 
but  to  hear  a  sermon  and  begone ;  the  ambassadors  of  Polonia 

[This  is  Gerson's  argument.    See        '  [Concil.  Constant.,  Sess.  iv.,  as 
Bellann.,  De  Concil.  Auctor.,  as  before     before  quoted,  p.  20.] 
quoted,  p.  1222,  B.C.] 


253 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  and  Lithuania  very  unseasonably  pressed  the  Pope  to  con- 
—  demn  that  book,  alleging,  that  it  had  been  condemned  by  the 


deputies  of  the  nations :  to  which  the  Pope  answered,  that 
"he  confirmed  only  those  acts  of  the  Council  which  were 
conciliarly  made  ^ ; "  that  is  to  say,  not  the  acts  of  the  de- 
puties of  the  nations  apart,  but  the  public  acts  of  the  whole 
session.  This  is  the  genuine  sense  of  that  passage,  which 
bears  its  own  evidence  along  with  it  to  every  one  that  doth 
nt>t  ^dlfully  shut  his  eyes.  This  was  an  accidental  emergent, 
after  the  Synod  was  ended,  and  not  the  solemn  purposed 
confirmation. 

[Thede-        And  concerning  that  gloss, — that  the  decree  is  to  be 
be^under-"  Understood  only  of  dubious  Popes,  or  Popes  Avhose  title  is 
of°dubioifs  litigious, — as  it  contradicts  the  text  itself,  which  includes  all 
Popes.]     dignitaries  whosoever,  of  whatsoever  title,  peaceable  or  liti- 
gious. Popes  or  others,  so  it  is  sufficiently  confuted  by  the 
very  execution  of  the  decree.    An  inferior  may  declare  the 
lawful  right  of  his  superior,  and,  where  there  are  divers  pre- 
tenders, establish  the  possession  in  him  that  hath  the  best 
title  ;  but  to  make  right  to  be  no  right,  to  turn  all  pretenders 
right  or  wrong  out  of  possession,   only  by  the  last  law  of 
'  salus  poptdi,'  &c. — '  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  people,'  this  is 
a  prerogative  of  sovereign  princes  and  a  badge  of  legislative 
authority.    This  was  the  very  case  of  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance ;  they  turned  out  all  pretenders  to  the  Papacy,  the 
right  Pope  and  the  antipopes  all  together;  some  of  them 
indeed  by  persuasion,  but  such  persuasion  as  might  not  be  12 
[viz.  Bene-  resisted ;  and  one  whose  title  seemed  clearest,  which  ren- 
aict  XIII.]  (]gj.g(j  their  persuasions  as  unto  him  inefli'ectual,  by  plain 
power :  for  so  the  Council,  with  the  consent  and  concur- 
rence of  Christian  princes,  did  find  it  expedient  for  Christen- 
dom. 

[IV.  The  IV.  Lastly,  though  the  Popes  do  not  abolish  the  order  of 
broken'or  Bishops,  or  Episcopacy  in  the  abstract,  yet  they  limit  the 
SulieTnes  P^^^^  Bishops  in  the  concrete  at  their  pleasure,  by  ex- 
of  Aposto-  emptions  and  reservations ;  holding  themselves  to  be  ih^ 
c'es'lion'^ex-  Bishops  of  evcry  particular  See  in  the  world  during  the 
o?TO  ]'"^"  vacancy  of  it,  and  making  all  Episcopal  jurisdiction  to  flow 
from  them,  and  to  be  founded  in  the  Pope's  laAVs ; — because 

k  [Ejusd.  Scs,-;.  xlv.  ct  iiUiiiia,  ibid.  p.  2J3.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


253 


it  was  but  delegated  to  the  rest  of  tlie  Apostles  for  term  of  Discourse 

life,  but  resided  solely  in  St.  Peter  as  an  ordinary,  to  descend  ?i — 

from  liim  to  liis  successors  Bishops  of  Rome,  and  to  be  im- 
parted by  them  to  other  Bishops  as  their  vicars  or  coadju- 
tors, assumed  by  them  into  some  part  of  their  charge By 
this  account  the  Pope  must  be  the  universal  or  only  Bishop 
of  the  world ;  the  keys  must  be  his  gift,  not  Christ's  ;  and  all 
the  Apostles  except  St.  Peter  must  want  their  successors  in 
Episcopal  jurisdiction.  What  is  this  but  to  trample  upon 
Episcopacy,  and  to  make  them  equivocal  Bishops ;  to  dissolve 
the  primitive  bonds  of  brotherly  tmity,  to  overthrow  the  dis- 
cipline instituted  by  Christ,  and  to  take  away  the  line  of 
Apostolical  succession  ? 

The  name  of  CEcumenical  or  Universal  Bishop  is  taken  in  [The  name 
three  senses,  one  without  controversy  lawful,  one  contro-  vei^ai' 
verted  ■^^'hether  lawful  or  unlawful,  and  one  undoubtedly 
unlawful  and  schismatical.  three  ^ 

1.  In  the  first  sense  an  Universal  Bishop  signifies  no  more  j-j  im- 
than  an  eminent  Bishop  of  the  Universal  Church,  implying  ^g-^gajf^y"'" 
an  uni^  ersaUty  of  care  and  vigilance,  but  not  of  jm'isdiction.  of  care."] 
And  in  this  sense  all  the  five  Proto-Patriarchs  used  more 
emphatically  to  be  called  Universal  Bishops ;  either  by  rea- 
son of  their  reputation  and  influence  upon  the  universal 
Church,  or  their  presidence  in  general  Councils 

2.  In  another  sense,  an  Universal  Bishop  signifies  such  a  [2.  As  im- 
Bishop  who,  besides  an  universal  care,  doth  also  challenge  an  versafity"'* 
universal  jm-isdiction.  This  was  that  title  which  John  Bishop  "areTit  of 
of  Constantinople  afi'ected ; — "  omnibus pr^esse,  nulli  subesse ;" 

and  again,  "  cuncta  Christi  membra  sibimet  supponere  Univer- 
salitatis  appellatione."  This  was  that  title  which  Gregory 
the  Great  and  his  predecessors  refused  (if  they  did  refuse 
any  such  title) ;  for  it  were  evident  madness  to  fancy,  that 
ever  any  general  Council  did  off"er  any  particular  Bishop  the 
title  of  the  only  Bishop  of  the  world.  This  title  in  this  sense 
was  that  which  Gregory  himself  did  condemn,  as  a  "  vain," 
"  profane,"  "  wicked,"  "  blasphemous,"  "  Antichristian  " 
name  °. 

•  [Bellann.,  De  Roman.  Pontif.,  "  Greg.  M.  Epist.  lib.  iv.  Ep.  34  et 
lib.  i.  c.  11.  lib.  iv.  cc.  22,  24,  2.5.]  38.  [Editt.  before  Bened  lib.  v.  Ep. 

m  [See  Bellarm.,  ibid.  lib.  ii.  c.  31,     21  et  18,  Op.  torn.  ii.  pp.  750,  751. 

Op.  torn.  i.  pp.  831—833.  Cave,     742.  E.  743—746.  ed.  Bened.] 

Governm.  of  Anc.  Ch.,  c.  vi.  §  8 — 15.] 


254 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part       3.  Lastly,  the  name  of  Universal  Bishop  may  be  taken  ex- 

  clusively,  for  the  only  Bishop  of  the  world.    Which  sense 

sivew^'for'  ^^'^^  enough  from  the  intention  either  of  Gregory  the 
the  only     Great,  or  John  of  Constantinople,  who  had  both  of  them  so 

Bishoj)  of  '  _  . 

the  world.]  many  true  Archbishops  and  Bishops  under  them.  But  this 
sense  agrees  well  enough  with  the  extravagant  ambition  of 
the  later  Popes,  and  of  the  Roman  Court,  who  do  appro- 
priate all  original  jurisdiction  to  themselves. 

So  many  ways  is  the  Court  of  Rome  guilty  of  schismatical 
pra^ity. 

[V.  Two        V.  Besides  these  branches  of  schism,  there  are  yet  two 
vdfies"""    other  novelties  challenged  by  the  Popes  and  their  parasitical 
bythe""^''  courtiers  (but  neither  these  nor  the  other  yet  defined  by  their 
Popes.]      Church),  both  destructive  to  Christian  unity,  both  apt  to 
breed  and  nourish,  to  procreate  and  conserve,  schism ;  an  in- 
fallibility of  judgment,  and  a  temporal  power  over  princes 
either  directly  or  indirectly. 
[1.  infalli-      1.  General  and  provincial  Councils  are  the  proper  remedies 
judgment.]  of  schism.    But  this  challenge  of  infallibility  (liminisheth 
their  authoritj^,  discrediteth  their  definitions,  and  maketh 
them  to  be  superfluous  things.    What  needs  so  much  ex- 
pense ?  so  many  consultations  ?  so  much  travel  of  so  many 
poor  old  fallible  Bishops  from  all  the  quarters  of  the  world  ? 
when  there  is  an  infallible  judge  at  Rome,  that  can  determine 
all  questions  in  his  own  conclave,  without  danger  of  error. 
Was  Marcellinus  such  an  infallible  judge  when  he  burned 
incense  to  idols  °?  or  Liberius  when  he  consented  to  the 
Arians,  and  gave  his  suffrage  to  the  condemnation  of  Blessed 
Athanasius  p  ?  or  Honorius  when  he  was  condemned  and 
accursed  in  the  sixth  general  Council  for  a  Monothelite  i  ? 
or  John  the  Twenty-Second  when  he  was  condemned  by  the 
theologues  of  Paris,  before  the  king,  with  sound  of  trumpets, 
for  teaching  that  the  souls  of  the  just  shall  not  see  God  until 
the  general  Resurrection  ^  ?    Were  those  succeeding  Popes,  1 2 

"  Concil.  Sinuess.  [(A.D.  303),  ap.  351],  et  Catal.  Eccles.  Scriptor.,  [in 

Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  i.  pp  938,  &c.] ;  Fortunatiano,  c.  97,  ap.  Fabric,  Bibl. 

et  Platin.,  in  Vita  Marcellini.  [p.  36,  Eccles.,  p.  185.] 

1.]  1  Concil.   General.  VI.  [Constan- 

P  Athanas.,  in   Epist.   ad   Solitar.  tinop.,  A.D.  680.]  Act.  xiii,  [ap.  Labb., 

Vitam  Agentes,  [seu  Hist.  Arianor.  Concil.,  torn.  vi.  pp.  940,  &c.] 

ad  Monachos,  §  42,  Op.  torn.  i.  p.  368.  Gerson,  Sermon  on  Easter  Day, 

D.  E.]_Hieron.,  in  Cliron.  [ad  ann.  [Op.  P.  iv.  fol.  93.  H.] 


THE  CHUllCH  or  ENGLAND. 


255 


John,  and  Martin,  and  Formosus,  and  Stephen,  and  Roma-  Discourse 
nus,  and  Theodoras,  and  John,  and  Benedictus,  and  Sergius,  — — — 
"Nvho  chished  one  with  another,  and  abrogated  tlie  decrees  one  jiaJ}"7iL^ 
of  another  over  and  over  again,  such  infallible  judges  ?  |°g'^^°^,"*^' 
Neither  is  it  mere  "  matter  of  fact*"  to  decree  the  ordina-  vi.  ^ 
tions  of  a  lawful  Bishop  to  be  void.    To  omit  many  others,  xheodo- 

But  howsoever  they  tell  us,  that  "  the  first  See  cannot  be  j"hn\x. 
judged*."  I  will  not  trouble  myself  about  the  credit  of  the 
authorities,  whether  they  be  true  or  counterfeit;  nor  whether  a.d.  842- 
the  first  See  signify  Rome  alone,  or  any  other  of  the  five"^'  "' 
Proto-Patriarchates.  Thus  much  is  certain,  that  by  judg- 
ment of  discretion  any  private  man  may  judge  the  Pope,  and 
withdraw  from  him  in  his  errors,  and  resist  him  if  he  invade 
either  the  bodies  or  the  soiils  of  men,  as  Bellarmine  con- 
fesseth  ^ :  that  in  the  court  of  conscience  every  ordinary 
pastor  may  judge  him,  and  bind  him,  and  loose  him,  as  an 
ordinary  man :  and,  by  their  leaves,  in  the  external  court, 
by  coercive  power,  if  he  commit  civil  crimes,  the  emperor ;  if 
ecclesiastical,  a  Coixncil,  or  the  emperor  with  a  Council,  may 
judge  him ;  and  in  some  cases  declare  him  to  be  fallen  from 
his  Papal  dignity  by  the  sentence  of  the  law,  in  other  cases, 
if  he  be  incorrigible,  depose  him  by  the  sentence  of  the 
judge.  But  there  is  a  great  difference  between  the  judg- 
ment of  subjects  (as  those  ecclesiastics  were)  and  the  judg- 
ment of  a  sovereign  prince ;  between  the  judgment  of  a 
general  Council,  and  the  judgment  of  an  assembly  of  Suffi-a- 
gans  and  inferiors.  And  yet  the  Roman  clergy  are  known 
to  have  deposed  Libcrius  their  own  Bishop  " ;  and  justly,  or 
otherwise  Felix  their  Martyr  had  been  a  schismatic. 

2.  Their  other  challenge  of  temporal  power,  Avhether  directly,  [2.  A  tom- 
or  indirectly  and  "  in  ordine  ad  spiritualia  y,"  cannot  choose  power  over 
but  render  all  Christians,  especially  sovereign  princes,  jealous  e[ther  di- 
and  suspicious  of  their  power,  and  averse  from  the  commu-        "1  , 

i  ^  '  _       _  _  indirectly.] 

nion  of  those  persons,  who  maintain  so  dangerous  positions 
so  destructive  to  their  propriety.    The  power  of  the  keys 


>  [Bellarm.,  De  Roman.  Pontif., 
lib.  iv.  c.  1 2,  Op.  torn. i.  p  999.  D,  speak- 
ing of  Stephen  VI.  and  Sergius  III.] 

"  Concil.  Siiiuess.,  [ap.  Labb.,  Con- 
cil.,  torn.  i.  p.  943.]  et  Roman.  [(A.D. 
324)  c.  20,  ibid.  p.  I. 5.5.5.] 


"  [De  Roman.  Pontif.,  lib.  ii.  c.  29. 
as  before  p.  820.  A.] 

^  [Baron.,  Annal.,  torn,  iii,  in  an. 
357,  num.  44.] 

"  [Bellarm.,  De.  R.  P.,  lib.  v.  c.  (i, 
as  before  p.  1062.  D.] 


256 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


doth,  not  extend  itself  to  any  secular  rights,  neither  can  ec- 
clesiastical censures  alter  or  invalidate  the  laws  of  God  and 
nature,  or  the  municipal  laws  of  a  land ;  all  which  do  enjoin 
the  obedience  of  children  to  their  parents  and  of  subjects  to 
their  sovereigns.  Gregory  the  Seventh  began  this  practice 
against  Henry  the  Fourth.  But  what  Gregory  did  bind 
upon  earth,  God  Almighty  did  not  bind  in  Heaven.  His 
Papal  blessing  turned  to  a  curse  ;  and,  instead  of  an  imperial 
crown,  Rodolph  found  the  just  reward  of  his  treason  ^. 

The  best  is,  that  they  who  give  these  exorbitant  privileges 
to  Popes,  do  it  with  so  many  cautions  and  reservations,  that 
they  signify  nothing,  and  may  be  taken  away  with  as  much 
ease  as  they  are  given. 

The  Pope  (say  they)  is  infallible,  not  in  his  chamber,  but 
in  his  Chair;  not  in  the  premises,  but  in  the  conclusion; 
not  in  conclusions  of  matter  of  fact,  but  in  conclusions  of 
matter  of  Faith ;  not  always  in  all  conclusions  of  matter  of 
Faith,  but  only  when  he  useth  the  right  means  and  due 
diligence  And  who  knoweth  when  he  doth  that?  So 
every  Christian  is  infallible,  if  he  would  and  could  keep  him- 
self to  the  infallible  rule  which  God  hath  given  him.  '  Take 
nothing,  and  hold  it  fast.' 

So  likcAvise  for  his  temporal  power  over  princes,  they  say 
the  Pope,  not  as  Pope,  but  as  a  spiritual  prince,  hath  a 
certain  kind  of  power,  temporal,  but  not  merely  temporal ; 
not  directly,  but  indirectly  and  in  order  to  spiritual  things  ^. 

"  Quo  teneam  vuUus  mutantem  Protea  nodo?  ' " 


CHAP.  IX. 

AU  ANSWER  TO  THE  OBJECTIONS  BROUGHT  BY  THE  ROMANISTS,  TO  PROVE 
THE  ENGLISH  PROTESTANTS  TO  BE  SCHISMATICS. 

But  it  is  not  enough  to  charge  the  Coiu't  of  Rome," unless 
we  can  discharge  ourselves,  and  acquit  oiu-  own  Church  of 
the  guilt  of  schism,  which  they  seek  to  cast  upon  us. 

2  [See  Bowden's  Life  of  Greg.  VII,        i>  [Id.,  ibid.,  lib.  v.  c.  6.] 
bk.  iii.  c.  17.]  ^  [Iloint,  Epist.,  i.  1.  yo.] 

^  [Bellarm.,  De  R.  P.,  lib.  iv.  c.  2.] 


THE  CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND. 


257 


I.  First,  they  object,  that  we  have  separated  ourselves  schis-  Discourse 
matically  from  the  comiTiiinion  of  the  Catholic  Chui'ch.   — — 

God  forbid.    Then  Ave  Avill  acknowledge,  mthout  anymore  i.  We  have 
to  do,  that  we  have  separated  ourselves  from  Christ,  and  all  mterour- 
His  Holy  Ordinances,  and  from  the  benefit  of  His  Passion,  the  ^^afho" 
and  all  hope  of  salvation.  lie  Church. 

But  the  truth  is,  we  have  no  otherwise  separated  ourselves 
from  the  communion  of  the  Catholic  Church,  than  all  the 
primitive  orthodox  Fathers  and  Doctors  and  Churches  did 
long  before  us,  that  is,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Donatists,  as  we 
do  now  in  the  opinion  of  the  Romanists ;  because  the 
Eomanists  limit  the  Cathohc  Church  now  to  Rome  in  Italy 
and  those  Chm-ches  that  are  subordinate  to  it,  as  the 
Donatists  did  then  to  Cartenna  in  Africk  and  those  Clim'ches 
that  adhered  to  it.  We  are  so  far  from  separating  om'selves 
from  the  communion  of  the  Catholic  Church,  that  we  make 
the  communion  of  the  Christian  Clivirch  to  be  thrice  more 
Catholic  than  the  Romanists  themselves  do  make  it,  and 
maintain  communion  with  thrice  so  many  Clu-istians,  as  they 
do.  By  how  much  our  Church  should  make  itself,  as  the 
case  stands,  more  Roman  than  it  is,  by  so  much  it  should 
thereby  become  less  Catholic  than  it  is. 

I  have  shewed  before'',  ou.t  of  the  canons  and  constitutions 
of  our  Church,  that  we  have  not  separated  ourselves  simply 
and  absolutely  from  the  communion  of  any  particular  Church 
whatsoever,  even  the  Roman  itself  so  far  forth  as  it  is 
Cathohc,  but  only  ft-om  their  errors,  wherein  they  had  first 
separated  themselves  from  their  predecessors. 

To  this  I  add,  that  it  was  not  we,  but  the  Court  of  Rome 
itself,  that  first  separated  England  from  the  communion  of 
the  Chiu-ch  of  Rome,  by  their  unjust  censui'es,  excommunica- 
tions, and  interdictions,  which  they  thundered  out  against 
the  realm  for  denying  their  spiritual  sovereignty  by  Divine 
right,  before  the  reformation  made  by  Protestants". 

II.  Secondly,  we  are  charged  with  schismatical  contumacy  fll.  We  are 
and  disobedience  to  the  decrees  and  determinations  of  the  maciousto- 
general  Council  of  Trent.  -^tlf «of 

But  we  believe  that  convent  of  Trent  to  have  been  no  Trent.] 

1  [c.  vi.  pp.  197—199.]  Sander.,  De  Schism.,  lib.  i.  pp.  [131, 

'  Bull.  Paul.  III.  [A.D.  1535],  ap.     sq.  ed.  IGIO.] 

BRAMIIALL.  S 


I 

I 

258  A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 

Part  general^  nor  yet  patriarchal ;  no  free,  no  lawful^  Council. 
The  Coun  ^^^^  general,  wliere  there  was  not  any  one  Bishop 

cii  of  Trent  oTit  of  all  the  other  Patriarchates,  or  any  proctors  or  com- 
rai!^*^"^  missioners  from  them,  either  present,  or  summoned  to  be 
present,  except  peradventui'e  some  titular  European  mock 
prelates  without  cures,  such  as  Olaus  Magnus,  intituled 
Archbishop  of  Upsala,  or  Sir  Robert  the  Scottish-man, 
intituled  Archbishop  of  Armagh  ^  ?  How  was  that  general, 
or  so  much  as  patriarchal,  where  so  great  a  part  of  the  West 
was  absent,  wherein  there  were  twice  so  many  EpiscopeUes 
out  of  Italy  (the  Pope's  professed  vassals,  and  many  of  them 
his  hungry  parasitical  pensioners),  as  there  were  out  of  all 
other  Clu-istian  kingdoms  and  nations  put  togethere  ?  How 
was  that  general,  wherein  there  were  not  so  many  Bishops 
present,  at  the  determination  of  the  weightiest  controversies 
concerning  the  rule  of  Faith  and  the  exposition  thereof,  as 
the  king  of  England  could  have  called  together  in  his  own 
dominions  at  any  one  time  upon  a  month's  warnings  ?  How 
was  that  general,  which  was  not  generally  received  by  all 
Churches  ?  even  some  of  the  Eoman  communion  not  admitting 
it^.  We  have  seen  heretofore,  how  the  French  ambassador, 
in  the  name  of  the  king  and  Church  of  France,  protested 
against  it' ;  and  until  this  daj^,  though  they  do  not  oppose  it, 
but  acquiesce,  to  avoid  such  disadvantages  as  must  ensue 
thereupon,  yet  they  did  never  admit  it.  Let  no  man  say, 
that  they  rejected  the  determinations  thereof  only  in  point  of 
discipUne,  not  of  doctrine ;  for  the  same  canonical  obedience 
is  equally  due  to  an  acknowledged  general  Council  in  point 
Nor  free;  of  discipUne,  as  in  point  of  doctrine.  And  as  it  was  not 
general,  so  neither  was  it  free,  nor  lawful :  not  free ; — where 
the  place  could  afford  no  security  to  the  one  party,  where  the 
accuser  was  to  be  the  judgeJ,  where  any  one  that  spake  a  free 


'  [Sleidan,  Comment,  de  Statu  Relig. 
etReipubl.,  Carolo  V.  Csesare,  lib.  xvii. 
p.  488,  Francof.  1610.] 

^  [Of  thirty-three  Bishops  who  were 
present  at  the  opening  of  the  Council 
of  Trent  in  1546,  twenty-five  were 
Italians  (Sleidan,  ibid.).  Of  sixty-two 
present  in  the  16th  Session,  in  15.52, 
twenty- two  were  Italians  (Sleidan,  ibid, 
lib.  xxiii.  p.  693.).  Of  267  present  in 
the  last  Session,  in  1563,  187  were 


Italians  (Richer.,  Hist.  Concil.  Gener., 
lib.  iv.  p.  ii.  c.  5,  §  7.).  That  the  Pope 
pensioned  Bishops  there,  see  Fra  Paolo's 
Hist,  du  Cone,  de  Trente  par  Courayer, 
lib.  ii.  cc.  20,  29,  liv.  vi.  c.  23.] 

h  [See  the  Hist,  du  Cone,  de  Trente, 
liv.  viii.  ec.  85—88,  and  Append.  No. I.] 

'  [c.  vii.  p.  221,  note  r.] 

i  Sleid.,  lib.  xvii.  [in  an.  1546, 
p.  490.] 


THE  CHUllCH  or  ENGLAND. 


259 


word  had  his  mouth  stopped,  or  was  tm'ned  out  of  the  Council'',  Discourse 
where  the  few  Protestants,  that  adventured  to  come  thithei*,   '■  


were  not  admitted  to  dispute',  where  the  legates  "gave  auricular 
votes™,"  where  the  Fathers  were  noted  to  be  guided  by  "the 
Spirit  sent  from  Rome  in  a  mail","  where  divers,  not  only  new 
Bishops,  but  new  Bishoprics,  were  created,  during  the  sitting 
of  the  convent,  to  make  the  Papalins  able  to  over-vote  the 
Tramontanes" :  nor  yet  lawful ; — in  regard  of  the  place,  which  Nor  lawful, 
ought  to  have  been  in  Germany ;  '  actor  debet  rei  forum  sequi' 
— '  a  guilty  person  is  to  he  judged  in  his  province,'  and  the 
cause  to  be  pleaded  where  the  crime  was  committed;  and 
hkewise  in  regard  of  the  judge ;  in  every  judgment  there 
ought  to  be  fom*  distinct  persons,  the  accuser,  the  witness, 
the  guilty  person,  and  the  judge  ;  but  in  the  Council  of  Trent, 
the  Pope  by  himself  or  his  ministers  acted  all  these  parts  him- 
self; he  was  the  right  guilty  person,  and  yet  withal  the  accuser 
of  the  Protestants,  the  witness  against  them,  and  their  judge ; 
lastly,  no  man  can  be  lawfully  condemned  before  he  be  heard  ; 
but  in  this  Council  the  Protestants  were  not  allowed  to  pro- 
pose their  case,  much  less  to  defend  it  by  lawful  disputation  p. 

III.  Thirdly,  it  is  objected,  and  here  they  think  they  have  ill.  We 
us  sure  locked  up,  that  we  cannot  deny  but  that  the  Bishop  substracted 
of  Rome  was  our  Patriarch,  and  that  we  have  rebelled  against 
him,  and  cast  off  our  canonical  obedience  in  our  Reformation,  fto™ 

To  this  supposed  kiUing  argiunent  I  give  three  clear  Patriarch, 
solutions. 

1.  First,  that  the  British  Islands  neither  were,  nor  oue;ht  [i- T!?^ 

.  ....  .  British 

to  be,  subject  to  the  jmisdiction  of  the  Reman  Patriarch,  as  islands 
hath  been  sufficiently  demonstrated  in  my  tliird  conclusion'',  nor  ought 
For  all  Patriarchal  jurisdiction,  being  of  human  institution,  jo\he" 
must  proceed  either  from  some  canon  or  decree  of  a  general  jurisdiction 
Council,  or  of  such  a  provincial  Council  as  had  power  to  Roman 
obhge  the  Britons  to  obedience ;  or  from  the  grant  or  con-  P**"'''^'^^'^ 
cession  of  some  of  their  sovereign  princes;  or  fi'om  the 

k  [Hist,  du  Cone,  de  Treiite,  liv.  ii.  ed.  1640.] 
c.  61.]  o    [C.  Molin.,  Consil.  super  fact. 

1  [Sleid.,  lib.  xxiii.   in  an.  1552,  Concil.  Trid.,  §  21.— Expos.  Caus.,  ob 

pp.  686 — 692.]  quas  Elector.  &c.  Imp.  Germ.  Concil. 

[A  saying  of  Lanssac  or  Du  Bel-  Trid.  non  agnoscant  (A.  D.  1562),  ep. 

lay,  in  reference  to  their  intriguing  for  Goldast.,  Polit.  Imper.  P.  xxvii.  num.  x. 

votes :  Hist,  du  Cone,  de  Trente,  liv.  vii.  pp.  1268,  1269.] 
c.  21.]  P  Sleid.  lib.  xxiii.  [pp.  686,  sq.] 

"  Hist.  Concil.  Trid.  [bk.  vi.  p.  497,        '>  [c.  v.  pp.  152,  &c.] 

s  2 


260 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   voluntary  submission  of  a  free  people ;   or,  lasth^,  from 
—  ■ —  custom  and  prescription.    If  they  liad  any  sucli  canon,  or 
grant,  or  submission,  they  would  quickly  produce  it ;  but  we 
know  they  cannot.    If  they  plead  custom  and  prescription 
immemorial,  the  burden  must  rest  upon  them  to  prove  it ; 
but  when  they  have  searched  aU  the  authors  over  and  over 
who  have  written  of  British  affairs  in  those  days,  and  all 
their  records  and  registers,  they  shall  not  be  able  to  find  any 
one  act,  or  so  much  as  any  one  footstep,  or  the  least  sign,  of 
any  Roman  Patriarchal  jurisdiction  in  Britain,  or  over  the 
Britons,  for  the  first  six  hundred  years ;  and  for  after-ages, 
the  Roman  Bishops  neither  held  their  old  patriarchate,  nor 
gained  any  quiet  settled  possession  of  their  new  monarchy. 
[2.^Patri-       2.  Secondly,  I  answer,  that  Patriarchal  power  is  not  of 
power  is     Divine  riglit,  but  human  institution;    and  therefore  may 
DWine      either  be  quitted,  or  forfeited,  or  transferred :  and  if  ever  the 
tiferel'ore'^  Bisliops  of  Rome  had  any  Patriarchal  jurisdiction  in  Britain, 
raay  either  yet  they  had  botli  quitted  it,  and  forfeited  it  over  and  over 
orforfeifed  again,  and  it  was  lawfully  transferred.    To  separate  from  an 
ferred"]"     ecclesiastical  authority  which  is  disclaimed  and  disavowed  by 
the  pretenders  to  it,  and  forfeited  by  abuse  and  rebellion, 
and  lawfidly  transferred,  is  no  schism. 
TheRoman     «•  First,  I  say,  they  quitted  then'  pretended  Patriarchal  right, 
^ukt°eT     ■"'lien  they  assumed  and  usurped  to  themselves  the  name 
and  thing  of  Universal  Bishops,  Spiritual  Sovereigns,  and 
sole  Monarchs  of  the  Church,  and  Masters  of  all  Christians. 
To  be  a  Patriarch,  and  to  be  an  Universal  Bishop  in  that 
sense are  inconsistent,  and  imply  a  contradiction  in  adjecto  : 
the  one  professeth  human,  the  other  challengeth  Di^dne, 
institution  ;  the  one  hath  a  limited  jiu-isdiction  over  a  certain  12 
province,  the  other  pretendeth  to  an  unhmited  jurisdiction 
over  the  whole  world ;  the  one  is  subject  to  the  canons  of  the 
Fathers,  and  a  mere  executor  of  them,  and  can  do  nothing 
either  against  them,  or  besides  them ;  the  other  challengeth 
an  absolute  sovereignty  aboA  C  the  canons,  besides  the  canons, 
against  the  canons,  to  make  them,  to  abrogate  them,  to  sus- 
pend their  influence  by  a  non-obstante,  to  dispense  with 
them  in  such  cases  wherein  the  canon  gives  no  dispensative 
power,  at  his  own  pleasure,  when  he  will,  where  he  will,  to 

'  [See  preceding  chap.,  pp.  253,  251.] 


their  Pa- 
triarchate. 


THK   CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND. 


261 


whom  he  will.  Therefore  to  claim  a  power  paramount  and  Discours 
sovereign  monarchical  royalty  over  the  Churchy  is  implicitly  — — — 


and  in  effect  to  disclaim  a  Patriarchal  aristocratical  dignity. 
So, 

"  Non  tellus  cymliam,  tellurem  cymba  reliquit  ;" — 

it  was  not  we  that  deserted  our  pretended  Patriarch,  but 
our  pretended  Patriarch  deserted  his  Patriarchal  office.  So 
long  as  the  Popes  contented  themselves  with  Patriarchal 
rights,  they  soared  no  higher  than  to  be  the  executors  of  the 
canons.  AVhen  Acacius  complained  that  he  was  condemned 
by  the  sole  authority  of  the  Roman  Bishop  without  a  synodal 
sentence,  Gelasius  the  Pope  then  pleaded  for  himself,  that 
"Acacius  was  not  the  beginner  of  a  new  error,  but  the 
follower  of  an  old ;  and  therefore  it  was  not  necessary  that  a 
new  synodal  sentence  shoukl  be  given  against  him,  but  that 
the  old  should  be  executed  :  therefore"  (saith  he)  "I  have 
only  put  an  old  sentence  in  execution,  not  promulged  a  new^." 

/3.  And  as  they  had  quitted  their  title,  so  likcAvise  they  had  And  for- 
forfeited  it,  both  by  their  rebelhon,  and  by  their  exorbitant  •^"^''^ 
abuses. 

First,  by  their  notorious  rebelhon  against  general  Councils.  By  rebei- 
The  authority  of  an  inferior  ceaseth  when  he  renounceth  ' 
his  loj'alty  to  his  superior,  from  whom  he  derives  his  power. 
A  general  Council  is  the  supreme  ecclesiastical  power,  to, 
which  Patriarchal  power  was  alwaj^s  subordinate  and  subject. 
General  Councils  with  the  consent  of  sovereign  princes  have 
exempted  cities  and  provinces  from  Patriarchal  jurisdiction  * ; 
with  the  consent  of  sovereign  princes  they  have  erected  new 
Patriarchates,  as  at  Hierusalem  and  Constantinople";  and 
made  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  equal  in  all  privileges 
to  the  Patriarch  of  old  Romc'^.  Against  this  supreme  eccle- 
siastical power  the  Popes  have  not  only  rebelled  themselves, 
but  have  compelled  all  Bishops  under  their  jurisdiction  to 
take  an  oath  to  maintain  their  rebellious  usui-pations. 

When  a  president  of  a  province  shall  rebel  against  his 

'  Gelas.,  [ap.  Gratian.,  Decret.,  P.ii.  Concil.  Chalced.  (A.D.  451.)  Act.  vii., 

Causa]  2+,  Qu.  I.  c.  1.  ibid., torn. i v. pp. 612— 61 7.  SeeBingh., 

*  Concil.  Constantinop.  [seu  Trullan.  bk.  ii.  c.  16.  §  1 1  Concil.  Constantinop. 

A.D.  692.]  can.  39.  [ap.  Labb.,  Con-  (A.D.  381)  can.  3.  ibid.,  torn.  ii.  p. 

cil.,tom.  vi.  pp.  1160,  1161.]  947.] 

"  [Concil.  Nic»n.  [A.  D.  323]  can.  7.        ^   Concil.  Chalced.   can.  28.  [ap. 

[ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  toni.  ii.  p.  32. —  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  iv.  p.  769.] 


263 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  sovereign  prince,  and  seek  to  usurp  the  whole  empire  to 
 '-  himself,  and  impose  new  oaths  of  allegiance  upon  his  fellow- 
subjects,  it  is  not  treason  but  loyalty  in  them  to  thrust  him 
by  the  head  and  shoulders  out  of  the  gates  of  their  city. 
When  a  steward  not  imposed  upon  the  family  by  the  master, 
but  chosen  in  trust  by  his  fellow-servants  during  their 
master's  absence,  shall  so  far  \iolate  his  trust,  that  he  ^viU  by 
force  make  himself  the  master  of  the  family,  and  usurp  a 
dominion,  not  only  over  his  fellows,  but  over  his  master's  -^vife 
and  children,  and  oblige  his  fellow-servants  to  acknowledge 
an  independent  sovereign  power  in  him ;  it  is  not  want  of 
duty,  but  fidehty,  to  substract  their  obedience  from  him. 
This  is  our  case  with  the  Roman  Bishops.  They  have  sought 
to  usurp  a  dominion  over  the  Cathohc  Church,  the  Spouse  of 
Christ,  and  all  their  fellow-servants.  Then  ought  not  all 
good  Christians  to  adhere  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  desert 
a  schismatical  Patriarch?  They  have  rebelled  against  the 
representative  Church,  a  general  Council.  Should  we  involve 
ourselves  in  their  rebellion  and  perjury,  by  swearing  to  main- 
tain and  make  good  their  usurpations  ? 

I  confess,  inferiors  are  not  competent  judges  of  their 
superiors ;  but  in  this  case  of  a  subordinate  superior,  and  in 
a  matter  of  heresy  or  schism  already  defined  by  the  Chm-ch, 
the  sentence  of  the  judge  is  not  necessary ;  the  sentence  of 
the  law  and  the  notoriety  of  the  fact  are  sufficient.  It  is  not 
we  that  judge  him,  but  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle. 
Neither  coidd  oiu'  ancestors  hope  to  have  a  general  Council 
suddenly,  whilst  so  great  a  part  of  Christendom  was  under 
the  Turk ;  nor  a  free  occidental  Council,  whilst  the  usiu-per 
had  all  ecclesiastical  power  in  his  hands.  What  remained 
then,  but  to  reform  themselves  ?  According  to  the  sage 
advice  of  Gerson,  "  I  see  that  the  reformation  of  the  Chm'ch 
will  never  be  effected  by  a  Council,  without  the  presidence  of 
a  well  affected,  wise,  and  constant  guide.  Let  the  members 
therefore  provide  for  themselves  tlu-oughout  the  kingdoms 
and  proAdnces,  when  they  shaU  be  able,  and  know  how  to 
compass  this  worky." 
And  by  Moreover,  as  they  have  forfeited  their  power  by  their  1 
'  ^  '       rebelUon,  so  they  have  most  justly  also  by  their  rapine, 

*  Gerson,  [Dial.]  Apolog.,  de  Concil.  Constant.,  [Op.]  P.  iii.  [fol.  300,  Z.] 


THE  CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND. 


26S 


extortions,  and  terrible  and  exorbitant  abuses,  the  most  Discourse 
shameftd  abuses  that  ever  were  committed  by  persons  trusted.  — — 

To  pass  by  the  Hundred  Grievances  of  Germany,  the  com- 
plaints and  protestations  and  Pragmatical  Sanctions  of  France, 
the  Memorials  of  Castile,  the  Sobs  of  Portugal ;  and  to  con- 
fine my  discourse  to  the  sufterings  of  our  own  nation,  which 
have  been  more  particularly  related  already  in  this  treatise, 
when  I  set  down  the  grounds  of  our  Reformation  2, 

They  robbed  the  king  of  his  investitures  of  Bishops,  which 
Henry  the  Fii'st  protested  to  the  Pope  himself  by  his  proctor, 
that  he  would  not  lose  for  his  kingdom,  and  added  threat- 
enings  to  his  protestations :  yet,  to  gratify  Anselm,  who 
(though  otherwise  most  deserving)  was  the  first  violator  of 
the  ancient  customs  of  our  kingdom  in  that  kind,  he  waved 
his  right'';  but  soon  after  resumed  it,  made  Rodolph  Bishop 
of  London  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  invested  him  by  a 
crosier  and  a  ring  <=.  The  like  he  did  to  many  others.  They 
robbed  the  king  of  his  patronages,  by  their  collations,  and 
provisions,  and  expectative  graces.  Two  or  three  or  ten 
benefices  were  not  accounted  sufficient  for  a  Roman  coiirtier 
in  those  days,  but  a  hundi'ed,  or  two  hundred,  or  more"^. 
They  robbed  him  of  the  last  appeals  of  his  subjects,  contrary 
to  the  ancient  laws  of  England^.  They  fomented  the  rebelhon 
of  his  own  subjects  at  home,  sometimes  of  his  barons,  sometimes 
of  his  Bishops,  playing  fast  and  loose  onboth  sides  for  advantage. 
They  disinherited  him  of  his  crown.  They  gave  away  his  king- 
dom for  a  prey  to  a  foreign  prince.  They  incited  strangers 
to  make  war  against  him.  And  they  themselves  by  mere  col- 
lusion and  tricks  had  well  near  thrust  him  out  of  his  throne. 

They  robbed  the  clergy  in  a  manner  of  their  whole  juris- 
diction by  their  exemptions,  and  reservations,  and  visitations, 
and  suspensions,  and  appeals,  and  legantine  com'ts,  and  nun- 
ciatm-es,  "  thrusting  their  sickles  into  every  man's  harvest 
They  robbed  them  of  their  estates  and  livelihoods,  by  their 
provisions,  and  pensions,  by  their  coadjutorships,  and  first- 

[c.  vi.  pp.  179—192.]  Rer.  Expetend.  et  Fugiend.,  p.  559.] 
Matth.  Paris.,  in  an.  1103.  [p.  59.]        '  Matth.  Paris.,  in  an.  1161.  [pp. 

"  Idem,  in  an.  1107.  [p.  63.]  102,  103.] 

[Idem.,]  in  an.  1 113.  [p.  65.]  f  [Bernard.,  De  Consider,  in  Papam, 

Nich.  de  Claniengiis,  De  Corrupto  lib.  i.,  ap.  Goldast.,  S.  Rom.  Imp.,  torn. 

Eccles.  Statu,  [in  Append,  ad  Fascic.  ii.  p  70.] 


264 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part   fruits,  and  tenths,  by  the  vast  charge  of  theii*  investitures, 

 '■  and  palls,  and  I  know  not  how  many  other  sorts  of  exactions 

and  arbitrary  impositions.  The  most  ancient  of  these  was  the 
pall,  whereof  our  king  Canutus  complained  long  since  at 
Rome,  and  had  remedy  promised  s. 

They  robbed  the  nobility  and  commonalty  many  ways,  as 
hath  been  formerly  related. 

If  aU  these  were  not  a  sufficient  cause  of  forfeiture,  certainly 
abuse  did  never  forfeit  office. 
[Their]         y.  And  though  they  had  sometimes  had  a  just  Patriarchal 
power  was  power,  and  had  neither  forfeited  it  by  rebelhon  nor  abuse ; 
Ir^y^rred.  J^^>       king  and  the  whole  body  of  the  kingdom,  by  their 
legislative  power,  substractiug  their  obedience  from  them  and 
erecting  a  new  Patriarchate  within  their  own  dominions,  it  is 
a  sufficient  warrant  for  all  Englishmen  to  suspend  their  obe- 
dience to  the  one,  and  apply  themselves  to  the  other,  for  the 
welfare  and  tranquiUity  of  the  whole  body  poHtic,  as  hath 
before  been  declared^. 
The  power     3.  Thirdly,  I  answer,  that  obedience  to  a  just  Patriarch 
rejected^  is  of  110  larger  extent  than  the  canons  of  the  Fathers  do 
PafriLrehai  ^^j^ii^    '  ^^^>  ^ince  the  division  of  Britain  from  the  empire, 
nor  cano-   no  cauoiis  are,  or  ever  were,  of  force  with  us,  fiu'ther  than  they 
were  received  and  by  their  incorporation  became  Britannic 
laws  ;  which,  as  they  cannot,  nor  ever  could,  be  imposed  upon 
the  king  and  kingdom  by  a  foreign  Patriarch  by  constraint, 
so,  when  they  are  found  by  experience  prejudicial  to  the 
public  good,  they  may  as  freely,  by  the  same  king  and  king- 
dom, be  rejected. 

But  I  shall  Avind  up  this  string  a  little  higher ;  suppose 
that  the  whole  body  of  the  canon  law  were  in  force  in  Eng- 
land (which  it  never  was),  yet  neither  the  Papal  poAver  which 
we  have  cashiered,  nor  any  part  of  it,  was  ever  given  to 
any  Patriarch  by  the  ancient  canons,  and  by  consequence 
the  separation  is  not  schismatical  nor  any  withdrawing  of 
canonical  obedience.  "What  power  a  Metropolitan  had  over 
the  Bishops  of  his  own  province  by  the  cauon-law,  the  same 
and  no  other  had  a  Patriarch  over  the  Metropolitans  and 
Bishops  of  sundry  provinces  within  his  own  Patriarchate; 


K  Baron.,  Aniial.,  torn,  xi.,  in  an.  [c.  vi.  pp.  177,  178.] 

1027.  [num.  4.] 


THE  CHURCH  OP  ENGLAND. 


265 


but  a  Metropolitan  anciently  conlcl  do  notMng  out  of  liis  own  Discourse 

diocese  Avitbout  the  concurrence  of  the  major  part  of  the  __H:  

I  Bishops  of  his  province ;  nor  the  Patriarch  in  Hke  manner 
■without  the  advice  and  consent  of  his  Metropolitans  and 
Bishops. 

Wherein  then  consisted  Patriarchal  authority?  In  or- 
daining their  Metropolitans  (for  with  inferior  Bishops  they 
might  not  meddle),  or  confirming  them,  or  imposing  of 
hands  ;  in  giving  the  pall :  in  convocating  Patriarchal  sjoiods, 
and  pi'csiding  in  them ;  in  pronouncing  sentence  according 
to  the  pluraHty  of  voices  (that  was,  when  MetropoUtical 
synods  did  not  suffice  to  determine  some  emergent  diffi- 
culties or  differences) :  and,  lastly,  in  some  few  honorary  pri- 
vileges, as  the  acclamation  of  the  Bishops  to  them  at  the 
latter  end  of  a  general  Council,  and  the  like,  which  signify 
not  much In  all  this  there  is  nothing  that  we  dislike  or 
would  seek  to  have  abrogated.  Never  any  Patriarch  was 
guilty  of  those  exactions,  extortions,  encroachments  upon  the 
civil  rights  of  princes  and  their  subjects,  or  upon  the  eccle- 
siastical rights  of  Bishops,  or  of  those  provisions,  and  pen- 
sions, and  exemptions,  and  reservations,  and  dispensations, 
and  inhibitions,  and  pardons,  and  indulgences,  and  usurped 
sovereignty,  which  our  Reformers  banished  out  of  England. 
And  therefore  their  separation  was  not  any  ways  from 
Patriarchal  authority. 

I  confess,  that  by  reason  of  the  great  difficxilty  and  charge 
of  convocating  so  many  Bishops,  and  keeping  them  so  long 
together  until  all  causes  were  heard  and  determined,  and  by 
reason  of  those  inconveniencies  which  did  fall  upon  their 
Churches  in  their  absence,  provincial  Councils  were  first 
reduced  from  twice  to  once  in  the  year,  and  afterwards  to 
once  in  tlu'ee  years And  in  process  of  time  the  hearing  of 
appeals  and  such  hke  causes,  and  the  execution  of  the  canons 
in  that  behalf,  were  referred  to  Metropohtans ;  until  the 
Papacy  swallowed  up  aU  the  authority  of  Patriarchs,  and 
Metropolitans,  and  Bishops.  "  Serpens  serpentem  nisi  ederet, 
nonfieret  draco^." 

i  [Bingh.,  Orig.  Eccles.  bk.  ii.  c.  c.  57.  §  8.] 
17.  §  12—19.]  '  [See  Erasm.,  Adag.,  Chil.  iii.  Cent. 

k  [Bingh.,  bk.i.  c.  10.  §  3.— Thomass.,  3.  Prov.  61.] 
Eccles.  Vet.  et  Nov,  Discipl.  P.  ii.  lib.  iii. 


266 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part 
I. 

IV.  Gregory 
the  Great 
acquired 
no  Patri- 
archal right 
in  England 
by  the  con- 


[Lu.  1.79.1 


[Consider- 
ation 1.] 


[Consider- 
ation 2.] 


IV.  Peradventiire  it  may  be  urged  in  the  fourth  place,  that 
Gregory  the  Great,  who  by  his  ministers  was  the  first  con- 
verter of  the  English  nation  about  the  six  hundredth  year  of 
our  Lord,  did  thereby  acquire  to  himself  and  his  successors  a 
Patriarchal  authority  and  po\yer  over  England  for  the  future. 

"We  do  MT.th  all  due  thankfulness  to  God,  and  honourable 
respect  to  his  memory,  acknowledge,  that  that  blessed  Saint 
was  the  chief  instrument,  under  God,  to  hold  forth  the  first 
Hght  of  saving  truth  to  the  English  nation,  who  did  formerly 
"  sit  in  darkness  and  in  the  shadow  of  death whereby  he 
did  more  truly  merit  the  name  of  Great,  than  by  possessing 
the  chair  of  St.  Peter.  And  therefore  whilst  the  sometimes 
flourishing,  now  poor  persecuted.  Church  of  England,  shall 
have  any  being, 

"  Semper  lionos  nomenque  suum  laudesque  manebunt  >»." 

But  whether  this  benefit  did  intitle  St.  Gregoiy  and  his 
successors  to  the  Patriarchate  of  all  or  any  part  of  the 
British  Islands,  deserves  a  further  consideration. 

1.  First,  consider,  that  at  that  time  (and  until  this  day), 
half  of  Britain  itself  and  two  third  parts  of  the  Britannic 
Islands  did  remain  in  the  possession  of  the  Britons,  or 
Scottish  and  Irish,  who  still  continued  Christians,  and  had 
their  Bishops  and  Protarchs  or  Patriarchs  of  their  own  ; 
from  whom  we  do  derive  in  part  our  Christianity,  and  Holy 
Orders,  and  privileges.  Without  aU  controversy  the  con- 
version of  the  Saxons  by  St.  Gregory  coidd  not  prejudice  the 
just  liberties  of  them  or  their  successors. 

2.  Secondly,  consider,  that  the  half  of  Britain  which  was 
conquered  and  possessed  by  the  Saxons,  Avas  not  solely  and 
altogether  peopled  by  Saxons.  A  world  of  British  Christians 
did  remain  and  inhabit  among  the  conquerors.  For  we  do 
not  find,  either  that  the  Saxons  did  go  about  to  extirpate 
the  British  nation,  or  compel  them  to  turn  renegadoes  from 
their  religion,  or  so  much  as  demohsh  their  churches ;  but 
contented  themselves  to  chase  away  persons  of  eminency  and 
parts  and  power,  whom  they  had  reason  to  suspect  and  fear ; 
and  made  use  of  vulgar  persons  and  spirits  for  their  own 
advantage.  This  is  certain,  that,  Britain  being  an  island 
whither  there  is  no  access  by  land,  all  those  who  were  trans- 

m  [/En.  i.  609.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


367 


ported,  or  could  have  been  transported,  by  sea  on  such  a  Discourse 

sudden,  could  not  of  themselves  alone,  in  probability  of  rea  — 

son,  have  planted  or  peopled  the  sixth  part  of  so  much  land 

!  as  Avas  really  possessed  by  the  Saxons.  And  therefore  we 
need  not  wonder  if  Queen  Bertha,  a  Galloise  and  a  Christian, 

I  did  find  a  congregation  of  Christians  at  Canterbury  to  join 
Avith  her  in  her  religion,  and  a  church  called  St.  Martin's 
builded  to  her  hand,  and  stood  in  need  of  Lethargus  a 
Bishop  to  order  the  affairs  of  Christian  religion,  before  ever 
St.  Avistin  set  foot  upon  English  ground  Neither  did  the 
British  want  their  chui'ches  in  other  places  also,  as  appears 
by  that  commission  which  the  king  did  give  to  Austin 
(among  other  things),  to  repair  the  churches  that  were 
decayed  °.  These  poor  subdued  persons  had  as  much  right 
to  their  ancient  privileges,  as  the  rest  of  the  unconquered 
Britons. 

3.  Thirdly,  consider,  that  all  that  part  of  Britain  which  [Consider- 
was  both  conquered  and  inhabited  by  the  Saxons,  was  not  ^'^ 
one  entire  monarchy,  but  divided  into  seven  distinct  king- 
doms, which  were  not  so  suddenly  converted  to  the  Christian 
Faith  all  at  once,  but  in  long  tract  of  time,  long  after 
St.  Gregory  slept  with  his  fathers,  upon  several  occasions,  by 
several  persons.  It  was  Kent  (and  some  few  adjacent 
counties),  that  was  converted  by  Austin.  It  is  true,  that 
Ethelbert  king  of  Kent,  after  his  own  conversion,  did  en- 
deavour to  have  planted  the  Christian  Faith  both  in  the 
kingdoms  of  Northumberland  and  the  East- Angles,  with  fair 
hopes  of  good  success  for  a  season.  But,  alas,  it  wanted 
root ;  within  a  short  time  both  kings  and  kingdoms  apostated 
from  Clirist,  and  forsook  theu'  religion  P.  The  kingdoms  of 
the  West  Saxons  and  of  the  South  Saxons  under  Kingils 
their  king,  who  did  unite  the  heptarchy  into  a  monarchy, 
were  converted  by  the  preaching  of  Berinus  an  Italian,  by 
the  persuasions  of  Oswald  king  of  Northumberland  Oswald 
king  of  Northumberland  Avas  baptized  in  Scotland,  and  reli- 
gion luckily  planted  in  that  kingdom  by  Aidan  a  Scottish 


"  Bed.,  [Hist.  Eccles.,]  lib.  i.  cc. 
25,  26.  ILuidhardxis.] 

0  Bed.,  [ibid.,]  lib.  i.  c.  26. 

"  [Id.,  ibid.,  lib.  ii.  cc.  9,  15,  lib.  iii. 


c.  l.J 

Speed,  [Chron.,]  in  tlie  Kings  of 
the  West  Saxons,  an.  612.  [p.  305.  §  6. 
Ed.  Lend.  1627.] 


268 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part  Bishop  Penda  king  of  Mercia  was  converted  and  christened 
by  Finanus,  successor  of  Aidan^  by  the  means  of  a  marriage 
with  a  Christian  princess  of  the  roj  al  family  of  Northumber- 
land®. Sigibert  king  of  the  East  Angles,  in  whose  days, 
and  by  whose  means,  religion  took  root  among  the  East 
Saxons,  was  converted  and  christened  in  France  All  these 
Saxons  which  were  converted  by  Britons  or  Scots,  may  as 
justly  plead  for  their  old  immunities  as  the  Britons  them- 
selves. We  acknowledge  St.  Gregory  to  have  been  the  first 
that  did  break  the  ice.  And  yet  we  see  how  small  a  propor- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  Islands  do  owe  their 
conversion  to  Rome,  in  probability  not  a  tenth  part. 
[Consider-     4.  Fourthly,  consider,  that  the  conversion  of  a  nation  to 

ation  4.  ] 

the  Christian  Faith  is  a  good  ground  in  equity  (all  other 
circumstances  concurring),  why  they  should  rather  submit 
themselves,  or  a  general  Council  assign  them,  to  that  See 
that  converted  them,  than  to  any  other  Patriarchate ;  as  was 
justly  pleaded  in  the  case  between  the  Bishops  of  Rome  and 
Constantinople  about  the  right  of  jvu'isdiction  over  the  Bul- 
garians ^ ;  but  the  conversion  of  a  nation  is  no  ground  at  all 
to  invest  their  converter  presently  with  Patriarchal  authority 
over  them,  or  any  ecclesiastical  superiority  :  especially  where 
too  great  a  distance  of  place  doth  render  such  jmisdiction 
useless  and  burdensome  ;  and  most  especially  where  it  cannot 
be  done  without  prejudice  to  a  former  owner,  thrust  out  of 
his  just  right  merely  by  the  power  of  the  sword  (as  the 
British  Primates  were),  or  to  the  sul)jecting  of  a  free  nation 
to  a  foreign  prelate  without  or  beyond  their  own  consent. 
In  probability  of  reason  the  Britons  owed  their  first  con- 
version to  the  Eastern  Chui'cli,  as  appeareth  by  theii'  accord 
with  them  in  Baptismal  rites,  and  the  observation  of  Easter ; 
yet  never  were  subject  to  any  eastern  Patriarch.  Sundry  of 
our  British  and  English  Bishops  have  converted  foreign 
nations,  yet  never  pretended  to  any  jurisdiction  over  them. 
[Consider-  5.  Fifthly  and  lastly,  consider,  that,  whatsoever  title  or 
ation  5.]     j.jgj^^  g|.  Gregory  did  acquii'e,  or  might  have  acquired,  by  his 

'  Bed.,  [Hist.  Eccles.,]  lib.  iii.  cc.  the  East  Angles,  an.  [636,  p.  326.  §  5.] 

4  et  5.  "  [Vita  Iladiian.  JI.  Pap.,  in  Labb., 

'  Bed.,  [ibid.,]  lib.  iii.  c.  21.  Concil.,  toni.  viii.  p.  893.— in  an.  869.] 
'  Speed,  [Chron.,]  in  the  Kings  of 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


269 


piety  and  deserts  towards  tlie  English  nation,  it  was  per-  Discourse 

sonalj  and  could  not  descend  from  him  to  snch  successors,  — — 

who  both  forfeited  it  many  ways,  and  quickly  (within  four  or 
five  years)  after  his  death  quitted  their  Patriarchate,  and  set 
a  higher  title  to  a  spii-itual  monarchy  on  foot,  wliilst  the 
most  part  of  England  remained  yet  Pagan,  when  Pope  Boni- 
face did  obtain  of  Phocas  the  usurper  (an  usm-ping  Pope 
from  an  usurping  emperor)  to  be  Universal  Bishop  ^. 

V.  Their  cannon-shot  is  past ;  that  which  remains  is  but  a  [V-  Jlinor 
small  volley  of  musquets.  They  add,  that  we  have  schis-  tions.]" 
matically  separated  ourselves  from  the  communion  of  our 
ancestors,  whom  we  believe  to  be  damned ;  that  we  have 
J  separated  ourselves  from  oui-  ecclesiastical  predecessors,  by 
breaking  in  sunder  the  line  of  Apostolical  succession,  whilst 
our  Presbyters  did  take  upon  them  to  ordain  Bishops,  and  to 
propagate  to  their  successors  more  than  they  received  from 
their  predecessors ;  that  our  Presbyters  are  but  equivocal 
Presbyters,  wanting  both  the  right  matter  and  form  of  Pres- 
byterial  Ordination  (to  extinguish  the  Order  is  more  schis- 
matical,  than  to  decline  their  authority) ;  and,  lastly,  that  we 
derive  our  Episcopal  jurisdiction  from  the  crown. 

1.  First,  for  ovir  natural  fathers,  the  answer  is  easy.  We  i.We  con- 
do  not  condemn  them,  nor  separate  ourselves  from  them,  ourfethers. 
Charity  requires  us  both  to  think  well,  and  speak  well,  of 
them.  But  prudence  commands  us  likewise  to  look  weU  to 
ovu-selves.  We  believe  our  fathers  might  partake  of  some 
errors  of  the  Roman  Chm-ch;  we  do  not  believe  that  they 
were  guilty  of  any  heretical  pra\'ity,  but  held  always  the 
truth  imphcitly  in  the  preparation  of  their  minds,  and  were 
always  ready  to  receive  it  when  God  should  be  pleased  to 
reveal  it.  Upon  these  grounds,  we  are  so  far  from  damning 
them,  that  we  are  confident  they  were  saved  by  a  general  re- 
pentance. He,  that  searchetli  carefully  into  his  own  heart 
to  find  out  his  errors,  and  repenteth  truly  of  all  his  known 
sins,  and  beggeth  pardon  for  his  unknown  errors  proceeding 
out  of  invincible,  or  but  probable,  ignorance,  in  God's  accep- 
tation repenteth  of  all.  Otherwise  the  very  best  of  Christians 
were  in  a  miserable  condition.  For  "  who  can  tell  how  oft 
he  oflFendeth  ?"  ^"-^ 

"  [See  pp.  131,  158.] 


272 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Pa^rt   decree  of  Eugenius  the  Fourth  "i;  a  time  too  late  in  con- 

 '■  science  for  introducing  either  a  double  matter  and  form,  or 

■  a  new  matter  and  form,  of  that,  which  is  acknowledged  by 
them,  and  not  denied  by  us  in  a  larger  sense,  to  be  a  Sacra- 
ment. All  we  say  is  this,  that  it  is  not  a  Sacrament  gene- 
rally necessary  to  salvation,  as  Baptism  and  the  Holy 
Eucharist  are. 

4.  We  de-  4.  Neither  do  we  draw  or  derive  any  spiritual  jurisdic- 
risdiction  tion  from  the  crown ;  but  either  liberty  and  power  to  exer- 
crown.*^^  cise,  actually  and  lawfully,  upon  the  subjects  of  the  crown, 
that  habitual  jurisdiction  which  we  received  at  our  ordi- 
nation ;  or  the  enlargement  and  dilatation  of  our  jm-isdiction 
objecti^'ely,  by  the  prince's  referring  more  causes  to  the  cog- 
nizance of  the  Church  than  formerly  it  had ;  or,  lastly,  the 
increase  of  it  subjectively,  by  their  gi^dng  to  ecclesiastical 
judges  an  external  coercive  power,  which  formerly  they  had 
not.  To  go  yet  one  step  higher;  in  cases  that  are  indeed 
spiritual,  or  merely  ecclesiastical,  such  as  concern  the  doc- 
trine of  Faith,  or  administration  of  the  Sacraments,  or  the 
ordaining  or  degrading  of  ecclesiastical  persons,  sovereign 
princes  have  (and  have  only)  an  '  architectonicaP  power,  to 
see  that  clergymen  do  their  duties  in  their  proper  places. 
But  this  power  is  always  most  properly  exercised  by  the 
adrice  and  ministry  of  ecclesiastical  persons ;  and  some- 
times necessarily,  as  in  the  degradation  of  one  in  Holy 
Orders  by  ecclesiastical  delegates.  Therefore  our  law  pro- 
vides, that  nothing  shall  be  judged  heresy  with  us  de  novo, 
but  "  by  the  High  Court  of  Parliament"  (wherein  our  Bishops 
did  always  bear  a  part),  "  with  the  assent"  (that  is  more  than 
advice)  "  of  the  clergy  in  their  Convocation In  sum, — we 
hold  oui'  benefices  from  the  king,  but  our  ofiices  from  Christ; 
the  king  doth  nominate  us,  but  Bishops  do  ordain  us.  I 
touch  these  things  more  briefly  now,  because  I  have  handled 
them  more  at  large  in  a  full  'Answer  to  all  the  Objections 
brought  by  S.N.  Doctor  of  Theology,  in  the  twentieth 
chapter  of  the  Guide  of  Faith,  or  the  third  Part  of  his 
Antidote  against  om*  Holy  Orders,  our  jurisdiction,  and 


d  An.  1439.  [Decret.  Eugen.  Papas     See  Bingh.,  bk.  iv.  c.  6.  §  13.  and 
IV.  ad  Armenos  (in  Concil.  Florentin.),     Courayer,  as  before  quoted,  c.  3.] 
ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  xiii.  p.  538.  E.        '  [1  Eliz.  c.  1.  §  36.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


273 


power  to  expound  Scripture'";'  which,  if  God  send  oppor-  Discourse 

tunity,  may,  if  it  be  thought  convenient,  perhaps  one  day  see  '■  

the  hght. 

The  confovmding  of  those  two  distinct  acts,  intimated  by  me  Bishops 
in  tliis  paragraph,  that  is,  nomination  or  election,  with  ordina-  to*no"^m--' 
tion  or  consecration,  hath  begotten  many  mistakes  in  the  workl  presbyteS 
on  several  sides;  among  which,  the  respect  I  owe  to  the  British  of  p'^ 

°  ^  Britain. 

Churches  mil  not  permit  me  to  pass  by  one  untouched. 

I  have  read  related  but  confusedly,  out  of  venerable  Bede,  [instwices 
sundiy  histories  by  very  learned  authors  of  Aidan,  a  Scottish  mistaken.] 
Bishop,  sent  to  Oswald,  king  of  Northumberland,  for  the 
conversion  of  his  people,  from  the  Island  of  Hy,  wherein  was 
one  of  the  principal  monasteries  of  the  northern  or  Ulster 
Scots,'  &c. ;  "  sicque  eum  ordinantes  ad  prcedicandum  mise- 
runf^" — "  so  the  college  ordaining  him  Bishop  sent  him  to 
preach;"  as  likewise'  of  'Columbanus  his  coming  into  Britain, 
where  he  had  assigned  unto  him  the  island  Hy  or  lona  for 
the  building  of  a  monastery ;'  "  habere  autem  solet  ipsa  insidu 
rectorem  semper  Abbatem  Presbyteriim,  ciijus  juri  et  omnis 
provincia,  et  ipsi  etiam  Episcopi  ordine  inusitato,  debeant  esse 
subjectii" — "that  island  used  to  have  a  governor,  an  Abbot, 
a  Presbyter,  to  whose  jurisdiction  both  the  whole  pro\Tince, 
)  and  the  Bishops  themselves  by  an  unusual  order,  ought  to  be 
subject These  testimonies  they  account  so  clear,  as  to  be 
able  to  enlighten  the  dullest  eye.'  And  hence  they  conclude, 
not  only  that  Presbyters  may  ordain  Bishops  and  be  their 
spiritual  governors,  but  that  it  was  "  communis  quodammodo 
Anglormn  omnium  regida,"  "  a  common  rule  of  all  the  EngHsh 
in  a  manner,"  that  "Bishops  being  monks,  should  be  subject 
to  their  abbots'." 

I  lionoiu'  Bede  as  the  light  of  his  age,  who  justly  gained  to 
himself  the  name  of  Venerable  throughout  the  Occidental 
Church.  And  I  doubt  not  but  he  writ  what  he  heard.  But 
certainly  he  could  not  have  such  clear  distinct  knowledge  of 
particular  cu-cimistances,  as  they  who  have  been  upon  the 
place  and  seen  the  records  thereof. 

'  [Discourse  vii.  Part  iv.]  '  [Blondel.,  ibid.,]  p.  370. 

^  Blondel.,  Apolog.    [pro   Sentent.  >  [Bed.,  ibid.,  c.  4.] 

Hieron.  de  Episcop.,  Sect,  iii.],  pp.  ^  [Blonde!.,  ibid.,]  p.  367. 

307,  &c.  '  [Id.,  ibid.,]  p.  371. 

"  [Bed.,  Hist.  Eccles.,  lib.  iii.  c.  5.] 

BRAMHALL.  T 


274 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


[First  mis- 
take.] 


[Second 
mistake.] 


[Tliird 
mistake.] 


[Fourth 
mistake.] 


1.  First,  there  is  a  great  mistake  in  the  person.  Cokimba 
-  and  Cohimbanus  lived  both  in  the  same  age,  but  Columbanus 

was  much  the  younger;  who  propagated  Christian  rehgion 
much,  but  it  was  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  It  was  not 
Columbanus,  but  Columba,  that  converted  the  British  Scots, 
and  founded  both  the  Bishopric  of  Derry  by  another  name, 
and  the  Abbey  of  Derry ;  and  likewise  the  Bishopric  of  the 
Isles  in  Scotland,  and  the  Abbey  of  lona; — he  whom  the 
Irish  call  to  this  day  ColumkiU,  "quia  multarum  cellarum 
pater  ™  "  (as  his  own  scholar  gives  the  reason  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  his  life),  "because  he  was  the  father  or  founder  of 
many  churches  or  cells"." 

2.  Secondly,  they  confound  the  places ; — the  Abbey  of 
Derry  or  Derrimagh,  '  quod  lingua  Scotoruin  significat  campum 
roborum^'  (saith  Bede) — 'which  in  Ii'ish^  (that  was  the 
ancient  Scottish)  '  signifies  a  field  or  plain  of  oaks,'  which 
was  indeed  situated  in  the  territories  of  the  northern  Ulster 
Scots,  with  the  Abbey  of  Zona  situated  in  Britain. 

3.  Thirdly,  they  confound  the  actions  ; — mission,  which  is 
no  more  than  nomination  or  election,  with  ordination  or  con- 
secration. Who  so  proper  to  choose  a  Bishop  as  the  Chapter? 
So  was  that  convent  until  the  Reformation.  Who  so  proper 
to  ordain  as  the  Bishop  ?  For  neither  Derry,  nor  the  Isles, 
did  ever  want  a  Bishop  from  their  first  conversion.  So, 
referenda  singula  singulis,  the  words  of  Bede  are  plain, — the 
Chapter  named,  and  the  Bishop  ordained. 

4.  Fovirthly,  they  mistake  the  subjection.  The  Abbot  was 
the  lord  of  the  manor,  and  so  the  Bishop  was  subject  to  the 
Abbot  in  temporalibus.  But  the  Abbot  was  every  where  sub- 
ject to  the  Bishop  in  sjnritualibus,  who  did  annually  visit 
both  the  Abbey  and  the  Abbot,  as  by  the  visitation-rolls 
and  records  (if  these  intestine  wars  have  not  made  an  end  of 
them)  may  appear.  You  see  upon  what  conjectiu'al  grounds 
critics  many  times  build  new  paradoxes,  which  one  latent  cir- 
cumstance being  known  is  able  to  disperse  and  dissipate  with 
all  their  probable  presumptions.  If  it  had  not  been  thus,  it 
is  no  new  thing  for  an  Abbot  to  challenge  Episcopal  jurisdic- 

[Vita  II.  S.  Columb.,  c.  1,  ap.  "  [See  Usslier,  De  Primord.  Brit. 

Colgan.,  Triad.  Thaumat.  Acta  &c.,  ed.  Eccles.,  c.  xv.  pp.  687-910.] 

Lovan.  1617,  and  Append.  V.  c.  1.  °  [Bed.,  Hist.  Eccles.,  lib.  iii.  c.  4. — 

ibid.]  See  Ussher,  ibid.,  c.  xv.  pp.  691.  1034.] 


THE  CIirRCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


275 


tioUj  or  to  contend  with  his  Bishop  about  it.  What  is  this  to  Discoursk 
mere  presbyters  qtici  tales  ?   — 

5.  Lastly,  they  contradict  Venerable  Bede.    He  saith  it  [Fifth  mis- 
was  " ordine  inusitato" — "by  an  imusual  orderP."   They  say  ^^^'^'^ 
it  was  "in  a  manner  the  common  rule  of  all  the  Euglishi." 
And  this  they  say  upon  pretence  of  a  decree  of  the  Council 
of  Hereford,  that  'such  Bishops,  as  had'  voluntai'ily  'pro- 
fessed monkery,  should  perform  their  promised  obedience 
which  is  altogether  impertinent  to  then-  pm'pose.    Doth  any 
man  doubt,  whether  Bishops  might  freely  of  their  own 
accord  enter  into  a  religious  order  ?  or  that  they  Avere  not  as 
well  obliged  to  perfonn  their  vow  as  others  ?  Some  emperors 
have  done  the  same ;  yet  no  man  will  conclude  from  thence, 
that  emperors  are  inferior  to  Abbots. 

Such  mistakes  are  all  theii'  instances,  except  they  light  by  unformed 
chance  upon  an  unformed  Church  before  it  Avere  well  settled  :  no  firpre- 
— as  if  a  man  shovdd  argue  thus ;  there  have  been  no  Bishops  <=e'leiit. 
in  Virginia  during  the  reigns  of  King  James  and  King 
Charles,  therefore  the  clergy  there  were  ordained  by  pres- 
byters.   We  know  the  contraiy, — that  they  had  their  ordina- 
tion in  England.    So  had  the  clergy,  in  unformed  Chui'ches, 
foreign  ordination. 

This  is  part  of  that  wliicli  we  have  to  say  for  a  proper 
Patriarchate,  and  for  our  exemption  from  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Koman  Court,  from  which  om-  separation  is  much  wider 
than  from  the  Roman  Chm-ch.  Other  differences  may  make 
I  particular  breaches,  but  the  Roman  Com  t  makes  the  universal 
schism  between  them  and  all  the  rest  of  the  Christian  world, 
and  hath  been  much  complained  of,  and  in  part  shaken  off, 
by  some  of  their  own  communion. 

I  coiild  wish  with  all  mj^  heart,  that  they  were  as  ready  to 
quit  their  pretended  prerogatives, — which  not  we  alone,  but 
all  the  world  except  themselves,  and  a  great  part  of  themselves 
privately,  so  condemn, — as  Ave  should  be  to  wave  our  just 
privileges,  and,  if  need  were,  to  sacrifice  them  to  the  common 
peace  of  Christendom.  This  was  a  more  noble  and  a  more 
speedy  Avay  to  a  re-union,  than  a  Pharisaical  '  compassing  of  [Matt. 


p  [Bed.,  ibid.]  673.)  can.  4,  ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn. 

1  [Blondel.,  Apolog.  &c.,  p.  371.]  vi.  p.  .538.  For  Hereford,  in  the  text, 
'  [.\ct.  Concil.  Herudford.  (A.  D.     read  Her/ford.] 


276 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    sea  and  land,  to  make  particular  proselytes  of  all  those,  whom 

— '■  either  a  natural  levity,  or  want  of  judgment,  or  discontent, 

or  despair  to  see  the  Church  of  England  re-estabhshed,  or 
extreme  poverty  and  expectation  of  some  supply,  have  pre- 
pared for  their  baits ;  whom  they  do  not  court  more  until 
they  have  gained  them,  than  they  neglect  after  they  think 
they  have  them  sm'e,  as  daily  experience  doth  teach  us. 


CHAP.  X. 

THE  CONCLUSION  OF  THIS  TREATISE. 

Answer  to      This  is  the  treatise  of  schism  intimated  in  my  answer  to 
La  Miiie-   Moiisieur  de  la  Milletiere  ^,  but  not  promised  by  me,  who 
t'l-re.]       i5^now  nothing  of  the  impression    nor  should  have  judged  it 
proper  to  give  an  English  answer  to  a  French  author.  How- 
soever, being  pubhshed,  I  own  it,  except  the  errors  of  the 
press :  among  which  I  desire  the  Clu'istian  reader  to  take 
notice  especially  of  one,  because  it  perverts  the  sense.    It  is 
noted  in  the  margin". 
[Hard  con-     They  who  liaA'e  composed  minds  free  from  distracting  cares, 
theEngiisii  and  mcans  to  maintain  them,  and  fi-iends  to  assist  them,  and 
exiles.  ]     their  books  and  notes  by  them,  do  little  imagine  with  what 
difficulties  poor  exiles  struggle,  whose  minds  are  more  intent 
on  what  they  should  eat  to-morrow,  than  what  they  should 
write,  being  chased  as  vagabonds  into  the  merciless  world  to 
beg  relief  of  strangers : — a  hard  condition,  that,  when  the 
meanest  creatures  are  secui'ed  from  that  fear  of  wanting 
necessaiy  sustenance  by  the  bounty  of  God  and  nature, — 
that  only  men,  the  best  of  creatures,  should  be  subjected  to  it 
by  undeserved  cruelty.    Peruse  all  the  histories  of  the  latest 
wars,  among  Dutch,  French,  Swedes,  Danes,  Spaniards,  Poles, 
Tartars,  and  Tui'ks,  and  you  shall  not  meet  with  the  like 
hard  measm^e.    Did  the  king  of  Spain  conquer  a  town  from 
the  Hollanders?    He  acquired  a  new  dominion,  but  the 
property  of  private  men   continued   the   same.    Did  the 
Hollanders  take  in  a  town  from  the  Spaniard  ?    They  made 


'  [Answ.  to  La  Milletiere,  pp.  -■'6,  CO.  "  P.  [45],  1.  [32],  for  "Neither  do 
of  this  vol.]  you,"  read  "Moreover  yon  do,"  [as 

'  [i.  c.  of  the  Answ.  to  La  Milletiere.]     corrected  in  this  edition.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


277 


provision  for  the  very  cloisterers,  during  their  lives.  So  did  Discourse 
our  Henry  tlic  Eighth  also  at  the  dissolution  of  the  Abbeys.  — ^ — 
'Violent  things  last  not  long.' 

Or  if  exiles  can  subsist  without  begging,  yet  they  are 
necessitated  to  do  or  suffer  things  otherwise  not  so  agreeable 
to  them :  wherein  they  deserve  the  pity  of  all  good  men. 
When  Alexander  had  conquered  Darius,  and  found  many 
Grecians  in  his  army,  "he  commanded  to  detain  the  Athenians 
prisoners,  because,  having  means  to  hve  at  home,  they  chose 
rather  to  serve  a  Barbarian ;  and  the  Thessalians,  because 
they  had  a  fruitful  country  of  their  own  to  till :  but  (said  he) 
suffer  the  Thebans  to  go  free,  for  we  have  left  them  neither 
a  city  to  live  in,  nor  fields  to  till        This  is  our  condition, 

WTien  the  fi'ee  exercise  of  the  Roman  religion  was  pro- 
hibited in  England,  and  they  wanted  seminaries  at  home  for 
the  education  of  their  youth,  and  means  of  ordination ;  yet, 
by  the  bounty  of  foreign  princes,  and  much  more  by  the 
free  contribution  of  our  own  countrymen  of  that  communion, 
they  had  colleges  founded  abroad  for  their  subsistence.  So 
careful  were  they  to  propagate  and  perpetuate  their  religion 
in  their  native  country.  The  last  age  before  these  uiahappy 
7  troubles  was  as  fi-uitful  in  works  of  piety  and  charity  done 
by  Protestants,  as  any  one  preceding  age  since  the  conversion 
of  Britain :  and,  although  we  cannot  hope  for  that  foreign 
assistance  which  they  found,  yet  might  we  have  expected  a 
larger  supply  from  home,  by  as  much  as  om-  professors  are 
much  more  numerous  than  theirs  were.  Hath  the  sword  [i  Kings 
devoured  up  all  the  charitable  Obadiahs  in  our  land?  or  is 
there  no  man  that  lays  "the  affliction  of  Joseph"  to  heart? 
Yet  God,  that  maintained  His  people  in  the  wilderness  3, 4.  xxix. 
without  the  ordinary  supply  of  food  or  raiment,  will  not  [pfi  cxxvi. 
desert  us,  until  "  He  tm-n  om-  capti^dty  as  the  rivers  in  the 
South."    Where  human  help  faileth.  Divine  begins. 

But  to  draw  to  a  conclusion. — We  have  seen  in  this  short  [Recapitu- 
treatise  how  the  Court  of  Rome  hath  been  the  cause  of  all 
the  differences  and  broUs  between  the  emperors  Avith  other 
Christian  princes  and  states,  and  the  Popes  ^.    We  have  seen 
that  from  the  excesses,  abuses,  innovations,  and  extortions,  of 

"  Plutarch.  [Apophthegm.  Regum.in         ^  [p.  vi.  pp.  179-102.  c.  vii.  pp.  207, 
Alexand.,  num.  22,  Op.  Moral.,  torn.  i.     &c.  c.  viii.  pp.  246,  &c.] 
p.  501.  ed.  Wyttenb.] 


278 


A  JUST  VINDICATION  OF 


Part    that  Court,  have  sprung  all  the  schisms  of  the  Eastern  and 

 Western  Churchy  and  of  the  Occidental  Church  within  itself^. 

We  have  heard  the  confession  of  Pope  Adi-ian^  that  "for 
some  years  by-past  many  things  to  be  abominated  had  been 
in  that  holy  See,  abuses  in  spiritual  matters,  excesses  in  com- 
mands, and  all  things  out  of  order."  AVe  have  heard  his 
promise  "to  endeavour  the  reformation  of  his  own  Court, 
from  whence  peradventure  all  the  e^al  did  spring,  that,  as 
corruption  did  flow  from  thence  to  the  inferior  parts,  so  might 
health  and  reformation :  to  which  he  accounted  himself  so 
much  more  obhged,  by  how  much  he  did  see  the  whole  world 
greedily  desire  a  reformation  We  have  -^dewed  the  repre- 
sentation which  nine  selected  Cardinals  and  prelates  did 
make  upon  their  oaths  to  Paul  the  Third ;  that  '  this  lying 
flattering  principle,^  that  "the  Pope  is  the  lord  of  all  benefices, 
and  therefore  could  not  be  simoniacal,"  was  "  the  fountain, 
from  whence,  as  from  the  Trojan  horse,  so  many  abuses  and 
so  grievous  diseases  had  broken  into  the  Chm-ch,  and  brought 
it  to  a  desperate  condition,  to  the  derision  of  Cliristian  reh- 
gion,  and  blaspheming  of  the  name  of  Christ,"  and  that  "  the 
cure  must  begin  there,  from  whence  the  disease  did  spring^." 
We  may  remember  the  memorial  of  the  king  of  Spain,  and 
the  whole  kingdom  of  Castile  ;  that  "  the  abuses  of  the  Com-t 
of  Rome  gave  occasion  to  all  the  reformations  and  schisms  of 
the  Church  <= — and  the  complaint  of  the  king  and  kingdom 
of  Portugal ;  that  "  for  these  reasons  many  kingdoms  had 
Avithdrawn  their  obedience  and  reverential  respect  from  the 
Chui-ch  of  Rome"^."  These  were  no  Protestants.  The  first 
step  to  health,  is  to  know  the  true  cause  of  our  disease. 
[How  far  It  hath  been  long  debated,  whether  the  Protestant  and 
testant  and  Roman  Churches  be  reconcileable  or  not.  Far  be  it  from  me 
Churches  make  myself  a  judge  of  that  controversy.  Thus  much  I 
cifeable  ]'  ^^^'^  observed,  that  they  who  understand  the  fewest  contro- 
versies, make  the  most,  and  the  greatest.  If  questions  were 
truly  stated  by  moderate  persons,  both  the  number  and  the 
height  would  be  much  abated.  Many  diff"erences  are 
grounded  upon  mistakes  of  one  another's  sense.    Many  are 


z  [c.  viii.  pp.  217,  &c.] 

«  [c.  vii.  pp.  207,  208.  note  a.] 

"  [c.  vii.  p.  208.  note  d.J 


"  [c.  vii.  p.  196,  note  r.] 
"  [c.  vii.  p.  238,  note  a.] 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


279 


mere  logomacliies  or  contentions  about  words.    Many  are  Discourse 

merely  scholastical,  above  the  capacity  and  apprehension  of  '■  

ordinary  brains.  And  many  doubtless  are  real,  both  in  cre- 
dendis  and  agendis — both  in  doctrine  and  discipline.  But 
"whether  the  distance  be  so  great,  or  how  far  any  of  these  are 
necessary  to  salvation,  or  do  intrench  upon  the  fundamentals 
of  religion,  requires  a  serious,  judicious,  and  impartial  con- 
sideration. There  is  great  difference  between  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  the  persons,  and  the  reconciliation  of  the  opinions. 
Men  may  vary  in  their  judgments,  and  yet  preserve  Christian 
unity  and  charity  in  their  affections  one  towards  another,  so 
as  the  errors  be  not  destructive  to  fundamental  articles. 

I  determine  nothing,  but  only  crave  leave  to  propose  a 
question  to  all  moderate  Christians,  who  love  the  peace  of  the 
Church,  and  long  for  the  re-union  thereof : — in  the  first 
place,  if  the  Bishop  of  Rome  were  reduced  from  his  univer- 
sality of  sovereign  jm-isdiction  jure  Divino,  to  his  " principium 
unitatis,"  and  his  Coui't  regulated  by  the  canons  of  the 
Fathers,  which  was  the  sense  of  the  Councils  of  Constance 
and  Basle,  and  is  desired  by  many  Roman  Catholics  as  well 
as  we :  secondly,  if  the  Creed  or  necessary  points  of  faith 
were  reduced  to  what  they  were  in  the  time  of  the  four  first 
(Ecumenical  Councils,  according  to  the  decree  of  the  third 
58  general  Council''  (who  dare  say  that  the  Faith  of  the  primitive 
Fathers  was  insufiicient  ?),  admitting  no  additional  articles, 
but  only  necessary  explications ;  and  those  to  be  made  by  the 
authority  of  a  general  Council,  or  one  so  general  as  can  be 
convocated :  and,  lastly,  supposing  that  some  things  from 
whence  offences  [are]  either  given  or  taken  (which,  whether 
right  or  wrong,  do  not  weigh  half  so  much  as  the  unity  of 
Christians),  were  put  out  of  DiAone  offices,  which  would  not 
be  refused  if  animosities  were  taken  away  and  charity  re- 
stored : — I  say,  in  case  these  three  things  were  accorded, 
which  seem  very  reasonable  demands,  whether  Christians 
might  not  live  in  a  holy  communion,  and  join  in  the  same 
public  Avorship  of  God,  free  from  all  schismatical  separation 
of  themselves  one  from  another,  notwithstanding  diversities 
of  opinions,  which  prevail  even  among  the  members  of  the 
same  particular  Chiu'ches,  both  with  them  and  us. 

'  Concil.  Ephes.,  Part  ii.  Act.  6.  c.  5.  [ap.  Labb.,  Concil.,  torn.  iii.  p.  689.  A.] 


ii,    note  a,  for  "XV," 


"  Colborne," 

'IX," 

'  XV," 


'  Golbourn.' 

'VIII." 

'XVI." 


eo,  margin, 
.first  half  of  1 


1510." 
'  Ussher.' 


OXFORD : 
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•Bradshaw,  Job,  Esq.  Secretary  to  the 
Englishman's  Library,  Nottingham 
*Braithwaite,  W.  Esq.  Jesus  College, 

Cambridge 
■"Braniston,  Rev.  John,  Withani,  Essex 
♦Branker,  Rev.  Henry,  Padgate  War- 
rington 

*Bray,  Dr.  Associates  of,  5  copies 
*Brett,  Mr.  Newington  Green 
Jirewin,  Rev.  George,  Coventry 
''Brewster,  Rev.  W.  Buckland  Newton, 

Dorchester 
Bridges,  Rev.  A.  B.  Beddingtori 
*Bright,  Mr.  William,  Manchester 
*Brine,  J.  G.  Esq.  St.  John's  College, 

Oxford 

Broadley,  Rev.  A.  Bridport,  Dorset 
•Brook,  Rev.  W.  Builley,  SunTuik 
Brooks,  Rev.  J.  11.  Braseiiose  College, 
Oxford 

Brown,  Rev.  Felix,  Pulborough,  near 
Petworth 


*Brown,  Rev.  H.  St.  James's,  Shore- 
ditch,  London 

•Brown,  John  Cave,  Esq.  Theological 
College,  Wells 

•Brown,  Messrs.  J.  G.  and  T.  C. 
Leicester 

•Brown,  Rev.  J.  J.  Beaumaris, Anglesea 

•Browie,  Rev.  E.  H.  Exeter 

Browne,    Rev.   John,  Bishopsthorpe, 

Yorkshire 
Browne,  Rev.  R.  W.  King's  College, 

London 

•Bruce,  Rev.  W.  St.  Nicholas,  Cardill' 
Brymer,  Ven.  Archdeacon,  Bath 
Bubb,      Rev.      Henry  Bagendon, 

Cirencester 
Buckerfield,  Rev.  T.  H.  Little  Bedwyii, 

Wilts 

•Buckland,  J.  R.  Esq.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•Buckle,  AV.  H.  Esq.  Customs,  Bridge- 
water 

•Buckley,  W.  E.  Esq.  Brasenose  Col- 
lege, Oxford 

Buckley,  Rev.  J.  Stroud 

Buller,  Rev.  A.  Tavistock 

Bulley,  Rev.  F.  Magd.  Coll.  Oxford 

*Bullock,  Rev.  G.  M.  St.  John's  Coll. 
Oxford 

•Bullock,  W.  Esq.  Kilburn,  Middlesex 
•Bunbury,  Rev.  J.  R.  North  Marstor, 

Winslow,  Bucks 
•Bunt,  Rev.  T.  H.  B.  Trin.  Coll.  Camb. 
•Burney,  Rev.  C.  Sible-Hedinghani, 

Halsted,  Essex 
•Burney,  E.  K.  Esq. 

*  Burns,  Mr.  1 7,  Portman-street,Londou 
•Burton,  llcv.  R.  C.  York  Terrace, 

Peckhani 

**  Butler,  Rev.  Dr.  Chancellor  of  Peter- 
borough, Gayton,  Northampton 
•Butler,  Rev.  D.  Coventry 
•Butler,  Rev.  James,  York 

*  Butt,  Rev.  1.  J.  Hampstead 
•Butterfield,  Rev.  J.  Bradfoid,  York- 
shire 

*Byron,  Rev.  J.  Killingholine,  near 
Burton 

•Byrne,  Mrs.  Henry,  Worcester 

*  Calcutta,  The  Lord  Bishop  of 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


♦Calcutta,  The  Bishop's  College 
*Calley,  C.  B.  Esq.  Worcester  College, 
Oxford 

*Calman,  J.  J.  Esq.  Worcester  Col- 
lege, Oxford 

*Cameron,  Rev.  Charles 

Campbell,  Rev.  C.  Weasenham, 
Roiigham,  Norfolk 

*  Campbell,  Rev.  J.  J.  Ashford,Wicklow 
*Campbell,  L.L.Esq.  Middleton  Lodge, 

Richmond,  Yorkshire 
*Canham,  A.  J.  Esq.  Summer-hill, 
Terstarden,  Kent 

*  Canterbury  Clerical  Book  Society 
*Capper,  S.  J.  Esq.  Leyton,  Essex 
*Carey,  Rev.  Hewitt 

*Carshove,  Rev.  Jos.  James,  chaplain 
Hon.  East  India  Company's  Service, 
Cawnpore,  Bengal 
Carter,  Rev.  J.  St.  John's  Coll.  Oxford 
•Carter,  Rev.  T.  T.  Puddle  Hinton, 
Dorset 

*  Carter,  Rev.  W.  A.  Eton  College 
*Carthew,    Rev.    James,  Trengelos, 

Launceston 
"Casson,  John  Lees,  Esq. 

*  Cather,  Rev.  John,  Wrexham 
*Cattley,  Rev.  S.  R.  Fulham 
*Cattley,  R.  Esq.  York 
Cavendish,  Hon.  and  Rev.  A.  Edgeware 
Cavendish,  Hon.  R.  Belgrave-square 
•Chaffers,  Rev.  T.  Brasenose  College, 

Oxford 

Chamberlain,  Rev.  T.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•Chambers,  J.  C.  Esq.  Emmanuel  Coll. 

Cambridge 
•Chambers,  J.  D.  Esq.  Oriel  College, 

Oxford 

•Chambers,   O.  L.  Esq.  University 

College,  Oxford 
**Champernowne,   R.   Esq.  Ch.  Ch. 

Oxford 

•Champneys,  Rev.  H.  S.  Mucklestone, 

Stafibrdshire 
•Chanter,  Rev.  Mr. 

•Chermside,  R.  Seymour,  Esq.  Exeter 

College,  Oxford. 
Cheshyre,  Rev.  W.  T.  Worcester 

*  Chester,  Rev.  A.  Chichely  Hall 
•Chester,  Harry,  Esq.  Highgate 
Chevallier,  Rev.  Temple,  Dmham 


•Chichester,  Very  REV.TnF,DE.4N  OF 
•Chichester  Theol.  Book  Society 
Christie,  Rev.  J.  F.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 
•Church,  Rev.  R.  AV.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 
Churton,  Rev.  E.  Crayke,  Diirham 
Clare,  Rev.  G.  T.  Bainton,  Beverley 
•Clark,  Rev.  Fran.  F.  Grammar  School, 

Newcastle 
•Clark,    Rev.    John,    Grove  Villa, 

Hunslet,  Leeds 
•Clarke,  L.  S.  Esq.  New  Coll.,  Oxford 
•Clarke,  Samuel,  Esq.  St.  John's  Coll. 

Oxford 
•Clay,  Rev.  S.  G. 

•Clayton,  Rev.   J.   H.  Famborough 

Rectory,  Hants 
»  Cleather,  Rev.  G.  P.  Chirton,  Devizes, 

Wilts 

Clements,  J.  Esq.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 
Clerical  Society,  Newcastle-on-Tyne 
•Clerical  Society  of  the  Deanery  of 

Droxford,  Hants 
•Clerke,  Venerable  C.  C.  Archdeacon 

of  Oxford 
*  Coates,  Rev.  R.  P.  Rochester 
•Cobham,  Rev.  I.  B.  Walton,  Somerset 
•Cockin,   M.    Esq.  Minchinhampton, 

Gloucestershire. 
Cocks,  Somers,  Esq. 
•Codd,  Rev.  E.  T.  St.  John's  College, 

Cambridge 
fCole,  Rev.  M.  S.  Wotton-under-Edge 
•Cole,  Rev.  G.  E.  Calne,  Wilts 
•Coleridge,  Hon.  Mr.  Justice 
•Coleridge,  Rev.  E.  Eton  College 
Coleridge,  Rev.  George 
Coles,  Rev.  G.  Croydon 
•Coley,  Rev.  J. 

•Collier,  C.  I.  Esq.  Magd.  Hall,  Oxford 
•Ceilings,  Mr.  E.  Bath 
Collings,  Rev.  William 
•Collins,  Rev.  R.  Ilampstead 
Collinson,  Rev.  R.  Holme  Cultram 
•Collis,  Rev.  J.  D.  Worcester  College, 
Oxford 

•Colls,  Rev.  I.  F.  Hampstead 
•Collyns,  C.  H.  Esq.  Ch.  Ch.  O.xford 
Colson,  Chas.  Esq.  St.  John's  College, 

Cambridge 
•Colville,  Rev.  F.  L. 
Connop,  Newell,  Esq.  AVhitehall 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


•Constable, Rev.  H.  Klonakilty,  County 
Cork,  Ireland 

•  Constable,  J.  C.  Esq.  Jesus  College, 
Cambridge 

Coope,  Rev.  H.  G.  Clunn,  Sbropsliire 
•Cooper,  Rev.  E.  P.  Burford,  Oxen. 
"Copeland.Rev.W.J.TrinityColl. Oxford 
Corfe,  Rev.  T.  Priest  Vioar,  Exeter 
Cork,  The  Venerable  the  Archdeacon  of 
Cork  Tract  Society,  The 
•Cornish, Rev.  C.L.Exeter  Coll.Oxford 
•Cornish,  Rev.  S.  W.  D.D.  Ottery 
St.  Mary,  Devon 

•  Cornthwaite,  Rev.  T.  Hornsey 
Cosens,  Rev.  R.  Dorchester 
•Cotes,  Charles,  Esq. 

•  Cotton,  Rev.  W.  C. 

•Cotton,  Alexander,  Esq.  Hildersliam 

Hall,  Cambridgeshire 
CouRTENAY,  LoRD,  Powderliam  Castle 
Courtenay,.  Rev.  F.  Exeter  Coll.  Oxford 
•Cox,  Rev.  I.  Edm.  Alderby,  near 

Beccles,  Suffolk 
fCox,  Rev.  J.  Walgrave,  Northampton 
Crawley,  Rev.  C.  Stowe,  near  "VVeedon 
•Crawley,  C.  Esq.  Highgate 
•Crawley,  G.  A.  Esq.  Highgate 

•  Crawley,  Rev.  R.  Steeple  Ashton, 
Trowbridge 

•Creek,  Rev.  E.  B.  Paignton,  Devon 
•Cripps,  J.  M.  Esq.  Novington,  near 
Lewes 

Croinpton,  Rev.  B.  Uuswortli,  near 
Buiy,  Lancashire 

•Crossley,  .Tames,  Esq.  Manchester 

•Crossley,  Mr.  John  S.  Leicester 

•Crosthwaite,  Rev.  J.  C.  Trinity  Col- 
lege, Dublin 

•Crosthwaite,  Rev.  C.  Lackagh  ]\Ioiias- 
terevan,  Ireland 

•Currie,  Rev.  James 

•Currie,  Miss 

Cun-ie  &  Bowman,  Newcastle-on-Tyne 
•Currie,  Rev.  II.  G. 
Curry,  jun.  and  Co.  Dublin 
Cust,  Hon.  and  Rev.  H.  C.  Cockayne, 
Hatley 


•*St.  David's,  The  Loud  Bishop  of 


•Dakeyne,  Rev.  J.  Osmond,  Boxmoor, 
Herts 

Dale,  Rev.  Henry,  Bristol 
•Dalton,  Rev.  C.  B.  Lincoln's  Inn 
•Dalton,  Rev.  W.  Kelvedon,  Essex 
•Dand,  Rev.  Thos.  Queen's  College, 

Oxford 

•Daniel,  George  Fred.  Esq.  Magdalen 

College,  Cambridge 
•Darby,  Rev.J.Curate of  Acton,Ireland 
•Darling,  Mr.  Little    Queen  Street, 

London 

•Darnell,    Rev.    W.   N.  Stanhope, 

Durham 
Darnell,  Rev.  W, 

•Davenport,  Arthur,  Esq.,  Christ's  Coll. 

Cambridge. 
Davie,  Rev.  George  John,  Hartwell, 

near  Aylesbury 
Davies,  Rev.  J.  Abbenhall,  Gloucester 
Davies,  Rev.  Richard,  Stanton 
•Dawson,   J.   Esq.    Exeter  College, 

Oxford 

•Dawson,    Charles,    Esq.  Baymont 

Lodge,  Torquay 
•Dayman,  Alfred  J.  Esq.  Exeter  Coll. 

Oxford 

•Dayman,  Rev.  Charles,  Great  Tew, 
Oxon 

•Deacon,    Rev.    G.   E.  Rawmarsh, 

Rotheram,  Yorkshire 
Deane,  J.  W.  Esq.  St.  John's  College, 

Oxford 

Doardcn,  Mr.  W.  Nottingham 
Deedes,  Rev.  Gordon 
•Deighton,  Messrs.  J.  &  J.J.  Cambridge 
Denierara  Clerical  Library 
•Denton,Rev.  R.  A.  King's  Coll.  Camb. 
•Do  Tessier,  G.  F.  Esq.  C.  C.  C.  Oxford 
De  Tessier,  P.  A.  Esq.  C.  C.  C.  Oxford 
•De  Vere,  Sir  Aubrey,  Cun-ati  Chase 
•*Dickiiison,  F.  H.  Esq. Upper  Harley- 
street,  London 

•  Disney,  Rev.  E.  O.  Armagh,  Ireland 

•  Disney,  Rev.  James,  Armagh,  Ireland 
Distin,    Rev.    IL  L.  Westmoreland 

House,  High  Harrogate 
•Dixon,  Rev.  James,  Liverpool 
•Dobson,  B.  Esq.  Bolton 
•Dodsworth,  Rev.  W.  Ch.  Ch.  St.  Pan- 
eras,  London 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


•Donaldson,    Rev.   J.   W.  Bury  St. 

Edmund's 
♦Donne,  J. 

Dcniford,  Re\'.  J.  Plymptree,  Devon 
Douglas,  E.  Esq.  BursledoH,  South- 
ampton 

Douglas,  Rev.  H.  College,  Durham 
*Doune,    Rev.  o.    Oswestry  School, 

Shropshire 
Douglas,  Rev.  S.  Ashling,  Chichester 
*Dover  Clerical-Book-Society 
•Dowding,  Rev.W.  Grimley,  Worcester 
*Downe,  Rev.  G.  E.  Rushden  Rectory, 

Higliam  Ferrers,  Northamptonshire 
•Drake,  Rev.  Richard 
*Drummond,  Col.  E.  Brighton 
Duesbury,  E.  W.  T.  Esq.  Beverley, 

Yorkshire 
•  Duffield,  Rev.  R.  Frating,  Colchester 
Dufton,  Rev.  John,  Wareham,  near 

Ashford,  Kent 
*Dugard,  Rev.  G.  Manchester 
•Duke,  W.  M.  D.  Esq.  Hastings 
•Dukes,  Rev.  R.  M.  Guilsborough, 

Northampton 
Dundas,  W.  Pitt,  Esq.  Edinburgh 
•DuNGANNON,  ViscouNT,  BrynHnalt 

Chirk 

•Dunlap,  Rev.  A.  P.  St.  John's  College, 
O.xford 

*Dunn,  J.  Esq.  Advocate,  Aberdeen 
•Dunraven,  theEarl  of,  Adare,  Limerick 
»  Dupuis,  Rev.  H.  Eton  College 
•Durnford,  Rev.  Francis,  Eton  College 
•Du  Sautoy,',  Rev.  W.  S.  O.  Frome 

Selwood,  Somerset 
Dyke,  Rev.  W.  Cradley,  Malvern 
•Dyne,  Rev.  J.  B.  Highgate 
*Dyson,  Rev.  C.  Dogmersfield,  Hart- 
ford Bridge 


Edinburgh,  The  Right  Rev.  The 

Bishop  of 
Edinburgh,    Tlie  Scottish  Episcopal 

Church  Library 
•Eamonson,  Rev.  B.  Collingham 
•Easther,  Alfred,  Esq.  Bcdale,  Yorksh. 
•Eaton,  W.  Esq.  Merton  Coll.  Oxford 
Eaton  and  Son,  Worcester 


Ebsworth,  Rev.  Geo.  Searle,  Brighton 
Eden,  Rev.  R.  Legh,  Rochford 
•Edmondstone,  Sir  Archibald,  Bart. 
•Edouart,  Rev.  A.  G.  Deune,  St.  Paul's 

Cluirch,  Blackburn 
•Edwards,  Rev.  A.  Magdalene  College, 

O.xford 

Egerton,  Rev.  T.  Dunnington,Yorkshire 
*E.  H.  T. 

•Elder,  Rev.  E.  Master  of  the  Grammar 

School,  Durham 
Ellicott,  Rev.  C.  Whitwell,  Rutland- 

sliire 

•Elliot,  J.  E.  Esq.  Catherine  Hall, 

Cambridge 
•Ellis,  Conyngham,  Esq.  4,  Fitzwilliam 

Place,  DubHn 
•Ellison,  H.  Esq.  University  College, 

Oxford 

•Elmliirst,  Rev.  Geo.  Eastnor,  Ledbury 
Elmhirst,  Rev.  Edward,  Shawell,  Les^ 

cestershire 
Elphin,  The  Venerable  Archdeacon  of, 

Ardearne,  Boyle,  Ireland 

•  Elrington,  Rev.  Dr.  Dublin 

•  Elrington,  Rev.  H.  P.  Precentor  sf 
Ferns,  Ireland 

•Elwes,  J.  M.  Esq.  Bossington,  Stock- 
bridge 

Estcourt,  Rev.    E.   E.  Badgeworth, 

Cheltenham 
•Evans,Rev.A.B.D.D.MarketBosworth 
Evans,  Rev.  E.  C.  Ingham 
•Evans,  Herbert  N.  Esq.  Hampstead 
Evans,  L.  Esq.  Wadham  Coll.  Oxford 
Evans,  Rev.  T.  Gloucester 
•Evans,  Rev.  T.  Simpson,  Kensington 
•Eveleigh,  Rev.  James 
Ewart,  W.  Esq.  Exeter  College, Oxford 
•Ewing,    Rev.    W.    Alburgh,  near 

Harleston,  Norfolk 
•Eyton,  Henry  N.  Esq.  Birmingham 
•Eyton,  J.  Walter  K.  Esq.  Leamington 


»Fagan,  Rev.  G.  H.  Witham^  Essex 
♦Falkner,  T.  A.  Esq.  St.  John's  Coll. 
Oxford 

•Fallow,  Rev.  T.  M.  All  Souls,  London 
•Fanshawe,  F.  Esq.  BalUol  Coll.  Oxford 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


•Farebrother,  Rev.  T.  Market  Ilar- 

liorough 
Farley,  Rev.  T.  Ducklington 
•Fearnley,  Rev.   I.    King's  College, 

London 

•Fearon,  Rev.  W.  C.  Grimston,  Ljain, 
Norfolk 

*Fenwicke,  Rev.  G.  O.  Aston,  Birming- 
ham 

♦Fenwicke,  Rev.  M.  G.  Ballyshaniion 

♦FergKson,  Dr.  May  t"air 

•Few,  Robert,  Esq.  2,  Henrietta  Street, 

Co  vent  Garden,  London 
•Field,  Rev.  P.  Finchingfield,  Brain- 

Jtree,  Essex 
•Finch,  Miss  Charlotte 
•Fitzgerald,  Rev.  A.  O.  Fledborough, 

n?ar  Tuxford 
•Fletcher,  T.  W.  Esq.  F.R.S.  Dudley, 

Worcestershire 
•Fletcher,  Rev.  W.  Derby 
•Fletcher,  Rev.  W.  K.  Bombay 
•Fletcher,  Rev.  W.  R. 
••Forbes,  G.  H.  Esq.  Edinburgh 
•Forbes,  I.  S.  Esq.  Christ's  College, 

Cambridge 
*Forbes,    the    Hon.    the   Master  of 

Castle  Forbes,  N.B. 
Ford,  Rev.  J.  Chard,  Somersetshire 

•  Ford,  W.  Esq.  Highgate 
•Formby,  Rev.  H.  Brasenose 
•Forster,  Rev.  H.B.Stratton,Cirencester 
•Foster,  Rev.  J.  S.  Ilchester 
•Foster,  John,  Esq.  St.  Mary  Hall, 

Oxford 

*Foulkes,  Rev.  H.  P.  Buckby  Moim- 
tain,  Flintshire 

•Fowler,  Rev.  C.  A. 

Fox,  Rev.  Charles,  Napperton 

•Fox,  Rev.  C.  J.  Henley-on-Tliames 

Foxe,  Rev.  O.  Worcester 

Frampton,  Rev.  J.  Tetburj',  Gloucester- 
shire 

*France,  Rev.  G.  76  Horseferry  Road, 
Westminster 

•  Eraser,  Rev.R.Stcdmarsh,  Canterbury 
Fraser,  Miss,  Hayes  Common,  Kent 
•Freeland,  E.  Esq.  Chichester 

•  Freeth,"  Frederic  Harvey,  Esq.  80, 
iColeshill  Street,  Eaton-square,  Lon- 
don 


•Frith,  M.  K.  S.  Esq.  Exeter  College, 
Oxford 

Frost,  R.  M.  Esq.  Pembroke  College, 

Cambridge 
Fulford,  Rev.  F.  Trowbridge 
Fyler,  Rev.  S.  Cornhill,  Durham 

•Gace,  Rev.F.A.  Sherington,  Newport- 
Pagnel 

Galton,  Rev.  John  L.  Leamington 
Gardner,  Rev.  W.  Rochford 
Garvey,  Rev.  Richard,  Wakefield 

•  Gibbs,  G.  Esq.  Belmont,  near  Bristol 

•  Gibbs,  G.H.  Esq.  Bedford  Sq.  Londou 

•  Gibbs,  AV.  Esq.  13,  Hyde-Park  Street, 
London 

•Gibson,  J.  Esq.  Jesus  Coll.  Camb. 

•Gibson,  Rev.  Edward,  Alley,  near 
Coventry 

•Gidlcy,  J.  Esq.  Exeter 

Gilbertson,  Rev.  Lewis.  Llaiigorwen, 
near  Aberystwith 

•Gilder,  Rev.  George  Robert,  New- 
port St.  Mary's 

Gilks,  Rev.  W.  Little  Hampton 

f  Gillet,  Rev.  G.  E.  Waltham,  Melton 
Mowbray 

Gillett,  E.  G.  Little  Hampton, 
Cambridge 

Gladstone,  Rev.  John,  Liverpool 

•Gladstone,  W.  E.  Esq.  M.  P. 

Glanville,  Rev.  E.  F.  WheatMd 

*Glencross,  Rev.  James,  Balliol  Coll. 
Oxford 

•Glenie,  Rev.  J.  M.  Salisbury 
•Godlcy,  John  TL  Esq. 
•GofT,  Thomas,  Esq.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 
*Golding,  Rev.  J.  E.  Peterborough 
•Goldsmid,  N.  Esq.  M.A.  Exeter  Coll. 
Oxford 

•Gooch,  Rev.  I.  H.  Head  Master  of 
Heath  School,  Halifax 

•Goodchild,  Rev.  C.  W.,  A.M.,  Free- 
Grammar  School,  Sutton  Waleuce, 
Kent 

•Goodford,  C.  O.  Esq.  Eton 
Goodwin,  H.  Esq.  B.A.  Caius  College, 

Cambridge 
•Gordon,  Rev.  O.  Ch.  Cli.  Oxford 
*Go.re,  Rev.  H.  J.  Horsham 
Gough,  Rev.  U.  Peirzance 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


*Gough,  Rev,  B.  Londoudovry 
Goulburn,  H.  Esq. 

Gould,  Rev.  Edward,  Sproughton, 
Ipswich 

*Gray,  Rev.  R.  Old  Park,  Durham 
*Gray,  Rev.  R.  H.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
Graham,  Mr.  W.  Oxford 
•Graham,  W.  T.  Esq.  17,  Upper  Busk- 

ingham  Street,  Dublin 
Grant,  R.  and  Son,  Edinburgh 
*Grant  and  Bolton,  Messrs.,  Dublin 

•  Grantham  Clerical  Society 
•Green,  J.  Esq.  Wobum 
Green,  Mr.  T.  W.  Leeds 

•Greene,  Miss,  Whittington  Hall, 
Burton,  "Westmoreland 

•Greene, Re v.  H. B. Vicar  of  Longparish , 
"Winchester 

♦Greene,  R.  Esq.  Lichfield 

•Greenwcll,  "W.  Esq.  St.  John's  Col- 
lege, Cambridge 

•Gregory,  R.  Esq.  C.  C.  C.  O.xford 

Gresley,  Richard,  Esq. 

Greslcy,  Rev.  William,  Lichfield 

•Gresley,  Rev.  J.  M.  Over  Seile, 
Leicestershire 

•  *Greswell,  Rev.  R.  Worcester  Coll. 

Oxford 

Greswell,  Rev.  W.  Kilve  Rectory, 
Somersetshire 
•Grey,  Hon.  and  Rev.  Francis,  Buxton 
*Grey,  W.  Esq.  Magd.  Hall,  Oxford 
Grieve,  Rev.  John  AVrentham,  Wang- 
ford,  Suffolk 
•Griffiths,  Rev.  John,  Wadham  Coll. 
Oxford 

•  Grueber,  Rev.  C.  S.  Magdalen  Hall, 

Oxford 

Guillemard,  Rev.  H.  P.  Truiity  Coll. 
Oxford 

Gunner,  Rev.  W.  H.  Winchester 
•Gutch,  Rev.  Rt.  Segrave,  Leicester 

*Hackman,  Rev.  A.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•Ilaig,  Rev.  Robt.  Newtown,  Hamilton 
Haigh,  Rev.  Daniel,  Great  Marlow 
*IIaiIstone,  Rev.  John,  jun.  Vicar  of 

Bottisham,  Cambridge 
Haines  W.  C.  Esq.  Hampstead 
Haines,  J.  Esq.  Sidney  Place,  Bath 
Hale,  Rev.  Matt.  B.  Stroud 


*Hall,  Rev.  W.  Manchester 

•Hallen,  Rev.  George,  Rushock,  Me- 

doute.  Upper  Canada 
*Hallen,  Rev.  William,  Wribbenhall, 

Worcestershire 
Halton,     Rev.    T.     98,  Islington, 

Liverpool 

Hamilton,  Rev.  J.  Great  Baddow,  Essex 
*Hanhain,    Rev.  Phelips,  Wimbornc, 
Dorset 

■"Harcourt,  Rev.  L.  V.  Midhurst 
••Harding,  Rev.  G.  S.  Brasenose  Col- 
lege, Oxford 
**Hare,  Venerable  Archdeacon 
Havington,  Rev.  Rd.Old,  Northampton 
*Harison,  W.  H.  Esq.  New  York 
*Harper,  T.  N.  Esq.  Queen's  College, 
Oxford 

•Harpur,  Rev.  E.  St.  Peter's,  Stockport 
*  Harris,  Hon.  and  Rev.  C.  Wilton, 

Salisbury 
*Harris,  Rev.  J.  H.  Northampton 
•Harris,  G.  T.  Esq.  Harrow-on- the- 

HiU 

Harrison,  Rev.  B.  Domestic  Chaplain 

to  the  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
•Harrison,  Rev.  H.  Gondhurst 
Harrison,    Rev.   T.  Trinity  Cliurch, 

Maidstone 
•Harrison,  Rev.  W.  Christ's  Hospital, 

London 
•Harrow  School  Library,  the 
•Hartnell,  E.  G.  Esq.  Trinity  College, 

Cambridge 
•Hartshorne,  Rev.  Joseph 
•Harvey,  Rev.  H.  Preb.  of  Bristol, 

Bradford,  W'ilts 
•Harvey,  Rev.  J.  Woodhouse,  Leeds 
•Hatchard  and  Son,  Piccadilly,  London 
•Hatherell,Rev.J.W.  D.D.  Charmouth 

Rectory,  Dorset 
Hawkins,Rev.E.  Secretary  to  the  Society 

for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel 
•Hawkins,  E.  Esq.  British  Museum 
•Hawkins,  Herbert  S.  Esq.  Jesus  Coll. 

Oxford 

Hawkins,  Rev.  W.  B.  L.  23,  Great 

Marlborough-street,  London 
•Hawtrey,  Rev.  Dr.  Eton  College 
Hayden,  Rev.  F.  W.  Beverley,  York- 
shire 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


Hayes,  Rev.   I.  Warren,  Arberfield 

Rectory,  Berks 
Heani,   Mr.  Jolin,    Sarum  Library, 

Salisbury 

•  Hcatli,  W.  M.  Esq.  Exeter  Coll. 
Oxford 

•Hecker,  Rev.  H.  T.  Sevenoaks,  Kent 
*Hedley,  Rev.  T.  A.  Gloucester 

•  Henderson,  W.  G.  Esq.  Magd.  Coll. 
Oxford 

•Henderson,  Peter,  Esq.  Macclesfield 

•Henn,  Rev.  \V.  Coleraine 

•Herbert,    Hon.  Algernon,  Ickleton, 

Saffron  Walden 
•Heslop,  Ancbem,  Esq.  Trinity  College, 

Cambridge 
•Hessey,  Rev.  F.  St.  John's  Coll.  Oxford 
•Hessey,  Rev.  J.  A.  St.  John's  College, 

Oxford 

Hewetson,  Rev.  J.  S.  Curate  of  Killeary, 
Ireland 

■* Hewitt,  T.  S.  Esq.  Worcester  College, 
Oxford 

•Heygate,  Miss,  Southend,  Essex 
Hey  wood,  Rev.  H.  O.  Bryan,  Man- 
chester 

•Hibbert,  Miss  Jane  L.  Barnes,  Surrey 
•Hichens,  R.  Esq.  Threadneedle-street, 
London 

Hide,  Rev.  G.  E.  Calne,  Wilts 
•Hildyard,  Rev.  J.  Clmst's  College, 

Cambridge 
•Hill,  Rev.  E.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•HiU,  Rev.  Erroll,  New  Coll.  Oxford 
Hill,  Rev.  W.  Derby 
•Hillyard,Rev.  Temple, AVorm-Leigliton 
Hinde,  Rev.  T.  Liverjiool 
•Hingiston,     James    Ansley,  Esq. 

48,  Finsbury  Circus,  London 
••Hippesley,    H.    Esq.  Lamboume 

Place,  Berks 
♦Hippisley,  R.  W.  Esq.  Stow  Lodge, 

Gloucestershire. 
•Hobhouse,  Edm.  Esq.  Balliol  College, 

Oxford 

**Hodges,  Rev.  T.  S.  Little  Waltham, 
Chelmsford 

•  Hodgson,  Rev.  G.  St.  Peter's,  Isle  of 
Thanet 

Hodgson,    Rev.     H.     St.  Martin's, 
London 


•Hodgson,  Rev.  T.  F.  Horsham 
Hodson,  Rev.  J.  Saunderstead,  Croydon, 
Surrey 

Holden,  Rev.  W.  R.  AVorcester 
Holden,  The  Misses,  Torquay 
•Holland,  Rev.  Henry,  Walkden  Moor, 

Swinton,  near  Manchester 
•Holme,  Hon.  Mrs.  A.  C. 
•Holthouse,  C.  S.  Esq.  Beadnell,  Bel- 
ford 

••Hook,  Rev.  W.  F.  D.D.  Vicar  of 

Leeds.    Presented  by  a  few  of  his 

younger  parishioners 
Hope,  A.  J.  B.  Esq.  Trinity  College, 

Cambridge 
•Hopkinson,  C.  Esq.  39,  Eaton-place, 

Belgrave-square 
Hopkinson,   C.  Esq.   M.A.  Queen's 

College,  Oxford 
•Hopper,  A.  M.  Esq.  B.A.  Fellow  of 

St.  John's  College,  Cambridge 
•Hopton,    Mrs.     Kemerton  Court, 

Tewkesbury 
•Hopwood,   Rev.   F.   G.  Knowsley, 

Prescot,  Lancashire 
•Hornby,  Rev.  Edward,  Walmersley, 

Bury,  Lancashire 
•  Horner,  Rev.  Josh.  Evertou,  Biggles- 
wade, Bedfordshire 
•Horsfall,  Rev.  A.  Litchurch 
•Horsfall,  John,  Esq.  Standard  Hil', 

Nottingham 
•Hosking,  R.  Esq.  Penzance 
•Hotham,  W.  F.  Esq.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
Houghton,  Rev.  Jolm,  Matcliing,  near 

Harlow,  Essex 
•Houghton,  Rev.  W.   Milns  Bridge, 

Huddersfield 
•Howard,  Hon.  and  Rev.  H.  E.  J. 

D.D.  Dean  of  Lichfield 
Howard,  Col.  Ashstead  Park 
•Howard,  Hon.  and  Rev.  W.  Fareham 
•Howard,  Rev.  N.  A.  Penzance 
Howard,  Hon.  F.  G. 
•Howard,  Hon.  and  Rev.  H. 
•Hov.ard,  Rev.  R,  D.D.  Beaumaris, 

Anglesea 

Howell,  Rev.  Hinds,  Shobrooke,  Devon 
*Howorth,   Rev.  Wm.,  Marcli,  Isle  of 
Ely 

•Hudson,  Rev.  John,  Vitar  of  Kendal 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


*Hue,  Dr.,  9,  Bedford  Square,  London 
*Hughes,  Rev.  H.  Charlotte  Street, 

Bloomsbury 
*Hunt,  Rev.  R.  S.  Stinclicombe  Dursley 
*Hunter,  Rev.  AV.  Lurgurshall,  near 

Godalming 
Hussey,  Rev.  W.  L.  Ch.  Ch.  CsLford 
Hutchinson,  Rev.  C.  Chichester 
*Hutton,  Rev.  G.  B.  Gainshorough 
HuxtaWe,  Rev.  A.  Sutton  Waldron 
Hyde  &  Crewe,  Newcastle,  Staftbrdshire 

*Jackson,  Miss,  Blackwatertown, 
Ireland 

Jackson,  Rev.  T.  East  Brent,  Somerset 
Jackson,  Rev.  T.  St.  Peter's,  Stepney 
*Jackson,  Rev.  W.  Dealtry,  Ch.  Ch. 
Hoxton 

*Jackson,  Win.  Esq.  Queen's  College, 
Oxford 

James,  Rev.  J.  D.D.  Prebendary  of 
Peterborough 

•.Tames,  Sir  Walter,  Bart.,  M.  P. 
11,  Whitehall  Place,  London 

James,  Rev.  H.  19,  Manchester  Build- 
ings, Westminster 

*James,  Rev.  T.  Sibbestoft,  near  Wel- 
ford,  Northamptonshire 

*James,  Rev.  J. 

»Janvrin,  J.  H.  Esq.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 

*  Jeffray,Rev.  L.W.  Preston,  Lancashire 
•Jelf,  Rev.  Dr.  Canon  of  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
Jelf,  Rev.  W.  E.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
*Jenkins,  Rev.  J.  Rothwell,  Leeds 
Jennings,  Rev.  M.  J.  Chaplain  to  the 

Hon.  East  India  Company 
*Jersey,TheVeryRev.theDean  of 
Jew,  Mr.  Thomas,  Gloucester 
*«Inge,    Rev.    I.    R.    St  Mary's, 

Portsmouth 
•Johnson,  C.  W.  Esq.  Balliol  College, 

Oxford 

Johnson,    G.    H.  S.   Esq.  Radcliffe 

Observatory,  Oxford 
Jones,  Rev.  D.  Stamfoid 

*  Jones,  Rev.  J.  S.  Armagh 

Jones,  Rev.  R.  Branxton,  Coldstream 
•Jones,  W.  H.  Esq.  Queen's  College, 
Oxford 

Irons,  Rev.  W.  J.  Bronipton 
•Irving,  Rev.  J.  Kendall 


*  Keblc,  Rev.  J.  Hursky,  Winchester 
•Kelk,  Rev.  W.  23,  City  Road,  London 
Kemp,  Mr.  John,  Beverley 
Kempe,  Rev.  J.  C.  Morchard  Bishop's, 

Devon 
•Ken  Club,  Leeds 

•Kendall,  Rev.  J.  H.  F.  Kirkby  Lons- 
dale 

•Kennard,  Jolm  P.  Esq.  4,  Lombard- 
Street,  London 
*Kenrick,Rev.  Jarvis,  Horsham,  Sussex 
Kent,  jun.  Rev.  G.  D.  Sudbrook,  near 
Lincoln 

*Kenyon,  Lord,  9,  Portman  Square, 
London 

**Kerby,  Rev.  C.  L.  Stoke  Talmage, 

near  Tetsworth 
•Kershaw,  Rev.  G.  W.  St.  Nicholas, 

Worcester 
•Kildare,  Ven.  Archdeacon  of 
Kilvert,  Rev.  F.  Bath 
King,  Mr.  H.  S.  Brighton 
•King,  Rev.  Sir  J.  Bart.  Rathmore, 

Blessington 
•King,  T.  H.  Esq.  Exeter  College, 

Oxford 

King,  Rev.  -W.  Smyth,  Ireland 

""King's  College,  London 

•Kingdon,  Rev.  G.  R.  Trinity  College, 

Cambridge 
•Kiugsford,  B.  Esq.  Exeter  Coll.  Oxford 
•Kingsmill,  Rev.  H.  Chewton  Mendip, 

Somerset 

*Kingsmill,  William,  Esq.  Sidmonton 

House,  Hants. 
••Kirby,  R.  H.  Esq.  St.  John's  Coll. 

Cambridge 
*Kirner,  Clerical  Society,  Cornwall 
Kirwan,  Rev.  E.  King's  Coll.  Camb. 
•Kitson,  J.  F.  Esq.  Exeter  Coll.  Oxford 
Knight,  Henry,  Esq.  Exeter  College, 

Oxford 

Knight,  Rev.  T.  Ford  Rectory 
Knight-Bruce,  Rev.  H.  L.  M.A. 
•Knowles,  Edward  H.  Esq.  Queen's 

College,  Oxford 
Knox,   Rev.  H.  B.  Monk's  Cleigh, 

Hadleigh,  Suffolk 
•Knox,  Rev.  Spencer,  Yicar- General  of 

the  Diocese  of  Kerry 
Kyle,  Rev.  John  T.  Cork 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


Kynnersley,  Rev.  E.  C.  Sneyd,  Dray- 
cott  Rectory,  Stone,  Staffordsliire 


Lakin,  J.  M.  Esq.  AVorcester  College, 
Oxford 

Langbridge,  Mr.  Birmingham 
Langdon,  A.  Esq.  Hampstead 
Langley,  Rev.  T.  Landogo,  Monmouth 
**Laprimaiulaye,  Rev.  C.  J.  St.  John's 

College,  Oxford 
♦Larken,  Arthur,  Esq.  20,  Henrietta 

Street,  Cavendish  Square,  London 
•Lawrell,  Rev.  John,  Hampreston  Rec- 
tory 

*Lawrence,  F.  J.  R.  Esq.  Exeter  Coll. 
Oxford 

*Lawson,  Rev.  R.  Stoke  by  Clare, 
Halstead 

•Lawson,  Rev.  W.  D,  Magd.  College, 

Cambridge 
•Lawson,  Rev,  G.  West  Grimstead, 

Salisbury 

•Lee,  Rev.  William,  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Dublin 

Lechmere,  Rev.  A.  Wliitmore,  Wool- 
hope,  Hereford 

•Lefroy,  Rev.  A.  C. 

•  Legge,  Rev.  W.  Ashstead,  Epsom 
•Legge,  Hon.  and  Rev.  Henry,  Black- 
heath,  Kent 

*Leigh,  W.Esq.  Little  Ashton,  Lichfield 

•  Leighton,  Rev.  F.  K.  All  Souls  Coll. 
Oxford 

•Leman,  Rev.  T.  Brampton  Rectory, 
Beccles 

•Le  Mesurer,  J.  Esq.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•Leonard,  Rev.  R.W.  Aynho,  Banbury 
•Leslie,  Rev.  C.  Elphin,  Ireland 
Leslie,  Mr.  Great  Queen  Street,  London 
•Lethbridge,  Ambrose,  Esq.  All  Souls, 
Oxford 

•Lewis,  Rev.  D.  Jesus  College,  Oxford 
•Lewthwaite,  Rev.  W.  H.  Adel,  Leeds 
••Ley,  Rev.  Jacob,  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•Ley,  Rev.  John,  Exeter  Coll.  Oxford 
*Liddon,  H.  Esq.  Taunton 
•Lingard,  Rev.  Joshua,  Hulme,  Man- 
chester 
Linzee,  Rev.  Edw.  Hood 


•Linzce,  R.  G.  Esq.  Ch.  Cli.  Oxford 
Linzell,  Rev.  B.  H. 
•Litler,   Rev.  Robert,  Poynton  Par- 
sonage, near  Macclesfield 
•Lloyd,  Rev.  C.  W. 
Lloyd,  F.  L.  L.  Esq.  Cambridge 
Lloyd,  Rev.  F.  T.  Curate  of  Kilmore, 

Dioc.  Armagh 
*Lloyd,     Rev.   John    F.  Ballyling, 

Rich  Hill,  Ireland 
•Lloyd,  Rev.  Edgar,  Gloucester 
•Lloyd,  Rev.  H.  W.  Jesus  Coll.  Oxford 
Lodge,  Rev.  Barton,  Theydon  Bois 
•Lohr,  C.  W.  Esq.  Gwaenynog,  Den- 
bigh 

London  Library,  Pall  Mall 

Lonsdale,  Rev.  J.  Principal  of  King's 

College,  London 
•Lowder,  C.  F.  Esq.  Exeter  College, 

Oxford 

•Lowe,  Rev.  J.  M.  Cheadle, Staffordshire 
*Lowe,  Rev.  R.  F.  Madeira 
•Lowe,  Rev.  R.  II.  Abascragh,  co. 
Galway 

•Lowe,  Rev.  Charles  Benj.  Hertford 
•Lowe,  Rev.  H.  E.  Rushall,  Walsall 
Lukes,  Rev.  W.  C.  Bradford,  Wilts 
Lund,  Rev.  T.  B.D.  St.  John's  College, 

Cambridge 
Lusk,  John,  Esq.  Glasgow 
Lutwyche,  A.  I.  P.  Esq.  Middle  Temple 
*Luxmoore,  Rev.  J.  H.  M.  March wiel, 

Wrexham 
•Lyttleton,  The  Right  Hon.  Lord 


•Madras,  the  Lord  Bishop  of 

M'Call,  Rev.  Edward,  Brightstone 

M'c  Ewcn,  Rev.  A. 

•Macfarlane,  W.  C.  Esq.  Birmingham 

•Machen,  Edward,  Esq,  Diocesan  Col- 
lege, Wells 

•Machlachlan,  A.  N,  Campbell,  Esq. 

*M'c  Houghton,  Esq. 

•Mackenzie,  A.  C.  Esq.  King's  Coll. 
London 

Mackenzie,  Lewis  M.  Esq.  Exeter  Coll, 
Oxford 

•Mackinuon,  Rev.  John,  Bloxholni, 
near  Slcaford,  Lincoln 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


Maclean,  Rev.  H.  Coventry 

*  Maclean,   Rev.  W.    Prebendary  of 

Tynan,  Armagh 
Macmullen,  Rev.  R.  G.  C.  C.  C.  O.xford 
*Madox,  Wm.  Esq.  61,  York  Terrace, 

Regent's  Park 
*Maitlancl,  Rev.  R.  S.  Librarian  to  the 

Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
*Major,  Rev.  I.  R.  D.D.  King's  Coll. 

London 

*I\Ialcolin,  H.  Esq.  Eckington, 
Chesterfield 

Malcolm,  Rev.  Gilbert,  Toddenham 

*Malet,  Rev.  W.  N.  Curate  of  St. 
Cuthbert,  "VVells 

"Mangin,  Rev.  Edw.  N.  Byer's  Green, 
near  Bishop's  Auckland,  Durham 

Manning,  Rev.  H.  E.  Lavington,  Arch- 
deacon of  Chichester 

•Manning,  F.  J.  Esq.  Lincoln  College, 
Oxford 

*Manson,  Rev.  A.  T.  G. 

*Mapleton,  R.  J.  Esq.  St.  John's  Coll. 
Oxford 

Markland,  J.  H.  Esq.  Bath 

Marriott,  Rev.  C.  Oriel  Coll.,  Oxford 

•Marriott,  Rev.  J.  Bradfield,  Reading 

*  Marshall,  Rev.  S.  Eton 
*Marsliall,    Rev.    E.  Ruskington, 

Sleaford 

♦Marshall,  Rev.  J.  Chaplain  to  H.  M. 

Ship  Victory 
•Martin,  Rev.  F.  Trin.  Coll.  Camb. 

*  Martin,    Rev.  John  Sidney-Sussex 

Coll.  Camb. 
Martin,  Rev,  M.  Exeter 
*Martyn,  Rev.  T.  W,  Exeter 
*Mason,  A.  "VV.  Esq.   Trinity  Coll. 

Cambridge 
""Mason,  Rev.  E.  J.  Stroud 
•Mason,  Rev.  H.  B.  Head  Master  of 

Brewood  School,  StafTordsliire 
*Maule,  Rev.  G.  Great  Munden,  near 

Pickeridge,  Herts 
*Ma}Tiard,  Rev.  John 
•Maynard,    Rev.    R.  Wormleighton, 

Southam 

•Mayo,  A.  F.  Esq.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 
•Mayor,  C.  Esq.  St.  John's  Coll.  Camb. 
•Mease,  Rev.  J.  Fresford 
Medley,  Rev.  John,  Exeter 


Mence,  Rev.  J.  W.  Ilkley,  Otley,'York- 

shi  re 

•Merry,  R.  Esq.,  M.A.,  Jesus  College, 

Cambridge. 
•Metcalf,  Rev.  W.  L.  Huddersfield 
•IVIetcalfe,  Rev.  Wallace,  Reddenhall, 

Harlestone,  Norfolk 
•Middleton,    Rev.   J.   E.  Wroxton, 

Banbury 

•Middleton,  Henry  O.  Esq.  Exeter 

College,  Oxford 
•Mill,  Rev.  Dr.  Christian  Advocate, 

Cambridge 
•Mill,  John,  Esq.  Elston,  near  Devizes 
Miller,   Rev.   I.  R.  Walkeringham, 

Bawtry,  Yorkshire 
!Miller,  Rev.  John,  Benefield,  Oundle 
Miller,  Rev.  T.  E.  Benefield,  Oundle 
•Mills,  R.  T.  Esq.  Magd.  Coll.  Oxford. 
Minster,  Rev.  I.  Farmley  Tyas 
Moberiy,  C.  E.  Esq.  Balliol  Coll.  Oxford 
IVIobcrly,  Rev.  Dr.  Winchester 
•Money  Kyrle,  E.  A.  Esq.  C.  C.  C. 

Cambridge 
•Monro,  Rev.  E.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 
•Monsell,  Rev.  C.  H.  Worcester  Coll. 

Oxford 

*Monsell,  Rev.  J.  S.  Coleraine,  Ireland 
*Monsell,  W.  Esq.  Limerick,  Ireland 
Moodie,  C.  Esq.  Magdalen  Hall 
•Moore,  Rev.  J.  W.  Hordley,  Ellesmere 
•Moore,  Rev.  Edward,  Rector  of  Killan, 
Ireland 

Moorsom,  Rev.  Richard,  Pett,  Sussex 
•Moriarty,  Rev.  T.    Ventry,  Duigle, 
Ireland 

•Morrell,  F.J.  Esq.  St.  Giles's,  O.xford. 
•Morrice,  Rev.  W.  D.  Leeds 
Morris,  Rev.  .L  B.  Exeter  Coll.  Oxford 
•Morris,  Rev.  T.  E.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•Morrison,  Rev.  A.  Eton  College 
•Morton,  M.  C.  Esq.  Exeter  ColL-ge, 
Oxford 

•Morton,  Rev.  Joseph,  Elphin 
^Moultrie,  Rev.  J.  Rugby 
Mount,  Rev.  C.  M.  Prebendary  of  Wells 
•Mountain, Rev. G.R.  Rector  of  Havant 
Mountain,  Rev.  H.  B.  Piebendary  of 
Lincoln 

"Alozley,  Rev.  J.  B.  Magdalene  College, 
Oxford 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


•Mules,  Rev.  P.  Exeter  Coll.  Oxford 
•Murray,  Rev.  A.  Clapliaiii,  Surrey 
•Murray,  C.  R.  Scott,  Esq.  Ch.  Ch. 
Oxford 

•Murray,  Rev.  W.  St.  Martin's,  Col- 
chester 

•Murray,  F.  Esq.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•  Muskett,  Mr.  C.  Norwich 

New  Jersey,  The  Right  Rev.  The 

Bishop  of 
••New  Zealand,  The  Right  Rev. 

The  Bishop  of 
Nova  Scotia,  The  Lord  Bishop  of 
Neale,  J.  M.  Esq.  Downing  College, 

Cambridge 
•Neve,  Rev.   F.  R.  Poole  Keynes, 

Cirencester 
•Nevins,  Rev.  W.  Wilton  House,  Ross 
New,  Rev.  F.  T.  Ch.  Ch.  St.  Pancras, 

London 
Newland,  Rev.  Dr.  Ferns 
•Newland,  Rev.  Thomas,  Dviblm 
Newman,  Rev.  J.  H.  Oriel  College, 

Oxford 
•Newton,  Mr.  C.  Croydon 
•New-York-Society  Library 
Nicholl,  Rev.  J.  R.  Greenhill  Grove, 

near  Bamet,  Hertfordshire 
Nicholls,  Rev.  W.  L.  Bath 
•Nicholson,  Rev.  W.  Wickliam  House, 

Welford,  Berks 
•Nicholson,  Rev.  W.  Rector  of  St. 

Maurice,  Winchester 
*Nicoll,  Rev.  Charles,  Stratford,  Essex 
•Nixon,  Rev.  F.  R.  Ash,  near  Wingham 
*Noott,  Rev.  E.  H.  L.  Tipton,  Bir- 
mingham 

•Norman,  M.  O.  Esq.  C.  C.  C.  Camb. 
Norris,   Rev.   H.  H.  Prebendary  of 

St.  Paul's,  Hackney 
•North,  Rev.  Jacob 
•Northcote,  G.  B.  Esq.  Exeter  College, 

Oxford 

•Northcote,  J.  S.  Esq.  C.  C.  C.  Oxford 
•Nuuns,  Rev.  T.  Birniingham 
•Nutt,  Rev.  Charles  Theston,  Bath 

Oxford,  The  Lord  Bishop  of 
•OT-rien,  Rev.  H.  Killegar,  Ireland 


*0'Brien,   Mrs.    108,   George  Street, 
Limerick 

O'Brien,  Rev.  Hewitt,  Heywood,  Roch- 
dale 

Ogle,    Mr.    Robert,    South  Bridge 

Edinburgh 
Ogle  and  Son,  Booksellers,  Glasgow 
•Oldershaw,  R.  Esq.  Islington 
•Oldham,  George  A.  Esq.  Trinity  Coll. 

Cambridge 
Oldham,  Rev.  T.  R.  Huddersfield 
•Oldknow,   Rev.    Joseph,  Bordesley 

Birmingham 
•Ol  ver,  J.    Esq.    Queen's  College, 

Cambridge 
•Oliverson,  R.  Esq.  14  Portland  Place, 

London 

Ormsby,  R.L.  Esq.  LincolnColl. Oxford 
OiT,  T.  Esq.  Oriel  College,  Oxford 

•  Osborn,  Rev.  G.  Stoke- Newingtou 
•Ostell,  Messrs.  T.  &  Co.  booksellers, 

London 
Ouvry,  Rev.  P.  T. 
•Owen,  R.  Esq.  Jesus  Coll.  Oxford 

•Pagan,  Rev.  S.  Stanningley 
Page,  Rev.  C.  Westminster  Abbey 

*  Page,  Rev.  L.  F.  Woolpit,  Bury  St. 
Edmund's 

Page,  R.  jun.  Esq. 

•Page,  Vernon,  Esq.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•Paget,  Rev,  F.  E.  Elford,  Lichfield 
•Paine,  Cornelius,  Esq.  11,  Cannon- 

bury-lane,  Islington 
•Palmer,  Roundell,  Esq. 
•Palmer.Rev.  W.Magdalen  Coll.Oxford 
•Palmer,  Rev.  W.WorcesterCull.Oxford 
•Palmer,  Mrs.  Mixbury,  near  Brackley 
•Palmer,  Miss,  Mixbury,  near  Brackley 
•Pardee,  Rev.  Mr.  Leyton,  Essex 
•Parker,  C.  Esq.  Upper  Bedford  Place, 

London 

•Parker,  Rev.  E.  Bahia,  South  America 
•Parker,  Rev.    R.    Welton,  Spilsby, 

Lincolnshire 
*Parkinson,  Miss,  Ravendale 
•Parrington,  Rev.  Matthew,  Feltwell, 

Norfolk 

Parsons,    Rev.    C.    A.     St.  Mary's, 
Southampton 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


fPATTESON,  Hon.  Mr.  Justice 
Pattisou,  Rev.  Mark,  Lincoln  College, 
Oxford 

»Paul,  G.W.  Esq.Wadliam  Coll.  O.xford 
*Payne,  R.  jun.  Esq.  Lavender  Hill 
*Pedder,  W.  Esq.  Theological  College, 
Wells 

*Pelly,  Rev.  T.  C.  C.  C.  Oxford 
*Pennefather,  Rev.  William 
fPenney,  Rev.  E.  St.  Andrew's,  Canter- 
bury 

*Penny,  C.  B.  Esq.  Theol.  Coll.  Wells 
*Peny,  Rev.  A.  Betteswortli,  Precentor 

of  St.  Caniees  Cathedral,  Kilkenny 
*Perceval,  Hon.  and  Rev.  A.  P. 
*Perceval,  Captain  E.  A. 
*Percival,    Ernest  A.    Esq.  Biudon 

House,  Milverton,  Somerset 
*Perring,  C.  Esq.  29,  Tavistock  Square, 

London 

*Perry,  T.  W.  Esq.  20,  Steward-street, 

Spitalfields 
*Phelps,Rev.H.D.Tarrington,Hereford 
*Phelps,  Rev.  R.  Sidney  Sussex  Coll. 

Cambridge 
*Phelps,   Rev.   T.  P.  Ridley,  Seven 

Oaks,  Kent 
*Philips,    G.    H.    Esq.    Belle  Vue, 

Liverpool 

*Phillips,  Rev.  E.  5,  Nelson  Terrace, 
Clapham 

»Phillott,  Johnson,  Esq.  Bath 

*Philpott,  Rev.  Other,  Clungunford, 
near  Ludlow 

*PhiIpott,  Rev.  T.  Madtlresfield,  Wor- 
cester 

Phipps,  Rev.  E.  I.  Devizes,  Wilts 
Phipps,  T.  H.  H.  Esq.  Leighton  House 
*Pickering,  Rev.  H.  St.  Peter's,  Isle  of 
Thanet 

*Pickwood,  Rev.  John,  Stepney 
*Pigott,  Rev.  A.  J.  Newport,  Salop 
*Pigott,  Rev,  George,  Bombay 
*Pillans,  Rev.  W.  H.  Great  Malvern 
*Pinder,  Rev.  J.  H.  Precentor  of  Wells 
*  Piatt,  J.P.Esq.Child's  Hill,Hampstead 
**Pocock,  Rev.  N.  Queen's  College, 

Oxford 
Pocock,  Mr.  W.  Bath 
*Ponsouby,  Hon.  Waller 
*Pope,T.  A.  Esq.  Jesus  Coll., Cambridge 


*Popham,  W.  Esq.  Traniore,  Water- 
'  ford,  Ireland 
Poole,  Rev.  G.  A.  Leeds 
•Potts,  R.  Esq.  Trinity  Coll.  Cambridge 
Pountney,  Rev.  H.  St.  John's,  Wolver- 
hampton 

**Powell,  A.  Esq.  Carey  Street,  London 
**Powell,  Rev.  E.  A.  Ampthill 
Powell,  Rev.  H.  T.  Stretton 
*Powell,  Rev.  J.  W.  S.  Kingston-on- 
Thames 

*Powell,  Rev.  R.  Worcester  Coll.  Oxford 

Power,  Rev.  J.  P.  Queen's  College, 
Cambridge 

*Power,  Rev.  J.,  Fellow  of  Pembroke 
College,  Cambridge 

*Pownall,  Rev.  C.  C.  B.  Milton 
Ernest,  Bedfordshii-e 

*Pownall,  W.  L.  Esq.  St.  Jolm's  Coll. 
Cambridge 

Powys,  Hon.  and  Rev.  Horace,  War- 
rington 

*Prater,  Rev.  T.  Newnham,  Sitting- 

boui-ne,  Kent 
*Preston,  Rev.  Plunket,  Prebendary  of 

Edermine,  Ferns,  Ireland 
*Prevost,  Rev.  Sir  George,  Bart.  Stinch- 

combe,  Dursley 
*Prichard,  Rev.  Richard,  Hunley 
Pridden,  Rev.  W.  Broxted,  Dunmow 
*Pritchard,    Rev.  R.  Jesus  College, 

Oxford 

Pulling,  Rev.  W.  BrasenoseCoU.  Oxford 
»*Pusey,  Rev.  Dr.  Canon  of  Ch.  Ch. 
Oxford 

*Pusey,  Rev.  W.  B.  Garsington 


RipcN,  THE  Lord  Bishop  of 
Raven,    Rev.   V.  11,  Crescent-place, 

Burton-crescent 
*Rivar,  C.  Esq.  Great  St.  Helens, 

London 
Randolph,  Rev.  E.  J.  Tring 
*Randolph,W.  C.  Esq.YatcHouse.Bath 
Rashdall,  Rev.  John,  Exeter 
«Rawle,  Rev.  R.  Cheadle,  Staifordshire 
*Reed,  Rev.  J.  Harold's  Cross,  Dublin 
*Reevc,  Mr.  W.  Leamington 
*Ilew,  Rev.  Charles,  Maidstone 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


♦Richards,  Edw.  Priest,  Esq.  Cardiff 
•Richards,  Rev.  Edw.  Tew,  Farlington 

Rectory,  Havant 
♦Richards,  Rev.  W.  Upton,  London 
•Richards,  Rev.  H.  M.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
Rickards,  Rev.  F.  Stowlangtoft,  Suffolk 
•Rickards,  E.  P.  Esq. 
Riddle,  John  B.  Esq.  Kilgraston,  Bridge 

of  Earn,  Perth 
•Ridgway,  Josh.  jun.  Esq.Wallsuches, 

near  Bolton 
Ridley,  Rev.W.  H.  Hambledon 
•Roberts,  H.  Esq.  Cambridge 
Roberts,    Rev.    L.    Slaidburn,  near 

Clitheroe,  Yorkshire 
•Robertson,  Dr.  Doctors'  Commons, 

London 

•Robertson,Rev.  J.C.Boxley,  Maidstone 
Robertson,  Rev.  J.   C.  Cheddington, 

Hemel  Hempstead 
•Robin,  Rev.  P.  R.  Bolton 
•Robins,  Rev.  Sanderson 
•Robinson,  G.  J.  Esq.  Hart  Street, 

Bloomsbury 
•Robinson,  Rev.  Sir  George,  Bart. 
•Robinson,  Rev.  Christr.  Kirknewton, 

near  AVooler,  Northumberland 
*Robson,  T.  U.  Esq.  Magdalen  Hall, 

Oxford 

Rodmcll,  Rev.  J.  Burford,  Tenbury 
•Rodwell,  Rev. J.  M.  St.  Peter's,  Satfron 

Hill,  7,  Park  Terrace,  Barnsbury  Park 
•Rodwell,  R.  U.  Esq.  Exeter  College, 

Oxford 

•Rogers,  Edward,  Esq.  Eliot  Place, 

Blackheath,  Kent 
Rose,  Rev.  H.  H.  Erdington 
•Ross,  Rev.  I.  L.  Fyfield,  near  Burford 
**Ross  and  Argyll,  Diocesan  Library  of 
Routh,Rev.Dr.  President  of  Magd.Coll. 

Oxford 
Rowe,  Mr. 

Rowland,  Miss,  Hereford 
•Rush,    Rev.   John,   South  Parade, 
Chelsea 

•*  Russell,  D.  Watts,  Esq.  Biggin  Hall, 
Oundle 

••Russell,  I.  Watts,  Esq.  Ham  Hall, 

Ashbourn,  Derbyshire 
Ryder,  Rev.  George  Dudley,  Easton, 

Winchester 


Ryder,  T.  D.  Esq.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 


Samler,  Rev.  J.  H.  Bampton,  Oxon. 
Sandford,  Rev.  G.  B.  Prestwich 
Sandford,  Rev.  John 
•Sandford,  Frederick,  Esq. 
•Sandham,  James,  Esq.  St.  John's  Coll. 
Oxford 

Sandilands,  Hon.  and  Rev.  J.  Edin- 
burgh 

Sankey,  P.  Esq.  St.  Jolm's  Coll.  Oxford 
•Sargeant,  Rev.  R.  Worcester 
Saunders,  Rev.  A.  P.  Charter  House 
•Savage,  W.  Esq.  Queen's  Coll.  Oxford 
•Savory,  J.  S.  Esq.  16,  Somerset  Place, 
Bath 

Scarth,  Rev.  H.  Bathwick,  Bath 
*Schofield,  Rich.  L.  Esq.  Brighton 
•Scott,  Rev.  John 
•Scott,  Rev.  R.  Duloe,  Cornwall 
*  Scott,  Rev.  W.  Ch.  Ch.  Hoxton 
•Scudamore,  Rev.  W.  E.  Ditchingham 
Bungay 

Seager,  Rev.  C.  Worcester  Coll.  Oxford 
•Sehvyn.Rev.  W.  Canon  of  Ely 
Sewell,  Rev.  W.  Exeter  Coll.  Professor 

of  Moral  Philosophy,  Oxford 
•Seymour,  E.  W.  Esq.  Porthniawr, 

Breconshire 
Se3^nour,  Rev.  Sir  J.  Hobart,  Bart. 

Prebendary  of  Gloucester 
•Seymour,  Rev.  R.  Kinwarton,  Alcester 
•Shairp,  John  C.  Esq.  Balliol  Coll., 

Oxford 

•Sharpies,  J.  Hool,  Esq.  St.  John's 

College,  Cambridge 
•Shaw,  Rev.  G.  Witcham,  Ely 
•Shaw,  Rev.  John,  Corrington,  St.  Ives, 

Huntingdonshire 
•Shea,  Robert  Francis  Jones,  Esq. 
•Shelley,  John,  Esq.  St.  Peter's  Coll. 

Cambridge 
•Shepherd,  Rev.  S.  North  Somercote, 

near  Louth,  Lincolnshire 
•Sheppard,  J.  H.  Esq.  Queen's  College, 

Oxford 

Shield,  Rev.  W.  T.  Durham 
•Shillcto,  Rev.  Richard,  M.A.  King's 

College,  Cambridge 
•Shillcto,  Rev.  AV.  York 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


Shillibeer,  Rev.  J.  Oundle 

*Shii)ton,  Rev.  J.  N.  Othery,  near 
Bridgwater 

*Shortland,  Rev.  H.  Rector  of  Twin- 
stead 

*  Short,  Rev.  A.  Ravensthorpe 

*  Shrine,  Rev.  Harcourt,  Cirencester 
Shutt'.cworth,  Rev.  E. 

*Sidgwick,  C.  Esq.  Skipton,  Yorkshire 

*Simos,  G.  F.  Esq. 

*Simins  and  Dinham,  Manchester 

*Simms,  Rev.  E.  Plaiston 

Simms  and  Son,  Bath 

Simpson,  Rev.  H.  Bexhill 

*Simpson,  Rev.  J.  D.  Sidney,  Sussex 

College,  Camhridge 
•Simpson,  R.  Esq.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 
*Singer,  Rev.  Dr.  I.  H.,  S.F.T.C.D. 

*  Singleton,  Rev.  R.  C.  Curate  of 
Monart,  Ireland 

*Sion  College  Library 

Sittingbourne  and  Ospringe  Church- 

Reading-Soeiety 
*Skeffington,  Hon.  H.  R.  Worcester 

College,  Oxford 
*Skeffington,  Hon.  T.  C.  F.  Worcester 

College,  Oxford 
*Sldnner,  Fitzowen,  Esq.  23,  Keppel 

Street,  Russell  Square 
Skinner,  J.  Esq.  King  William's  Coll. 

Isle  of  Man 
*Slade,  Rev.  James,  Bolton 
Sladen,  Rev.  E.  H.  M.  Bockleton 
**Slatter,  Rev.  John,  Warrington 
*Slocombe  and  Simms,  Leeds 
*Small,  Rev.  Nath.P.  Market  Bosworth, 

Hinckley 
*Smirke,  Sir  Robert,  London 
•Smith,  Rev.  Campbell,  Newbury 
♦Smith,  Rev.  Edw.  Booking,  Braintree 
Smith,  Rev.  G.  Garvagh,  Ireland 
•Smith,  H.T.  Esq.  Queen's  Coll.Oxford 
•Smith,  Rev.  J.  Trinity  College,  Oxford 

Smith,  Rev.  W.  Puddelhinton 
•Smith,  H.  W.  Esq. 
•Smyth,  Rev.  H.  Fenner,  Glebe,  Johns- 
town 

Snare,  Mr.  John,  Reading 
•Southampton  Theological  Library 
•Southwell,  Rev.  G.  Compton  Martin 
Sparke,Rev.  John, ClareHall, Cambridge 


•Spence,  Rev.  J.  Northampton 
•Spencer,  Rev.  W.  Pakenham,  Starston, 
Norfolk 

Spranger,  Rev.  R.  J.  Exeter  College, 

Oxford. 
Spreat,  Mr.  W.  Exeter 
•Spry,  Rev.J.  H.  D.D.  St.Mary-le-bone 
Spurgin,  J.  Esq.  C.  C.  C.  Cambridge 
« Stanley,  Rev.  E.  Rugby 
•Starey,  B.H.Esq.  Clerkenwell,  London 
Starkey,  Rev.  A.  B.  C.  St.  John's  Coll. 

Oxford 

•Steel,  H.  W.  Esq.  Mathune,  near 
Chepstow 

•St.  John,  Rev.  Ambrose,  Bransgore, 

Ringwood 
Stephens,  Rev.  C.  L.  Kencot,  Burford 
••Stert,  Rev.  A.  R.  33,  Connaught 

Square,  London 
•Stevenson,  Rev.J.  Durham  University 
Stewart,  Mr.  King  William  Street 
*Stokes,  S.  N.  Esq.  Trinity  College 

Cambridge 
•Stonehouse,  Rev.  W.  B.  Owston 
Storer,  W.  P.  Esq.  Islington 
•Stott,  Miss,  Bradford,  Yorkshire 
•Strean,  Rev.  L.H.  Easter-New,  Boyle, 

Ireland 

•Street,  J.  Esq.  Lloyd's  Rooms, London 
•Street,  W.  F.  Esq.  13,  Austin  Friars, 

London 
Strong,  Mr.  W.  Bristol 
■►Stuart,  Rev.  John  B.,  M.D.  Billeston, 

Leicester 
•Stuart,  Rev.  Hamilton 
•Studdert,  G.  jun.  Esq.  Trinity  College, 

Dublin 

••Sturrock,  Rev.  W.  Chaplain,  Bengal 
Presidency 

•Suckling,  R.  Esq.  Caius  College, 
Cambridge 

♦Suckling,  Rev.  R.Stretton,  Hereford- 
shire 

Swainson,  Rev.  E.  E.  Clunn,  Shropshire 

Swann,  Rev.  R.  York 

Swansborough,  G.  S.  Esq.  Pembroke 

College,  Cambridge 
Sweet,  Rev.  C.  Cornworthy,  Totnes, 

Devon 

*Sweet,  Rev.  J.  Hales,  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


•Swinney,  Rev.  H.  H.  Magil.  College, 

Cambridge 
•Swire,  John,  Esq.  University  College, 

Oxford 

*Symon.s,E.  W.  Esq.St.  John's  College, 
Cambridge 


•Talbot,  Rev.  G.  Evercreech,  Somerset 
*Tarbutt,  Rev.  Arthur  C.  Dover 
Tarleton,  J.  W.  Esq.  Birmingham 
•Tarleton,  Rev.  John 
•Tate,  Frank,  Esq.  University  College, 
Oxford 

Tatham,  Rev.  Arthur,  Broadoak,  Lost- 

withiel,  Cornwall 
Tayler,  Rev.  A.  W.  Stoke  Newington 
Taylor,  Mr.  J.  Brighton 
♦Taylor,  John,  Esq.  Leicester 
•Tennant,  Rev.  "W. 
•Thompson,  Rev.  E.  H.  St.  Mary-le- 

bone,  London 
•Thompson,  W.  Esq.  Queen's  College, 

Oxford 

Thornton,  Rev.  T.  Brockhall,  Weedon 
Thornton,  Rev.  W.  Dodford,  Weedon 
Thorp,  Ven.  Archdeacon,  Durham 
••Thorp, VenerableArchdeacon,  Trinity 

College,  Cambridge 
•Thurland,  F.  E.  Esq.  New  College, 

Oxford 
•Thurlow,  Rev.  J.  Norwich 
•Thynne,  Right  Hon.  and  Rev.  Lord 

John,  D.D.  Rector  of  Street- cum- 

Walton 

•Tindale,  John,  Esq.  Huddersfield 
•Tireman,  Mrs.  Nurton,  Chepstow 
•Todd,  Rev.  Dr.  Trinity  College, 
Dublin 

•Todd, Venerable  Archdeacon,  Settring- 

ton  Malton,  Yorkshire 
•Topham,  Rev.  J.  Huddersfield 
•Tragett,  Rev.  F.  H.  Romsey 
•Travis,  Rev.  W.  J.  M.A.  Trinity  Col- 
lege, Cambridge 
•Trench,  '  Rev.    F.    S.  Kilmoroney 
Athog 

•Trevelyan,  Rev.J.  Milverton,  Somerset 

"Trillon,  Henry,  Esq. 

Tripp,  Rev.  Dr.  Silverton,  Devonshire 


Tristram,  H.  B.  Esq.  Lincoln  College, 
Oxford 

•Tritton,  Heniy,   Esq.  5'i;  Lombard 

Street,  London 
••Trollope,  Rev.  A.  St.  Mary-le-bone 
•Trower,  Rev.  Walter,  Wiston,  near 

Steyning 
Tuckwell,  Henry,  Esq. 
Turner,  Rev.  J.  Hagley,  Stourbridge 
Turner,  Rev.  Sam.  H.  D.D.  Prof,  in 

the  New  York  Theol.Seminary  of  the 

Episcopal  Church 
•Turner,  Rev.  W.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
♦Tuttiett,  E.  Esq.  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford 
•Twining,  Rev,  D.  Therfield,  Royston 
*Twining,  Richard,  jun.  Esq. 
•Twining,  James,  Esq.  Trinity  College, 

Cambridge 
Tyler,  Rev.  Geo.  Trinity  Coll.  Oxford 
•Tyrrell,  Rev.  W.  Beaulieu  Rectory, 

Southampton 
•Tyrwhitt,  Rev.  R.  E.  Rymc,  Sherborne 


•Underwood,  R.  Esq.  Broadwell  Rec- 
tory, Stow-on-the-Wold 
Utterton,  Rev.  I.  S.  Dorking 


•Vale,  W.  S.  Esq.  Worcester  College, 
Oxford 

•Vaux,  W.  S.  W.  Esq  Balliol  College, 
Oxford 

•Vaux,  Rev.  W.  Winchester 

•Veale,  Rev.  W.   Harris,  Northlew, 

Okehampton,  Devon 
♦Venables,  C.  Esq.  Pembroke  College, 

Cambridge 
•Venn,  E.  S.  E.sq.  Wadham  College, 

Oxford 

Vigne,  Rev.  Henry,  Nuthurst 
•  Vincent,  Rev.  O.  P.  Devizes,  Wilts 
•Vizard,  J.  Esq.  Dursley,  Gloucester 
Voules,  Rev.  F.  Eton 


Wackerbarth,  Rev.  F.  D.  Queen's  Coll. 

Cambridge 
•Wade,  Benjamin,  Esq. 
Wade,  Rev.  N.  St.  Paul'?,  Bi.inhill  Row 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


*  Wagner,  A.  Esq.  Cambridge 
*Waites,  Rev.  T.  Bentley,  South  Stain- 
ley,  near  Harrogate 

**Walford,  Rev.  W.  Hatfield,  Witham, 
Essex 

»Walker,  Rev.  R.  Wadham  Coll.  Oxford 
Wallace,  Rev.  G.  Canterbury 
*Wa]lace,  Rev.  I.  L.  Sevenoaks 
*Wallas,  Rev.  John  Preston  Patrick, 
Kendal 

Waller,  Rev.  E.  A.  Warwick 
•Waller,  Rev.  W.  Gornal,  Dudley 
♦Walter,  Henry,  Esq.  Exeter  College, 

Oxford 
Walters,  Mr.  Rugeley 

*  Ward,  Rev.  John,  Great  Bedwyn, Wilts 
*Ward,  W.  G.  Esq.  Southampton 
Wardroper,  Rev.  C.  Bawdrip,  Bridg- 
water 

*Warre,  Rev.  Fran.  Bishop's  Lydiard 

*  Warter,  Rev.  I.  Wood,  West  Tarruig, 

Sussex 

Wason,  James,  Esq.  Rowcroft,  Stroud, 

Gloucestershire 
•Watson,  Rev.  Alexander,  St.  John's, 

Cheltenham 
-|- Watson,  Rev.  John,  Guilsborough 

*  Watson,  Joshua,  Esq.  Park-Street 
*Watts,  Rev.  John,  Tarrant-Gunville, 

Dorset 

*Webb,  Benj.  Esq.   Trinity  College, 

Cambridge 
*Webb,  Mr.  Wareing,  Liverpool 
*Webster,  S.  K.  Esq.  Emmanuel  Coll, 

Cambridge 
*Weguelin,  Rev.  W.  A.  South  Stoke, 

near  Arundel 
AVells,  Rev.  F.  Lambeth  Palace 
*Wenham,   J.    G.  Esq.    St.  John's 

College,  Oxford 
Weston,FrancisM.Esq.Charleston,U.S. 
Weston, Plowden,  Esq.  Charleston,U.S. 
*Whall,  Rev.  W.  Tliierning  Rectory, 

Oundle 

*Wliitaker,  Rev.  S.  New  Church,  Roch- 
dale 

•WHiitby,  R.  Vernon,  Esq.  Osbaston 

Lodge,  Market- Bosworth 
*White,  R.  Esq.  Idle,  near  Bradford, 

Yorkshire 
*White,  Rev.  R.  Marsh,  Aveley,  Essex 


♦White,  Rev.  Joseph,  Trinity  College, 
Dublin 

*White,  Horace  P.  Esq.  Magd.  Hall, 
Oxford 

*  Whitehead,  Rev.  W.  Worcester  Col- 

lege, Oxford 
Whitelegg,  Rev.  W.  Cheetham  Hill 
Whitley  and  Booth,  Messrs.  Halifax 
♦Whitfield,    Rev.    G.  T.  Bocklefon, 

Tenbury,  Worcestershire 
*Whitley,  Rev.  J.  Manchester 
*Whitaker,  Rev.  G.  Queen's  College, 

Cambridge 
Whorwood,  Rev.  T.  Magdalene  College, 

Oxford 

Wickens,  Rev.  Henry,  Margaretting 
Wigley,  A.  Esq.  B.A.  St.  John's  Coll. 

Cambridge 
*Wilberforce,  Rev.  H.  W.  Bransgore 
Wilberforce,  Rev.   S.  Archdeacon  of 

Surrey 

Wiley  and  Putnam, New  York,12  copies 
Wilkins,    Venerable    George,    D.  D. 

Archdeacon  of  Nottingham 
Wilkins,  Rev.  Mr. 
Wilkinson,  Rev.  J.  Exeter 

*  Wilkinson,  Rev.  M.  27  Kensington 

Square 

"Wilkinson,  Rev.  Henry  J.  Queen's 

College,  Oxford 
♦Williams,  Rev.  C.  Jesus  Coll.  Oxford 
Williams,  Rev.  E.  T.  Exeter  College, 

Oxford 

"Williams,  Rev.  I.  Trinity  College, 
Oxford 

Williams,  Rev.  George,  Wicherford, 
Worcester 

•Williams,  Rev.  J.  Jesus  Coll.  Oxford 

Williams,  M.  D.  Esq.  Cwmcynfelin, 
Aberystwith 

Williams,  Rev.  W.  St.  Bartholomew's, 
Hyde,  Winchester 

•Williams,  Rev.  T.  E.,  D.D.,  Buckle- 
bury,  Berks 

•Willis,  Rev.  T.  Rayne,  near  Braiutree 

•Willis,  Rev.  W.  D.  Green  Park,  Bath 

•Willock,  Rev.  W.  W.  Ware 

•Willott,  Rev.  John 

•Wilshire,  E.  S.  Esq.  Worcester  Col- 
lege, Oxford 

Wilson,  Rev.  Charles,  Shaftesbury 


SUBSCRIBERS. 


•Wilson,  Rev.  Daniel,  Islington 
Wilson,  Rev.  Francis,  Rugeley 
*  Wilson,  Rev.  J.  Corpus  Chrisli  Coll. 
Oxford 

*Wilson,  Rev.  J.  P.  Magdalen  College, 
Oxford 

•Wilson,  L.  Esq.  Norwood  Hill 

•Wilson,  R.  Esq.  Bulham  Hill,  Clapham 

••Wilson,  Rev.  Robert,  B.A.  Bootle, 
Liverpool.  Presented  as  a  testimonial 
of  regard  from  the  congregation  at 
St.  Martins,  Liverpool 

Wise,  Rev.  H.  Offchurch 

•Wither,  Rev.  H.  I.  B. 

•Wither,  Rev.  W.  H.  W.  Bigg,  Otter- 
borne,  near  Winchester 

•Withers,  Rev.  George,  Bishop's  Coll. 
Calcutta 

Wix,  Mr.  H.  Bridge- Street,  Black- 
friars 

Wix,  Rev.  S.  St.  Bartholomew's 
Hospital 

Wix,  W.  Esq.  Tonbridge  Wells 

•Wix,  Rev.  Joseph,  Littlebury,  near 
Saffron  Walden,  Essex 

•Wood,  Rev.  R.  Broughton,  Man- 
chester 

•Wood,  Rev.  R.  Orme,  Bower's  Gifford 
•Woods,     Rev.    G.    H.  Westdean 

Chichester 
•Woodward,  Frederick,  Esq.  Brasenose 

College,  Oxford 
Woolaston,  T.  T.  Esq.  St.  Peter's  Col- 
lege, Cambridge 
Woollcombe,  Rev.  E.  C.  Balliol  College 
*Woolley,  Rev.  John,  University  Coll. 
Oxford 


••Wordsworth,  Rev.  Christopher,  D.D, 
Head  Master  of  Harrow  Scliool 

•Wordsworth,  Rev.  Christopher,  D.D. 
Buxtail,  Uckfield 

Wordsworth,  Rev,  C.  Winchester 

•Worgan,  Rev.  John  H.  Calthorpe 
Rugby 

Wragge,  G.  Esq.  Cheadle,  Staffordshire 
•Wray,  Rev.  C.  Liverpool 
•Wrench,  Rev.  J.  G.  D.C.L.  Salehurst, 
Sussex 

•Wrench,  Rev.  Frederick,  Stowting, 
Kent 

•Wright,  Miss,  Brattleby,  Lincoln 
•Wright,  Rev.    W.   Pembroke  Coll. 

Cambridge 
•Wright,  Rev.  J.  P. 
Wrottesley,  Rev.  E.  J.  Tettinhall.AVol- 

verhampton 
•Wyld,  Rev.  W.  Wocdbro,  Wilts 
•  Wynter,  Rev.  J.  Cecil,  Gatton  Rectory, 

Reigate 


•York,  His  Ghace  the  Arch- 
bishop OP 
•Yard,  Rev.  G.  B.Wragby,  Lincolnshire 
•Yates,  Rev.  W.  St.  Mary's,  Reading 
•Yates,  Thomas,  Esq.  M.D.  Brighton 
•Yonge,  W.  C.  Esq.  Otterborne 
Young,  J.  G.  Esq.  Trinity  College, 

Cambridge 
•Young,  Mrs.  Ossett,  Parsonage,  near 

Wakefield 
•Young,  Rev.  R  .G.  Oriel  Coll.  Oxford 
•Yomig,  Rev.  R.  Riseley,  Beds 


Dickinson,  F.  H.  Esq.  £10.  10s.  donation. 
Evans,  H.  N.  Esq.  £5.  5s.  donation, 
J.  H.  £1.  Is.  donation. 
L.  M.  £1.  Is.  donation. 
Lurgan,  Lord,  £10.  10s.  donation. 


*.,„  <i«ni  iiiii  Mil  iiiii  (■  1 1     in  inlMam^MiMil 

DATE  DUE 


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